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Were the ’60s a fraud?

Gary Kamiya reviews two new books of revisionist culture criticism from The Baffler editors and asks: Was the '60s the fraud -- or its critics?

Pass the Thorazine, dude! The ’60s are having a dreadful flashback. It isn’t enough that the paisley decade has been bashed for years by the likes of Newt Gingrich, Allen Bloom and the increasingly demented Robert Bork. Now comes a band of young idealists, lefties and aficionados of radical music who should be its rightful heirs — but instead of singing the praises of the Age of Aquarius, they are even harsher on it than the croaking elders of the right. It would appear that soon the only defenders of the ’60s faith will be a handful of graybeards with old Captain Beefheart albums in their closets, and most of us dropped too much acid to remember what went on back then anyway.

For these youthful critics of the ’60s counterculture, led by Thomas Frank, iminence grise of a feisty Chicago culture-criticism magazine called the Baffler, author of “The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism” and co-editor of the Baffler anthology “Commodify Your Dissent,” the decade was about as “transgressive” as that ad in which vaguely loaded-looking young dudes with long hair merrily push a cart loaded with Budweiser across a golf course. The ’60s, according to these new revisionists, were a fraud, a celebrity-driven media spectacle in which spoiled middle-class kids “kept the establishment gasping in collective outrage” at their “mock-threatening antics.” The decade’s much-vaunted music was “pleasantries” and “liberationist pap,” its fabled politics “posturing” and “rosy bromides,” its spirituality about as profound as a soak in a Marin hot tub with a doobie.

Like the Holy Roman Empire, of which it was famously said that it was neither holy, Roman nor an empire, for Frank the “revolutionary counterculture” was neither revolutionary nor countercultural. As he writes in “The Conquest of Cool”: “From a distance of thirty years, its language and music seem anything but the authentic populist culture they yearned so desperately to be: from contrived cursing to saintly communalism to the embarrassingly faked Woody Guthrie accents of Bob Dylan and to the astoundingly pretentious work of groups like Iron Butterfly and The Doors, the relics of the counterculture reek of affectation and phoniness, the leisure-dreams of white suburban children like those who made up so much of the Grateful Dead’s audience throughout the 1970s and 1980s.”

But this dubious era did have a point, according to Frank, although not the one that its participants, enslaved by a particularly giddy variant of false consciousness, thought it was. What the ’60s really did, he says, was roll out the mandala-shaped waterbed upon which a permanent orgy of capitalist hyper-consumption could take place. “The counterculture may be more valuably understood as a stage in the development of the values of the American middle class, ” Frank writes, “a colorful installment in the twentieth century drama of consumer subjectivity.”

How did the ’60s counterculture, with its anti-materialistic, tune in-turn on-drop out ethos, end up abetting the consumer capitalism that now rules the world? The answer is unexpected: The capitalists were hipper than the hippies! Cutting-edge businessmen, Frank argues, far from trying to repress the counterculture, actually welcomed its allegedly “subversive” teachings — and used them to extend the dominion of business into every nook and cranny of American life. As Frank writes, “Many in American business … imagined the counterculture not as an enemy to be undermined or a threat to consumer culture but as a hopeful sign, a symbolic ally in their own struggles against the mountains of dead-weight procedure and hierarchy that had accumulated over the years.” In “The Conquest of Cool,” he shows in fascinating and often hilarious detail how certain sectors of American business — particularly advertising and men’s fashion — embraced countercultural ideas, shaking up their own ossified corporate structures and absurdly scientific notions of advertising and creating a hip, irreverent capitalist revolution. Rebel admen like Bill Bernbach, who created the self-mocking Volkswagen ads, tied into and even helped form this new, ironic Zeitgeist of Cool. Frank goes so far as to say that hipness was “the magic cultural formula by which the life of consumerism could be extended indefinitely.”

Frank has hit upon an original and counterintuitive notion here, and much of what he says rings true. But his larger claims about the influence and persistence of hipness in business culture seem overblown. Does anyone really believe that consumerism, that unchallenged economic juggernaut that doth bestride our little world like a Costco Colossus, would have died without the intervention of a few “advanced” ad men in the ’60s? As for his assertion that hipness now utterly reigns in advertising, Frank must either be tuned to a really slammin’ station or be working with Lawrence Welk’s definition of “hip.” The commercial enticements on my tube, for the most part, are as cornball as they ever were — for every Nike ad with William S. Burroughs, there are five United “Fly the Friendly Skies” manifestoes; for every unshaven-hipsters-in-the-hood Lucky Strike ad, 10 “Like a rock” Chevy truck appeals.

As for Frank’s denunciation of the ’60s counterculture, it isn’t self-evident why the mere fact that some businessmen embraced certain countercultural ideas means those ideas weren’t genuinely subversive. Wasn’t the process Frank depicts simply co-optation — The Man ripping off authentic hip culture for his own plastic purposes? Frank allows that a certain amount of co-optation took place, but he largely rejects what he calls “the co-optation theory” because he doesn’t believe that ’60s culture was either authentic or revolutionary to begin with. You can’t co-opt something that was superficial, celebrity-driven, middle-class and apolitical.

We’ll examine this argument later; for the moment, what’s important to understand is that Frank and his colleagues’ unflattering appraisal of the ’60s is inextricably bound up with their utter contempt for contemporary American society. In truth, ’60s-bashing isn’t their main aim: They enjoy pouring the skanky water out of the countercultural bong as much as the next ambitious young turk, but their real target is less a 30-year-old myth than today’s consumer culture, which they savage with a contempt that recalls H.L. Mencken’s attacks on the “booboisie.” (It also recalls the purpler revolutionary pronouncements of the ’60s, a fact to which they remain oddly oblivious.)

America, they intone, is a “botched civilization” to which “the last twenty years have brought a … physical and social decay so unspeakably vast, so enormously obscene that we can no longer gauge the destruction with words.” There is no escape from the smiling nightmare: “Our collective mental universe is being radically circumscribed, enclosed within the tightest parameters of all time … We will be able to achieve no distance from business culture since we will no longer have a life, a history, a consciousness apart from it.” Forget Pol Pot, Hitler and Stalin: Wal-Mart and Disney are the real kings of thought control.

Faced with this total horror, this seamless web of late-capitalist domination, Frank finds consolation only in total rejection: The “scream of torment is this country’s only mark of health; the sweet shriek of outrage is the only sign that sanity survives amid the stripmalls and hazy clouds of Hollywood desire.”

Once your ears have stopped ringing, you realize that the shriek of Frank and his tormented colleagues may be sweet, but it is not exactly original. It’s a round-the-clock Unhappy Hour at the Baffler Bar, but what they’re pouring isn’t exactly top-shelf stuff: two ounces of Generic Cultural Bile Mix, topped off with one watered ’90s shot of Marcuse’s Repressive Tolerance Liqueur. (The fact that Marcuse’s post-consumer-society Marxism inspired many ’60s radicals is somewhat inconvenient for Frank’s thesis.) If this be Marxism, however, it is a Marxism that dare not speak its name, at least not in these two books. “Socialism,” let alone “communism,” are words that never pass the Bafflers’ lips, despite their incessant savaging of business, the consumer society and capitalism itself. Frank and his colleagues prefer to speak of “solidarity,” “grass roots,” “a rich, collective public life that all can freely partake of” and other such meaningless left-scented pieties. (To be fair, I am told that the Baffler does frequently run pieces about concrete social and political issues: “Commodify Your Dissent,” however, is all culture criticism.) The nihilistic logic of Frank’s views rules out any hope: We’re all trapped in an infinitely large Circuit City TV showroom forever, and the best thing we can do is scream until the boys from Official Culture come and unplug our brains for the last time.

Like all Jeremiads delivered from the prophetic heights, this one is a bit intimidating. What if Frank is right? What if next week the brazen trumpeter announces that we’ve all been living in Consumer Sodom and the jig is up? It will be a bit late then to try to surreptitiously return that palm-sized CD player to the Good Guys! All K-Mart shoppers will be turned into huge boxes of Morton’s Salt and used to flavor the simple, yet wholesome, repast of the Bafflers. So as I reclined in what I had previously taken to be contentment before my 27-inch Panasonic and watched a Budweiser Halftime Report, I asked myself: Has the consumer society taken over my soul? Has the world already ended with a whimper? Is my brain already enclosed within the tightest parameters of all time?

I thought about it. I gave it my best shot. I considered the Poulan/Weed-Eater Bowl, and Channel One’s classroom TV, and Rupert Murdoch’s circus-and-gladiator programming, and “dramatic re-creations” of real events, and the increasing number of “real events” that feel like dramatic re-creations. I even thought about the unspeakable tragedy that Frank and Baffler co-founder Keith White say opened their eyes to the true evils of corporate culture and turned them into negative-dialectic-slinging rebels — the fact that their favorite bands were prevented by “a smug alliance of hippies and businessmen” from signing major-label contracts. This last one staggered me, I admit, and I was ready to give up on this whole botched civilization. Then I said, “Nah.”

Totally pessimistic, sinners-in-the-hands-of-an-angry-ad-agency sermons like Frank’s require really good preaching to convince you — and even then, the effect tends to wear off in the morning. But Frank’s version of the cultural apocalypse is much too doctrinaire, too threadbare, too lacking in either alternatives or psychological depth, to ever feel like much more than an irate gesture by a smart young guy who really, really hates advertising.

Frank has a thing about advertising. He seems to have been born without a mute button in his brain — a serious defect in this age. Most of us are able to tune out the sales pitches, hard and soft, hip and square, smart and idiotic, that yammer incessantly from tube and magazine and peer down from billboards. We shrug them off as capitalism’s 60-cycle hum, sometimes amusing, sometimes nauseating. We don’t regard them as defining either our culture or our own lives. Not Frank; his vision is closer to the mordant imaginings of novelist David Foster Wallace, who in “Infinite Jest” conjures an America so hegemonically controlled by corporations that even the years are sponsored. The mechanical squeak of advertising, for Frank, is the sound of our culture’s heartbeat — and he wants to unplug the machine.

There’s something salutary in this, something refreshing about the Bafflers’ categorical rejection of the major corporate power-conduits of our culture. Their problem is that their worldview is too Manichaean. They’re constantly denouncing, in ways that ironically mirror the overblown rhetoric of archetypal ’60s rebels like Mario Savio, the Panthers and the Weathermen, not just specific instances of corporate propaganda but Big Brother-like entities that don’t actually exist: “official culture,” “The Culture Trust,” “official America,” “the Architects of the Mind Industry,” “the country’s official collective identity.” From these paranoid constructions, it is a logical step to imagining a Master Plan for Total Control, “the great cultural project of corporate America” — and so they are led into sophomoric, vulgar-Marxist formulations like “They [record companies] seek fresh cultural fuel so that the machinery of stupidity may run incessantly.”

Well, actually record company moguls seek fresh cultural fuel so that their Mercedes may run incessantly, which is altogether a different thing. Moralizing attempts at corporate or governmental control pop up here and there in American life, usually ineffectively (see Time-Warner’s dithering over gangsta rap) and are structural in certain sectors like television, but — as the Bafflers well know and incessantly bemoan — it’s the Almighty Market that really rules. Those record moguls would sign the most “negationist” Japanese noise band that ever blew out a 200-watt Marshall stack if they thought they could make a few bucks.

And this is really what bothers Frank: You can’t fight the system because the system won’t fight back. You scream and scream, and at the end of the day you’re a celebrated Angry Young Man and rising literary star, interviewed in Details.

Was this what happened in the ’60s — a lot of sound and fury signifying nothing, a tale told by a million idiots who were absorbed by the smiling maw of the System? If you look at it from a purely structural-economic perspective, yes. The ’60s counterculture was a bunch of stoned, bourgeois kids who never made common cause with the workers, not only failed to end capitalism but may have actually increased its dominion and dutifully took their place as consumers once they grew up. Confronted with this outcome, if one rejects the entire economic premises of American society, there’s no recourse but the one Frank chooses: pure negation, impotent rage.

Marxist dialecticians like Theodor Adorno and Marcuse notwithstanding, pure negation is pure sterility: Nothing will come of nothing. (Actually, the Bafflers know this: Their desperate defense of the cultural importance of certain bands, silly as it may appear and contradictory to their putatively nihilistic credo as it is, is at bottom life-affirming and hopeful.) Even if one accepts the validity of negation, however, Frank’s assessment of the ’60s is stunningly ahistorical. There were plenty of people back then who bought Frank’s negation line — and paid for it, too, which I suspect that few of the Bafflers, despite the contumely they pour upon “middle-class kids” and “white suburban children” from their turrets in the Ph.D. program at the University of Chicago, have had to, at least not in the same bitter coin. For the record, in case the Bafflers or their fellow revisionists have forgotten or never knew it: In the ’60s, that “sweet shriek of outrage” led a lot of people to kill people, and get killed, and go to jail, and flee the country for years, and get shot in the eyes with birdshot in Berkeley, and get smashed in the kidneys by police with riot sticks in Chicago, and be blasted off the Birmingham streets by fire hoses.

A few of these people, the most radical of them, the hard-core revolutionaries, may have been acting out of pure negation, total rejection of capitalism, the corporate state, anything and everything American. But very few. Most of us were fighting for something — whether it was civil rights or an end to the war or the righteous right of our hormones to vent constantly. It wasn’t always clear if we knew exactly what it was — Buffalo Springfield’s mordant line about protesters “singing songs and carrying signs/mostly say hurray for our side” is irrefutable, a great thumbnail sketch of Burkean skepticism about revolutionary fervor. But all those stumbling people, led on by narcissism and idealism, by people pushing behind them and something unknown glimpsed up ahead, did achieve something. The war ended; the George Wallaces of the world were forced out of the schoolroom doors.

Frank takes the word “countercultural” too literally; he assumes that a counterculture must stand in direct opposition to the dominant culture. But in fact the relationship between the two is far more complicated. The ’60s counterculture was at times oppositional, an iron wall — but it was also a plant growing in a vacant lot, a dream drifting against a sunset, a baby beaming at the mad perfection of a pea. Unstable and erratic metaphors, but the time itself was. To reduce its meaning to politics, or even worse to economic politics, is to shrink not just one era, but the world itself.

For if Frank and his colleagues slight the political dimension of the ’60s, they utterly ignore its personal, existential dimension — the great revolution within that was as important, perhaps more, than the revolution without.

So where, the revisionists sneer, are the results of that revolution? “Crazy Horse,” a white man once mocked the vanquished Sioux leader, “you once said your lands ran as far as the buffalo, as far as the birds could fly, as far as the horizon. Where are your lands now, Crazy Horse?” Crazy Horse pointed across the plains and said, “My lands are where my dead lie buried.” That’s one answer, the dark one — a tribute to those who flew too close to the sun, or got trapped forever in a maze with monsters of their own imagining, in those days when we were crazy enough to think our own minds were a landscape we could change. But not everything that came up within us then died. Some of it lived on, and if it’s invisible, it’s because it’s inside us. It’s who we are.

“The revolution,” Leonard Cohen once said, “has to take place in every room.” It didn’t, of course, and even in the rooms where some kind of psychic insurrection did take place, time and rust have corroded the swords, collapsed the ramparts. Most of us who were around back then are running on memories of memories of memories. Still, inner soil was turned, and things grew, for good and ill. To reduce that secret history to the sterile dirge of Economic Man is an intellectual and historical obscenity worthy of a Stalinist hack.

Anyone who was touched by the ferment of the ’60s has to like the Bafflers, their energy and idealism. Even their dogmatic irritation is infinitely preferable to the “hip” business triumphalism and strident libertarianism of the Wired crowd. It’s understandable and healthy that a new generation should want to throw off the stifling mantle of old mythology. Our mechanically nostalgic culture does market the ’60s Greatest Hits endlessly, and being forced to listen to “Mellow Yellow” or even “White Rabbit” endlessly must be exquisite torture for a generation that cut its teeth on the Sex Pistols, not the Beatles. Nor is the condescending, more-revolutionary-than-thou attitude of many ’60s veterans conducive to a proper passing of the torch.

But understandable as their impatience with ’60s mythology may be, the Bafflers are too resentful. At a certain point, their denunciations begin to seem like a rejection of effervescence itself. There is a croaking negativity, an ahistorical narrowness, to their revisionism.

And, in a supreme irony, for all the attention they pay to ersatz “hip” messages, the Bafflers end up themselves deluded by them. Unable to distinguish between authentic and inauthentic hipness, they exemplify the very cultural myopia they denounce when they rage against Official Culture for championing Pearl Jam over the Galaxy of Mailbox Whores. A small but telling example: Frank’s lumping together of Iron Butterfly and the Doors as “astoundingly pretentious” — mentioning in the same sentence a ridiculous group that everybody back then knew to be a joke with a truly original band. (Sure, the Doors were pretentious — what an unusual trait for a rock group! — but they usually pulled it off.) As for Frank’s facile dismissal of Dylan, one of the great pop artists of the last 50 years, for his “embarrassingly faked Woody Guthrie accents,” it exemplifies the pious fetishization of class that prevents him from understanding that great artists can transcend not just their affectations, but their models: Dylan surpassed Woody Guthrie.

The Bafflers protest too much: They themselves are victims of the very image-saturated culture they decry. Everything they say about corporate culture flattening everything out and destroying cultural distinctions applies to their own monolithic historical analysis. They trash the au courant academic field of cultural studies, but they themselves commit the “semiotic fallacy” that is endemic to the field: They are unable to distinguish between the thing itself and the film of it at 11. As the Last Poets sang, the revolution was not televised. But the Bafflers, who only saw it on TV, are smugly convinced that the TV version was all there was: They get “Dragnet’s” “The LSD Story” confused with the real LSD story. These cats trash hipness, but they could use a few Style Lessons themselves.

So is a counterculture possible today? Maybe not, but a countercultural life is always possible. The world feels dull and contained to the Bafflers — so what? It was ever thus. The lesson of the ’60s — which very few of us have ever really learned — is not just to try to change what’s wrong with the world, but to change your own life, to make it as big and strange and free as in rare unguarded moments we know it is. Instead of whining about the corporate walls that surround us, the Bafflers should take a tip from the astoundingly pretentious Jim Morrison, and break on through to the other side.

Gary Kamiya is a Salon contributing writer.

America’s road sign legends

Burma-Shave's rhyming ads turned highway billboards into poetry, and changed advertising -- and America

This article originally appeared on Imprint.

ImprintIn a simpler time, when automobiles went slower and the pre-Eisenhower highway system in the United States was less developed, there was a popular advertising campaign that ran from 1927 until 1963. It consisted of rhymed messages sequentially staked on the right side of the road, all ending with the advertiser’s name, “Burma-Shave.”

Examples of vintage Burma-Shave road signs, including a blue South Dakota version. (Ray Crockett photo)

These red ads (one state, South Dakota, insisted that they be dark blue to keep them from conflicting with the red reserved for warning notices) usually consisted of five signs. For example: “DON’T PASS CARS/ON CURVE OR HILL/IF THE COPS DON’T GET YOU/ MORTICIANS WILL/BURMA-SHAVE.”

Some slogans touted Burma-Shave as a pre-aerosol “brushless” shaving cream—a cream you could scoop out of a jar and lather onto your face without relying on an old-fashioned brush and moistened soap in a mug.

 

("Thoroly"? I guess if the word doesn't fit the composition, change the spelling. . .)

In 1925, Clinton Odell, a Minneapolis lawyer, took the liniment his father created and transformed it into a brushless shaving cream. He named his company Burma-Vita—Burma, because most of the essential oils in the liniment were from the Burmese portion of the Malay Peninsula, and Vita from the Latin for “life”: “Life from Burma.”

Some of Burma-Shave’s primary “brushless shaving cream” competitors were Barbasol and Noxema.

The company was sold to Philip Morris in 1963, and all the signs were removed soon thereafter. As a testament to the campaign’s cultural significance, a set of signs was donated to the Smithsonian, where it still resides. But the brand eventually petered out. After being sold yet again (this time to the American Safety Razor Company) and then reintroduced in 1997, it never regained a hold in the market.

A history of the Burma-Vita Company, written by Frank Rowsome Jr. and illustrated by Carl Rose, was published by the Stephen Greene Press in 1963.

By the early 1960's, the rising costs of road-sign maintenance (as well as new and more effective ways of advertising) sounded the death knell for the Burma-Shave signs.

The following pages from Frank Rowsome Jr.’s book list all the road-sign Burma-Shave phrases produced from 1927 to 1963.

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7Up’s branding revolution

How "Bib-Label Lithiated Lemon-Lime Soda" became one of America's most popular soft drinks

This article originally appeared on Imprint.

ImprintI became interested in pop bottles (I grew up in the Chicago area where we all said “pop”) and related stuff when I was about 12 years old. I had gone inside an old garage that was attached to a neighborhood house that was being torn down and inside was a cache of un-returned pop bottles that must have dated from the 1940-’50s period. I took one of each type home (about 20 of ‘em) and yes, still have them to this day. I really got off on all the different labels and colors of glass and because I used to like to read old magazines I actually recognized most of the brands that were no longer around or had changed their design. I’ll go into this more in a future post, but wanted to lay some sort of a foundation for this piece, which is exclusively on 7Up, with a special focus on their branding efforts of the 1950s.

The soft drink that would be known as 7Up was created in 1929 by Charles Leiper Grigg in St.Louis as part of his “Howdy” line of sodas and was originally called “Bib-Label Lithiated (it contained the mood stabilizer lithium citrate until 1950) Lemon-Lime Soda.” It was almost immediately re-labeled “7 (7 natural flavors) Up Lithiated Lemon-Lime,” and then finally just “7Up”.

The first 7Up logo from 1929.

In terms of logos, an original winged trademark soon gave way to the red squared logo that lasted until the late 1960s that coincided with that period’s brilliant “Uncola” re-branding campaign. I always felt they had GOLD in that Uncola moniker. . .

A 1935 7Up label before the Howdy Company's name was changed to 7Up in 1936, followed by two Howdy beverage labels.

By the late 1940s 7Up was the third most popular soft drink in the United States. By the time the 1950s rolled around, the company had employed extensive branding techniques to keep the momentum going. The following three binders contain examples of what was offered to the bottlers and distributors to reinforce the product’s presence.

A catalog of 7Up sales/marketing items circa 1954.

This page includes tipped-in glossy paint chips.

These next three pages would NEVER fly with the HR Dept in 2012. . .

Before everyone had TV's in their home, it was common to go out to watch television.

7Up Sales & Promotion Merchandise Catalog circa 1954 - 59.

(would love to have those binders. . .)

Actual cloth swatches included.

More swatches.

1959 "Salesmakers" Catalogue

2 actual decals using the older logo with the woman reaching for bubbles- love the way the color is broken down into separate shapes and levels.

Actual booklet attached.

"Fresh Up Freddie" was the 7Up mascot created in 1957 by ad agency Leo Burnett and Walt Disney to help sponsor the Disney "Zorro" TV series.

Here’s a link to more info on “Freddie”: http://www.cartoonbrew.com/disney/fresh-up-freddy.html

Remember, it's from 1959. . .

Ditto. . .

2 mid-1930's 7Up bottles.

Left: 1940's bottle with 8 bubbles on label. Right: 1950's bottle 7 bubbles.

"Like" was introduced in 1963 as a diet version of 7Up. It contained Calcium Cyclamate which was determined to be a carcinogen in 1969. "Like" was discontinued in that same year and Diet 7Up was introduced in 1970 sans the Cyclamates. This bottle is dated 1964.

Late 1960's/early 1970's can.

"The Uncola".

As a final footnote, I was lucky enough to work on spots for 7Up International using the Susan Rose/Joanna Ferrone character “Fido Dido”! Here’s one of my favorites done while I was at the Ink Tank Studio in N.Y.: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8JpHjeGXyw8

Copyright F+W Media Inc. 2012.

Salon is proud to feature content from Imprint, the fastest-growing design community on the web. Brought to you by Print magazine, America’s oldest and most trusted design voice, Imprint features some of the biggest names in the industry covering visual culture from every angle. Imprint advances and expands the design conversation, providing fresh daily content to the community (and now to salon.com!), sparking conversation, competition, criticism, and passion among its members.

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Pepsi’s creepy Jackson revival

A ghoulish new campaign brings him back from the dead. Maybe it's time to stop looking backwards

Michael Jackson (Credit: Reuters/Kimimasa Mayama)

As if Michael Jackson wasn’t creepy enough when he was alive. The self-proclaimed King of Pop, who died nearly three years ago, is making a return via a new Pepsi campaign. The fabulously un-self-aware tagline? “Live for Now.”

The corporation is set to festoon one billion cans of Pepsi around the world – that’s one billion cans – with the singer’s unmistakable silhouette. It’s a bold move for a company whose most famous association with Jackson is that back in 1984, his hair caught fire filming a commercial for them. Jackson’s estate orchestrated his sponsorship resurrection, and a family spokesperson confirmed to the Wall Street Journal Thursday that “more such marketing agreements are planned.” Did anyone else just feel that collective shudder of revulsion?

Even dead, Jackson is a massive draw. He’s currently the subject of a global Cirque du Soleil tour with the horror movie title “Immortal.”  And Pepsi knows that overseas – especially in markets like Asia — his brand is as ubiquitous and American as well, cola.

Bringing back the dead is a peculiar – if increasingly common – gambit. Now that the earth has run out of living celebrities, they’ve had to revive Tupac to perform at Coachella  and Grace Kelly to make kissy face with Charlize Theron to sell perfume.  They even had to dig up Martin Luther King Jr., to pitch for Mercedes-Benz.

There comes a time when a celebrity passes into our iconography. Today, seeing the images of Elvis and Marilyn and James Dean in different pop culture contexts barely seems any stranger than fake Abraham Lincolns selling cars in February. And why wouldn’t Jackson’s people wring a few more opportunities out of his incredibly lucrative image? Somebody’s got to pay for all those $10 million mansions.

Senior PepsiCo marketing executive Frank Cooper told the WSJ that the new campaign will be both “respectful” and “forward looking.” It may be respectful. But there’s nothing “forward” about the dead. Jackson’s image survives as an easy symbol of pop music, but the man whose life ended from propofol intoxication three years ago, whose doctor is currently serving time for involuntary manslaughter, couldn’t seem less like the right spokesman for the notion of “living for now.”

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Mary Elizabeth Williams

Mary Elizabeth Williams is a staff writer for Salon and the author of "Gimme Shelter: My Three Years Searching for the American Dream." Follow her on Twitter: @embeedub.

Ashton Kutcher’s brownface fail

The actor's racist ad is pulled -- but what's left isn't much better

Ashton Kutcher

Somewhere, Charlie Sheen is laughing and saying, “At least I never did that.” This week, we learned what’s even less funny than Ashton Kutcher: Ashton Kutcher in brownface.

In an ill-advised Popchips ad spoofing online dating that launched Wednesday, the “Two and a Half Men” star appeared as a variety of love-hungry “World Wide Lovers” vying for your affection. In a spectacular display of racial tone-deafness, one of them included “Raj.” Raj, all darkened skin and heavy accent, is “a Bollywood producer looking for the most delicious thing on the planet.” He’s looking for something “Kardashian hot … I would give that dog a bone.” He brags that he once won a milking contest, and he does a little dance that will haunt your nightmares.

Shockaroonie, some people found this offensive. The ad went the wrong kind of viral, with a social media explosion of negative feedback. It’s not that comedy with a racial element is always wrong wrong wrong. The Jewish Hank Azaria is currently in his third decade of playing the Indian Apu Nahasapeemapetilon on “The Simpsons,” and nobody seems to be outraged about this. Kutcher’s incredibly unnuanced performance isn’t that, though. On his blog, writer Anil Dash explains it perfectly –  “a fake-Indian outfit and voice” constitute “the entire punchline” of the clip. And, as he eloquently put it, “I can’t imagine I have to explain this to anyone in 2012, but if you find yourself putting brown makeup on a white person in 2012 so they can do a bad ‘funny’ accent in order to sell potato chips, you are on the wrong course. Make some different decisions.”

And so that’s what Popchips is trying to do. On Wednesday, in a “message from Keith” on the company’s website, its founder, CEO and foe of proper capitalization Keith Belling wrote, “we received a lot feedback about the dating campaign parody we launched today and appreciate everyone who took the time to share their point of view. our team worked hard to create a light-hearted parody featuring a variety of characters that was meant to provide a few laughs. we did not intend to offend anyone. i take full responsibility and apologize to anyone we offended.” That’s a constructive, self-aware response to a potential public relations disaster. (Kutcher, who in recent months has been tainted by his hasty Twitter support for Penn State coach Joe Paterno and a divorce that featured rumors of unprotected extramarital sex, has so far had no comment on the problematic ad campaign.)

It’s a positive thing that Popchips understood its mistake and made an immediate effort to rectify it by pulling the ad. That step forward is mitigated somewhat, though, by the a large number of “get over yourself” responses on Anil Dash’s blog. We’ve still got much work we need to do in this country around issues of stereotypes and sensitivity, folks.

You don’t have to look any further than the entire Popchips campaign to see what I mean. Its remaining “World Wide Lovers” include the stoner Brit “Nigel,” who’s “seeking higher planes of consciousness” (GET IT????), the effeminate German “Darl” — a swishy riff on openly gay designer Karl Lagerfeld — and the dumb redneck “Swordfish.” In the end, there’s also regular old, newly single Kutcher, who describes the other guys in the club as a “freak show.” Hey, geniuses at Popchips – you’re still perpetuating gross generalizations. Also: They’re not funny. It’s a great big snack-loving country. Being cool about brown people – and gay people, and people others would call “white trash” – shouldn’t be such a crunch.

 

 

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Mary Elizabeth Williams

Mary Elizabeth Williams is a staff writer for Salon and the author of "Gimme Shelter: My Three Years Searching for the American Dream." Follow her on Twitter: @embeedub.

FCC takes on super PACs

The commission voted to require stations to post political ad data online -- but it won't be searchable

(Credit: Screenshot from American Crossroads anti-Obama ad)
This originally appeared on ProPublica.

The Federal Communications Commission voted 2 to 1 this morning to require broadcasters to post political ad data on the Web, making it easier for the public to see how as much as $3.2 billion will be spent on TV advertising this election.

The files — which, among other information, detail the times ads aired, how much they cost, and whether stations rejected ad buy requests from campaigns — are currently available only on paper at stations.

The FCC rejected a push by the industry to water down the measure. But the rule as passed also has serious limits. For example, the data will not be searchable or uploaded in a common format.

The rule will first apply to affiliates of the four major networks (ABC, CBS, NBC and Fox) in the top 50 TV markets. All other stations will have until July 2014 to come into compliance.

“[L]arge areas of some swing states, like Virginia, Missouri, Wisconsin and Michigan, could see an influx of advertising in markets outside of the top 50,” the Sunlight Foundation noted in an analysis today. It was also not immediately clear exactly when the rule will go into effect for the top 50 markets.

Then there’s the crucial question of the format in which the files will be available. FCC spokeswoman Janice Wise told ProPublica that the commission is not creating a searchable database of the political ad files.

“We’ll accept whatever [file] format they provide,” she said in an email.

That will make it much more difficult to analyze the information.

Wise said there are no specific plans to make the database searchable.

By opting to allow stations to submit political data in any format, the commission departed from a recommendation made last year by in an FCC working group report.  The report called for the political file to be put online and that “as much data as possible [be] in a standardized, machine-readable format” that “could also enhance the usefulness and accessibility of the data.”

Also not clear is how the broadcast industry, which vigorously lobbied against the rule, will react.

“[W]e will be seeking guidance from our Board of Directors regarding our options,” the National Association of Broadcasters said in a statement decrying the vote.

In March, the industry group submitted a filing with the commission raising “serious questions about the FCC’s authority” to require stations to put political ad data online.

“That was written as a legal memorandum, which is code for, ‘We’ve lawyered up and we’re ready to sue over this,’” says Andrew Schwartzman, a longtime FCC watcher at the Media Access Project.

The broadcasters’ group declined to comment beyond its statement.

On a Thursday earnings call for Belo Corp., one of the companies that has been fighting the disclosure measure, CEO Dunia Shive suggested that broadcasters would continue to fight the new disclosure rule.

“I don’t think the conversation is over with respect to being able to continue talking about if we will ultimately have to include ad rates online,” she said, Broadcasting & Cable reported.

Belo spokesman R. Paul Fry told ProPublica that the company merely “want[s] to continue the dialogue on this subject.”

The FCC also said today it would review the new rule after a year to see if any changes need to be made before all stations will be required to come into compliance in July 2014.

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Justin Elliott

Justin Elliott is a reporter for ProPublica. You can follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin

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