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The people's critic

A review of American Visions: The Epic History of Art in America by Robert Hughes.

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Robert Hughes may not be the best art critic writing today, but he has certainly been the most necessary. For 27 years, he has used his mass-culture bully pulpit at Time magazine to remind Americans that, beneath the din and hammer of our jacked-up culture, quieter objects are worth regarding. It wasn’t until the ’80s, however, that the Australian expat really earned his adopted country’s thanks. During that decade his writing — accessible yet authoritative, boisterous yet refined — cut like a scalpel through the mystification, hysteria and general gobbledygook that hung over the art world like a footnoted, greenback-stuffed cloud. Hughes wasn’t responsible for the collapse of the wildly inflated ’80s art scene — the random movements of the aesthetic stock market saw to that — but his astringency offered some blessed relief from the prevailing hype.

Hughes’ skewerings of the hot-air art heroes of the ’80s — the lightweight Jean-Michel Basquiat, the bombastic Julian Schnabel, the unspeakable Jeff Koons — and his one-hand-tied-behind-my-back drubbing of multiculturalism’s imbecilities in his keen, rollicking “The Culture of Complaint” (still the best single book on the culture wars) have earned him a reputation as a virtuoso swordsman, the choleric D’Artagnan of SoHo. But Hughes is as stimulating when he is praising work he loves as when he’s throwing artistic shrimps on the barbie. Energetically fusing high- and low-culture idioms, tossing off descriptions that jump and pop with epigrammatic brilliance, Hughes is perfectly equipped for the art critic’s paradoxical task: telling stories about objects.

Perhaps because he considers himself a writer first, a professional art critic second (he is the author of an acclaimed book on Australia’s early history, “The Fatal Shore,” as well as a history of Barcelona), Hughes has embraced the vanishing role of cultural mediator — the highbrow critic who serves up intellectual entertainment. Like Kenneth Clark, whose “Civilization” series eloquently surveyed two millennia of Western culture for a mass audience, Hughes challenges the idea that high culture is incomprehensible to all but academics and mandarins. His 1980 study of modern art, “The Shock of the New” (Knopf), which accompanied an eight-part television series, is a magisterial achievement — bracingly opinionated, beautifully written, filled with the kind of casually illuminating cross-references to literature, social history and the great tradition of Western art that only a writer in full, energetic command of his subject can muster. Now, with “American Visions: The Epic History of Art in America,” Hughes has undertaken an even larger task: writing a social history of 400 years of the visual arts (including architecture and furniture, but excluding film, computer-based and video art) in America. So large a task, indeed, that Hughes cracked under the strain, suffering a nervous breakdown that, he said in an interview with Salon, he cured with psychiatry, Paxil, marijuana and writing.

“American Visions,” which accompanies an eight-part television series, written and narrated by Hughes and airing on PBS beginning May 28, opens with a reproduction of the earliest surviving painting done by a European artist in North America (a weirdly stilted 1564 watercolor depicting lily-white Indians greeting French Protestant settlers, most of whom were soon massacred by Spanish Catholics from St. Augustine, Fla.) and ends with perhaps the most notorious artwork of the last decade, Andres Serrano’s 1987 “Piss Christ.” (Hughes does not offer an assessment of Serrano’s NEA-shaking photograph of a crucifix in a jar of urine, although his statement that in the 1990s “all factions poured out the vials of their resentment” may offer a clue as to his opinion.) Between those two events, Hughes uses the vast canvas of his subject to explore American art, American history and the American psyche, moving easily from Shaker furniture to Audubon, from the gilded excesses of the Newport plutocrats to the naturalistic canvasses of George Bellows, from Pollock to Kiki Smith.

“American Visions” is not a particularly theoretical book: It announces no Grand Theory of American art or, for that matter, America itself. That’s just as well: America and its art are much too unruly to fit into a single theory without lopping off most of what makes them interesting. “I know this sounds dumb,” says Hughes, “but I was really writing about what interested me.”

Insofar as the book does have a thesis, however, it involves America’s paradoxical and fetishized relationship to the New. From the beginning of the Puritan era, Hughes argues, Americans have seen themselves as a chosen people, picked out by God or destiny or egotism to change the world. The Puritans brought “the idea of newness as the prime creator of culture” to mythical heights — with highly equivocal consequences. On the positive side, Americans have always found it easy to slough off the past and reinvent themselves, sometimes with revelatory results. But the exaltation of newness, like the related cult of eternal youth, contains within itself the seeds of despair. For America, as Hughes writes at the end of “American Visions,” “is not new but old. It has the world’s oldest democracy (and Boston is an older city than St. Petersburg); it has been riven by inequality and social tensions to the point of fatigue, resentment and fanaticism; and for the first time in its history, the future looks worse than the past to a large and growing number of its citizens.”

And as American society has declined, so has its culture: “The smaller sphere of the visual arts is equally fatigued, and its model of progress — the vanguard myth — seems played out, hardly even a shell or a parody of its former self. This, however, only seems unnatural or disappointing to those whose expectations have been formed by vanguardism. Cultures do decay.”

That decay is in part organic, the result of a natural progression in which a once-dynamic culture sinks into mannerism, academic repetition and final decline. But the decline of America’s visual culture has also been hastened by the narco-stimulation of our age’s jittery noisemaker, mass media, whose awesome power simply blows away the punier resonance of art. In a brilliant excursus in “The Shock of the New,” Hughes points out that “in a culture of mass communication, art can only survive two ways: by stealth, or by living in those game parks we call museums … The impossibility of competing with streetscape sometimes reaches the proportions of farce, and one place where it necessarily does so is Las Vegas. One cannot imagine public ‘art,’ let alone a museum, on the Vegas strip. It would have nothing to do there except look high-minded and insignificant. Here the idea of art simply evaporates, it flies off in the face of the stronger illusions with which this place is saturated: sudden wealth, endless orgasm, Dean Martin. Vegas is the Disney World of terminal greed, and part of its appeal to the Pop sensibility was that it contained an infinity of signs all plugging the same product: luck. The product is abstract. Only the signs are real.”

But Hughes regards the chief villain — and perhaps the only one we could conceivably resist — as the peculiarly potent American belief in progress, the idea that art always gets better as it gets newer. “I don’t think that Marsden Hartley was crawling around on the ground so that Jackson Pollock could become a butterfly!” he snorts.

Americans’ uncritical belief in the value of newness, for Hughes, reflects the degeneration of the modernist project, whose essence was not just to find new forms but to find new forms that could express old truths. Hughes is an eloquent defender of modernism, but he is only willing to follow its logic so far. For him, its two most “advanced” forms, conceptual art (which ultimately derives from a few cunning gestures made by the chess-playing lady-killer and dandy Marcel Duchamp) and art that takes media as its ironic subject (whose blandly nihilistic parent is Andy Warhol) represent creative dead ends. With rare exceptions (and even those exceptions tend to be grandfathered in by Hughes on merely historical grounds — as in, “it may not be good, but it once reflected a Zeitgeist”), he regards conceptual and ironically media-engaged art as insufficiently in touch with nature, not tactile enough, excessively intellectual and divorced, in their terminal hipness, from that embodied feeling and sensuous intelligence that great art must manifest.

One can be in general agreement with Hughes’ views (does the world really need more “ironic” simulacra of media junk? more visual representations of sentences?) and still recognize that they raise certain awkward questions about modernism itself — more particularly, about how to justify critical judgment when almost all the rules for evaluation are gone. One of the problems, for Hughes, is that intellectualized, ironic approaches were part and parcel of the modernist project from the beginning. Where does one draw the line?

Hughes, who incessantly strives to find connections between works of art and the political, biographical and social realities from which they spring, stands at the opposite pole from Clement Greenberg, the champion of abstraction (and previous holder of the title of “America’s most famous art critic”), who considered representational art hopelessly outmoded. With his wide-ranging humanist vocabulary, Hughes reads (and sometimes overreads — history can be as false a muse as formalism) works as metaphorically revealing the truths of their time. But since the truth of our own time is often concealed from us, might it not be that an apparently ridiculous contemporary work actually speaks to a cultural or social reality we are too close to see? And conversely, that the aura that surrounds earlier works is specious, a product of historically induced sentimentality?

Hughes himself is not entirely consistent on this point. He praises Carl Andre’s minimalist “Equivalent VIII,” 120 white bricks laid out in a rectangle, as “one of the classic objects of its time.” Is it a classic object because of its time, or because it has certain formal properties that would make it a classic at any time? If it’s the former, then Hughes’ dismissal of the likes of Schnabel becomes suspect: Wait 20 years, and those paint-daubed broken plates are going to be classics! If it’s the latter, then the specter of formal relativism rises up: What’s so damn special about these 120 bricks? I got 121 bricks!

Behind such questions, of course, lurks the nihilistic, emperor’s-new-clothes fear that there is no longer any valid way to judge whether a work of contemporary art is any good or not. Smoke a joint, forget that you think that Schnabel/Koons/Basquiat is an opportunistic asshole and that his painting sold for $800,000, and presto, you’re looking at the Pieta! Hughes has no better answer to the problem of relativism than any other critic working in what he, unoriginally but accurately, calls “the age of anxiety” — which may explain why he says that if he could go through the ’80s again, he might not be quite so severe.

But consistency, in art criticism, is the hobgoblin of little minds — and Hughes’ sinewy, informed, passionate responses to what he sees are the more convincing for not being passed through a theoretical filter. What remains in the mind are his special virtues: his gift for spotting figurative elements in nominally abstract paintings, as when he sees the Santa Monica beachfront light in Richard Diebenkorn’s “Ocean Park” series, or finds Spanish hats and bullfight motifs in the great browns and blacks of Robert Motherwell’s “Spanish Elegies” paintings; his dramatic imagination, which constructs potent back-stories that feel exactly right (“a great Hopper always emits one moment of frozen time, literally a tableau, as though the curtain had just gone up but the narrative hadn’t begun”); and his ethical sense, which leads him to movingly declare that Augustus Saint-Gaudens’ Shaw Memorial in Boston, a frieze showing the black Civil War colonel Robert Shaw and his all-black regiment marching to their deaths against overwhelming odds on the ramparts at Fort Wagner, is “the most intensely felt image of military commemoration made by an American.”

“American Visions” is not quite the equal of “The Shock of the New”: modernism seems to have afforded Hughes a bit more intellectual grist, more resistance to his critical muscles, than did America. Still, it is a fine book, a lively, learned and provocative tour of a vast subject: One learns something interesting, and often remarkable, on virtually every page. Everyone knows that Albert Bierstadt painted sublime landscapes that gave voice to the American mythology of the West — but how many realize that one of his masterpieces, “Donner Lake From the Summit,” was paid for by the Central Pacific Railroad, and that those who saw it learned, as Hughes puts it, “first, that the Donner Pass held no more terrors for the traveler; second, that the railroad didn’t damage Nature; and third, that the deep cushions of a Pullman Palace car on the CPR were the right throne from which to view its splendors.” Of Philip Guston’s “Painting, Smoking, Eating” he writes, “Guston may have been the first painter to paint that frame of mind so well known to artists and writers: slothful regression. You pee in the sink. You put out your cigarette in the coffee cup. The bloodshot Cyclops eye is the abstracted gaze of a whole succession of literary heroes who can’t move, from Laurence Sterne’s father through Bartleby and Oblomov to Samuel Beckett’s paralyzed loners. Time moves very slowly in this congealed place, and paranoia reigns.”

Perhaps the most heartfelt passage in “American Visions” is Hughes’ tribute to the early modernist Marsden Hartley, a brilliant artist who twice watched those he loved best die and whose homosexuality condemned him to being a perennial outsider. Of Hartley’s final years, when he returned to his home in Maine, Hughes writes, “Here the strands come together: the dead things and discarded fragments, emblems of memory, of the harsh sunderings and disappointments of Hartley’s life; the living crustacea driven helplessly from their small moorings, like Hartley himself; the dead lovers, ‘lost at sea,’ ‘given up.’ Six years later, this greatest and most conflicted of early American modernists died in a small Maine hospital, to which he had been taken unwillingly, wishing only to go in his upstairs rented room surrounded by his few ‘things.’”

By his own critical example, Hughes reminds us that when viewed with an open mind and an energetic spirit, art matters. He does not elevate its significance: “Art is a small thing, though an expensive one, compared to the media,” he writes in “The Shock of the New.” “It is a vibration in a museum; it deals with nuances that have no ‘objective’ importance. It is not even a very good religion. But once it gives up its claims to seriousness, it is shot, and its essential role as an arena for free thought and unregimented feeling is lost.” It’s precisely because Hughes avoids sublime rhetoric, speaks of art as something that humans made and that humans can understand, that he is so convincing. With tough wit, an innocent eye and a singularly well-functioning bullshit meter, Hughes stands up for the indomitable, joyous seriousness of man the maker, for the simple, always amazing proposition that a human being with a canvas, a brush and a few pots of paint can teach us to see the world, and maybe even ourselves, anew.

Gary Kamiya is a Salon contributing writer.

Super PACS hit “Sesame Street”

The recent court ruling to allow political ads on PBS and NPR reflects the same flawed "logic" as Citizens United

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Super PACS hit

A couple of weeks ago, we wrote about how the media giants who own your local commercial television and radio stations have been striking like startled rattlesnakes at an FCC proposal that would shed a light on who’s buying our elections. The proposed new rule would make it easier to find out who’s bankrolling political attack ads by posting the information online.

The stations already have the data and are required by law to make it public to anyone who asks. But you can get only it by going to the station and asking for the actual paper documents – what’s known as “the public file.” Stations don’t want to put it online because — you guessed it — that would make it too easy for you to find out who’s putting up the cash for all those ads polluting your hometown airwaves.

If approved, the new rule would require the ABC, CBS, NBC and Fox affiliates in the top 50 markets to make their files on political advertising available online immediately. Other stations would have a two-year grace period.

In the meantime, the mighty giants of broadcasting have been fighting back. A number of senators serving the industry have spoken up against the proposal and the National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) — led by their top lobbyist and president, the frozen food millionaire and former Oregon Republican Senator Gordon Smith – have been meeting with commissioners urging them to scuttle its proposal or at least water it down until it means nothing.

As Jeffrey Rosen of The New Republic magazine wrote:

“The arguments against transparency offered by the networks show that, having experienced the windfall of advertising dollars that Citizens United unleashed, they have little interest in meeting their legal and ethical responsibility to serve the public interest.”

The FCC is scheduled to vote on their proposal on April 27, and on Monday its chairman, Julius Genachowski, walked into the lion’s den – the really nice one in Las Vegas – and addressed the NAB’s annual convention. He noted that, “Using rhetoric that one writer described as ‘teeth-gnashing’ and ‘fire-breathing,’ some in the broadcast industry have elected to position themselves against technology, against transparency, and against journalism.”

He added, “[T]he argument against moving the public file online is that required broadcaster disclosures shouldn’t be too public. But in a world where everything is going digital, why have a special exemption for broadcasters’ political disclosure obligation?”

Whatever the result on the 27th, those negative attack ads already are cluttering the airwaves like so much unsolicited junk mail and it’s only going to get much, much worse as the super PACs, political parties, the moguls and tycoons, many acting in secrecy, lavish perhaps as much as three billion dollars on local stations between now and November.

But now there’s something new in the mix, especially appalling to anyone who truly cares about public broadcasting. On April 12, by a vote of 2-1, two of three judges on the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals found in favor of KMTP, a small public station in San Francisco, and struck down the federal ban against political and issue advertising on public TV and radio. For decades there’s been a rule against turning those airwaves over to ads for political campaigns and causes. Now the court has ruled that the free speech rights of political advertisers take precedence.

Imagine if you turned on your TV set someday soon and were greeted by “Sesame Street,” brought to you by the letter C, for “creeping campaign cash corruption.” Perhaps that’s a bit of a stretch, but as the late William F. Buckley, Jr., used to say, the point survives the exaggeration.

If ever there was a camel’s nose under the tent, this is it – and we don’t mean one of those humped creatures that show up on PBS’ “Nature” or an episode about backpacking through Egypt on “Globe Trekker.” The current public system was signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson in 1967. “It will get part of its support from our government,” Johnson said, “but it will be carefully guarded from government or from party control. It will be free, and it will be independent — and it will belong to all of our people.”

The Public Broadcasting Act uses the word “noncommercial” 16 times to describe what public television and radio should be. And it specifically says that, “No noncommercial educational broadcasting station may support or oppose any candidate for political office.” We’ve taken that seriously all these years, and most of us who have labored in this vineyard still think public broadcasting should be a refuge from the braying distortions and outright lies that characterize politics today — especially those endless, head splitting ads.

But in its majority decision the court wrote, “Neither logic nor evidence supports the notion that public issue and political advertisers are likely to encourage public broadcast stations to dilute the kind of noncommercial programming whose maintenance is the substantial interest that would support the advertising bans.”

Sorry, your honors: This is the same so-called “logic” that led the U.S. Supreme Court to issue its notorious Citizens United decision, the one that opened all spigots to flood the political landscape with cash and the airwaves with trash.  “To be truthful” one former PBS board member said, “it scares me to death.” Us, too.

The court decision did uphold the ban on public broadcasting selling ad time for commercial goods and services, although, as corporations and others cover the cost of programming through what’s euphemistically referred to as “enhanced underwriting,” public TV already is close to the line of what differentiates it from commercial broadcasting.

And understandably, with our stations always in a financial pickle, frantically hanging on by their fingertips, it won’t be easy to turn down those quick bucks from super PACs and others. But hang in there, brothers and sisters in the faith: If ever there was a time for solidarity and spine, this is it.

Stations KPBS in San Diego and KSFR, public radio in Santa Fe, have said they won’t do it. If enough of you say no, this invasion might be repelled. And viewers, they need to know you’re behind them.

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Bill Moyers is managing editor of the new weekly public affairs program, "Moyers & Company," airing on public television. Check local airtimes or comment at www.BillMoyers.com.

Michael Winship is senior writing fellow at Demos and a senior writer of the new series, Moyers & Company, airing on public television.

What PBS owes the public

The station has pushed its signature documentary series into shoddy time slots. America deserves better

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What PBS owes the public

Neither of us is old enough to have been fooled by the Trojan Horse (see Wikipedia). But we each have been working in public television decades enough to remember the days when distribution was handled by physically transporting bulky 2-inch videotapes from station to station — “bicycled” was the word — and much of the broadcast day and night was devoted to blackboard lectures, string quartets and lessons in Japanese brush painting: The old educational television versions of reality TV.

Yet it also was a time of innovation and creativity. As the system evolved we saw bold experiments like “PBL — the Public Broadcasting Laboratory” and Al Perlmutter’s “The Great American Dream Machine,” each a predecessor to the commercial TV magazine shows “60 Minutes” and “20/20.”  The TV Lab, jointly run by David Loxton at WNET in New York and Fred Barzyk at WGBH in Boston, nurtured and encouraged the first generation of video artists — Nam June Paik, Bill Viola and William Wegman among others — and the early documentary work of such video pioneers as Jon Alpert and Keiko Tsuno of the Downtown Community Television Center, Alan and Susan Raymond, and the wild and woolly, guerrilla camera crews of TVTV.

The descendants of those pathfinders are the independent filmmakers whose works have not only re-energized the motion picture industry but also have vastly expanded the realm of the documentary — in both the scope of its storytelling and the size and diversity of its audience. Public television has faithfully provided an enormous national stage where non-fiction films can be seen by far more people than could ever buy tickets at the handful of movie houses willing to put documentaries up on their theater screens.

As Gordon Quinn of the independent documentary company Kartemquin Films (“Hoop Dreams”) told Anthony Kaufman of the website IndieWire, “In terms of having an audience in a democratic society, in terms of getting people talking about things, there’s nothing like a PBS broadcast. PBS is free, and it’s huge in getting into rural areas. That reach, all over the country, it’s a critically important audience that’s vastly underserved.”

Two PBS series have provided outstanding showcases for the work of new and established documentarians and between them have 13 Oscar nominations and 54 Emmys to prove it. For years, “Independent Lens” and “P.O.V.” held a nationwide time slot as part of the PBS core schedule on Tuesday nights, with public TV stalwart “Frontline” as a worthy lead-in, funneling to the independent films just the kind of audience that enjoys and appreciates documentaries.

But this season, PBS chose to move “Independent Lens” and “P.O.V.” to a new time slot — 10 pm, ET, on Thursday nights. This may not seem like such a big deal at first, until you know that on Thursday nights stations can broadcast any program they like in prime time, whether it’s part of the PBS schedule or not. Many take the opportunity to offers viewers locally produced programs, British sitcoms or reruns of “Antiques Roadshow.” As a result, episodes of the independent documentary series can now be run anywhere local stations choose to fit them in (here in New York, WNET airs the films at 11 pm on Sundays) or maybe not at all.

“P.O.V.” does not begin the new season — its 25th — until June, but as Dru Sefton first reported in the public broadcasting trade publication Current, in the first few months since “Independent Lens” was shuffled into its new Thursday time slot last October, ratings plummeted 42 percent from the same period last season. With programs scattered throughout the schedule in different cities, not only is it now more difficult for viewers to find them but coordinated national advertising and promotion campaigns are, at best, extremely difficult.

The team at PBS consists of dedicated people; all are our colleagues and many are our friends. They are constantly looking for ways to increase the audience that watches public television. But there is always a danger, in any organization, of  only seeing the world from the top down, and then counting heads to measure whether something is good or not. An open letter to PBS from Kartemquin Films says it well:

Public television is not just a popularity contest, or a ratings game. Taxpayers support public broadcasting because democracy needs more than commercial media’s business models can provide. PBS’ programming decision makes a statement about PBS’ commitment to the mission of public broadcasting.

It goes on to note the mandate cited in the recently revised and reissued Code of Editorial Integrity for Local Public Media Organizations: “Our purposes are to support a strong civil society, increase cultural access and knowledge, extend public education, and strengthen community life through electronic media and related community activities.”

Most of both our careers have been in public television. Our affection and gratitude for it abideth, but we are not blind to the problems. Public broadcasting’s ever-tenuous funding places it in a perpetual dilemma and forces it into a delicate balancing act. PBS provides programming like “Independent Lens” and “P.O.V.” that may not garner the most viewers but helps fulfill its essential mission of public service — and, candidly, attracts grants from kindred spirits who believe in a robust mix of ideas and visions. But to lure a wider audience, it also airs what our neighborhood diner calls “lighter fare” — whether entertaining, upscale imports  like “Downton Abbey,” home-grown, how-to programs like “This Old House” or  (during pledge drives) nostalgic reruns of  folk musicians, pop crooners, and financial and spiritual gurus — aimed at older viewers with, presumably, more disposable income.

Add to this the constant political pressures, especially from conservative politicians ever eager to cut off its funding (Mitt Romney says he wants to see commercials on “Sesame Street”), plus the self-censorship that all too often results, and you get a tendency toward orthodoxy and an aversion to controversy.

A PBS spokesperson told The New York Times that the service “is fully committed to independent films and the diversity of content they provide.” That can quickly be demonstrated by reversing a bad decision and returning to a national core time slot the independent documentaries created — often at real financial sacrifice — by the producers and filmmakers whose own passion is to reveal life  honestly and to make plain, for all to see, the realities of inequality and injustice in America.

Along with its open letter to PBS, Kartemquin Films published a petition and asked for signatures from independent filmmakers and their supporters. We two are among the more than 300 who have signed it as of this writing. If you think the creativity and unique visions of  life captured by independent producers, journalists, and filmmakers deserve the best possible platform on public television, you can read and sign it yourself.

The effort has made a difference. Talks are ongoing and the Times reports that PBS now has “agreed to find a new home next season” for the two series. An announcement is expected to be made at the PBS annual meeting in May. That’s good news, but until the decision is made, it’s important to keep letting them know how you feel — write PBS or sign that petition.

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Bill Moyers is managing editor of the new weekly public affairs program, "Moyers & Company," airing on public television. Check local airtimes or comment at www.BillMoyers.com.

Michael Winship is senior writing fellow at Demos and a senior writer of the new series, Moyers & Company, airing on public television.

The religious zealots we visit on vacation

Twenty million people visit Amish communities every year. A new PBS documentary explores our fascination

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The religious zealots we visit on vacationA still from "The Amish: American Experience." (Credit: PBS)

How do Americans deal with religious zealots?

In the case of the Amish, many take bus tours through their compounds, buy their goods, take snapshots of their kids from afar and make a weekend trip out of watching their spiritual direction.

There are 250,000 Amish in America in hundreds of different communities, the beautifully made and instructive film “The Amish” points out, in its Tuesday premiere on PBS’ “American Experience.” But they are visited by nearly 20 million Americans annually.

Some of the Amish wonder if this is particularly good idea, since they have to rub shoulders so much with “the English” —  as they call the outside world — with their excess weight, leisure time and unusual questions.

Surrounded by the supercharged evils of modern America, they live in rural settings of hard work and simplicity that must not be so different from life 200 years ago. But it’s different enough to make some striking images: Bands of one-room school-bound kids in bonnets and straw hats but carrying matching new red mini-coolers lunchboxes; a scene of potato pickers at dawn that seems right out of a Corot painting; kids playing outdoors in their old-fashioned clothes but on a new-fangled trampoline.

It may be true that Puritans fled England for religious freedom, but only to a place where they could practice their beliefs and prevent others from practicing theirs. So in the early days of the Amish, according to the film by David Belton, thousands were killed for the outlawed behavior of adult baptism.

That led to these tight-knit communities in outposts that allowed such behavior, and the survival of it today depends on shunning outside temptations, especially for the young people.

Because of a belief not to be photographed, no Amish speak on camera in the documentary; they sit in shadows or more often speak off camera as remarkable, mesmerizing, slow-paced agricultural footage unspools before us. One speaks of the daily schedule as we see a group of young Amish women from afar walking up a road. It seems we see them go about a quarter mile. The voices of the elders explain their thinking, augmented by sociologists and anthropologists (whose faces we do see), speaking with some insight and little condescension.

The Amish have successfully shunned the mainstream all these years, with general success. There are compromises: They’ve had to put those orange triangles indicating a slow vehicle on their buggies (and they generally hate bright colors like pink and red).

There have been local skirmishes about obtaining building permits before a barn-raising or adhering to smoke detector requirements. But they famously won a 1971 Supreme Court case that defended their practice of educating until the eighth grade and that’s it. (Though at the time the sect was so little known that Walter Cronkite, reporting the news, called them AIM-ish).

The key to understanding the rules of the Amish is to understand that each of the communities make their own set of rules and revise them regularly. One community may ride bikes while the next one down the road bans them.

There is a brutality to the choice given to young people: Join forever or forever be shunned, and a couple of people who decided against the Amish lifestyle speak of their experiences.

The Amish have had to adjust, too, to national economic realities. It’s not practical for so much of the community to rely on agriculture as their sole income. So some have enlisted at local factories and a shot of Amish men scrambling at a factory building trailers is the most fast-paced moment in the film.

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The Muppets partner with Wal-Mart to fight hunger

Wal-Mart sponsors a "Sesame Street" special. Maybe Lily's hungry because a big company doesn't pay higher wages

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The Muppets partner with Wal-Mart to fight hunger

The residents of “Sesame Street” have their share of challenges. You’ve got a guy who lives in a garbage can. A cookie-addicted binge eater. And an annoying little ginger who talks about himself in the third person. But on Sunday, the Street will get a Muppet with a different problem, one that nearly one in four American children will relate to — hunger.

In the one-hour prime-time special “Growing Hope Against Hunger,” viewers accustomed to Sesame Street’s usual adventures involving the letter K or the number 6 will learn a different kind of lesson from Lily, a young Muppet who talks about living in a home where a meal on the table’s not always a sure thing. Along with Brad Paisley and Kimberly Williams Paisley, Lily will help Elmo and his friends plan a food drive. They also visit a community garden to see how nutritious produce can be grown locally.

The harsh reality of childhood hunger may not be quite what one would expect from the place where the air is sweet, and it certainly isn’t an issue one would instantly associate with the special’s sponsor — Wal-Mart. You remember Wal-Mart: the company famed for its aggressive anti-union stance, the one that just last year wiped out its profit-sharing program while continuing to award bonuses to top executives? Maybe Lily’s family is hungry because her parents work for a corporation that could easily afford to pay its employees a better hourly wage, but doesn’t.

Yet the much reviled corporate behemoth has in recent years listened to the demands of its patrons in other regards — offering more eco-friendly products, reducing waste, and selling some healthier food. Sure, responsible acts make for good press for a company badly in need it, but they also help people. And you can loathe Wal-Mart’s corporate practices and still note that the company’s $1.5 million anti-hunger initiative is nothing to sneeze at — especially when you’re talking about cash-strapped PBS.

Despite its breezy tone, Sesame Street has never been a place where everything is A-OK all the time. The Muppets have helped kids work through the deaths of loved ones, the challenges of having a parent serving in the military and of living with HIV and AIDS. That in the midst of an ever-worsening economic crisis, the show would take on a painful and all-too-common subject shows its enduring innovativeness and a deep sensitivity to its audience.

Childhood is not all happy songs and manic monsters. The Department of Agriculture estimates that 17 million American children have “limited or uncertain” access to affordable food. In New York City alone, the number of homeless children in the public schools has skyrocketed 41 percent in the just the past few years. A couple of talking furballs and a country singer alone won’t change that. But they can help kids and families understand and empathize — and maybe to see that the school breakfasts and lunches some of their classmates are getting may be the only meals they receive that day. More significantly, they may just inspire families to take actions like participating in local food banks and gardens. Or even add themselves to the growing tide of Americans demanding that executive greed stop interfering with sustainable wages, so fewer real-life Lilys have to go to bed hungry.

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Mary Elizabeth Williams

Mary Elizabeth Williams is a staff writer for Salon and the author of "Gimme Shelter: My Three Years Searching for the American Dream." Follow her on Twitter: @embeedub.

Coming soon: The “Reading Rainbow” flash mob

LeVar Burton, former host of the now-defunct PBS show, wants fans to join a public performance of its theme song

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Coming soon: The Former host of "Reading Rainbow" LeVar Burton, with the program's old logo.

Remember PBS’s “Reading Rainbow”? Chances are that you — or your children — watched it at some point during its more than 25 years on public broadcasting (it aired from 1983 to 2009, making it, according to NPR, the network’s “third longest-running children’s show” ever).

The show’s tenure as a children’s-television fixture (and Emmy Award magnet) has, of course, ended, but last year, former host LeVar Burton revealed on Twitter that a new iteration (“Reading Rainbow 2.0″) was in the works. Now, he says he’s “actively plotting” a “Reading Rainbow flash mob” — an event calculated to raise “literary awareness” (and also, no doubt, stir up the show’s old fan base). He’s seeking celebrity help, not to mention more modest volunteers.

Burton wants participants to join him in performing the show’s opening song, which, if you don’t recall, goes like this:

While this might not be a “flash mob” in the traditional sense — if it stays as well-publicized among Burton’s 1,662,476 Twitter followers as it has been to this point, it could lack a certain element of surprise — there’s no doubt it will succeed in redirecting attention to the now-defunct show, and whatever new projects are up Burton’s sleeve.

[Hat tip: GalleyCat]

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Emma Mustich is a Salon contributor. Follow her on Twitter: @emustich.

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