Communism

Letters to the Editor

In defense of Elvis Costello; NBC wimps out on "Will and Grace" decision; ban all school religious holidays!

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Brilliant Careers: Elvis Costello
BY BILL WYMAN

(09/21/99)

Bill Wyman’s piece on Elvis Costello is typical of the treatment Costello
has received from rock critics over the past 10 years; once the electric
guitar and the snide putdown ceased to be the focus of his work, their
adoration turned to ridicule. Costello’s ambition and sophistication should
be welcomed as relief from the witless, one-dimensional rubbish that passes
for popular music in 1999, but instead the media has cast him as a poseur
and has-been. The prevailing critical wisdom that rock ‘n’ roll must be
loud, simple and angry has consistently discouraged the kind of stylistic
experimentation that would keep rock alive as an art form. Wasn’t rock ‘n’
roll about freedom once? It has now become the most conservative music there
is, and that’s why Elvis Costello has outgrown it.

– Neil Oliver

Bill Wyman’s brief emotional sketch of Elvis Costello’s career was quite on
target. Most music of the ’70s forgot that music is more than an outlet for
hedonistic impulses (I can still hear those Giorgio Moroder synthesizers
imploring me to dance, dance, dance). Rock was supposed to be about
rebellion, whether real or not.

Costello and the punksters gave new life to the rapidly dying medium called rock
music. To this day I can feel Elvis Costello’s rage as he sang, “I want to
bite the hand that feeds me” in “Radio, Radio.” That rage can never be
captured again. Costello was more than brilliance, more than a shining moment
in rock history — he was a savior just when we needed one.

– Robert Salti

Bill Wyman loses interest in Elvis Costello midway through Costello’s
career and somehow that’s a betrayal on Costello’s part? Bill, he’s not
dating you, he’s just writing and playing music in close enough
proximity to you that you can hear it. Try not to take it so
personally.

Elvis isn’t the 23-year-old punk prodigy he used to be. We all have to grow old; the worst thing is to pretend
we don’t. We should be thankful that Costello is, unlike some in the rock pantheon Wyman mentions, growing,
not just getting, old. Each Costello album, even the ones Costello himself dislikes, contains
at least a few pieces of brilliant songwriting that put him head and
shoulders above so many of his contemporaries and others putting out
music today. The songs on “Trust” are meaningless, you say?
Compared to what?

As long as we are overanalyzing Elvis Costello’s music instead of just
enjoying it, it’s worth pointing out that Costello has been one of the
most consistent male voices addressing gender issues with any sort of
complexity. It was clear to anyone who really listened that all those
scabs picked over in the first few albums were from self-inflicted
wounds. His nerd pose was a reaction against the overstuffed,
overripe testosterock of the ’70s. And his song “Why Can’t a Man
Stand Alone” (from “All This Useless Beauty”) is one of the most
poignant commentaries on the subject ever set to music.

As for Costello turning up at the Fleadh and Woodstock, he is, you know,
a performer. Sometimes performers like audiences. So sue them.

– Jeff Hagan

Although I’m his contemporary, I’m not “in the punk generation,” as Bill
Wyman is, and so can appreciate Elvis Costello from a far different, and
perhaps more rewarding, perspective. I cherish Costello’s work as
music, often exceptional music, and I’ve found a rare pleasure in
hearing his work age just as I have, expressing views that are in tune
with my own sympathies which change and mature through the erosion of
time and experience. “This Year’s Model” was the perfect record for my
high school years, just as “All This Useless Beauty” and “Painted From
Memory” fit with the life and concerns I find myself with 20 years later.

Wyman seems trapped in a place that I find so many other music critics
in — the past. Whether it’s a 60′s-era
oldies tour, or a Sex Pistols reunion, stasis is stasis. While
looking at pop from an avowed punk perspective can be interesting, it
limits the quality of the criticism. Wyman actually lodges a
complaint that is essentially hypocritical — that Costello dared to
change, to realize that the punk era, like the ’60s, is dead and gone.
His attitudes, ideas and music changed, and, contrary to Wyman’s
assertions, that was always reflected honestly in his work — which is why
he took chances with things like “The Juiet Letters.” I say
that’s to Costello’s great credit.

– George Grella

NBC strikes slur from “Will and Grace”
ASSOCIATED PRESS

(09/22/99)

While I fervently believe in respect for everyone — regardless of sex,
color, race or creed — I also believe in equal opportunity insults. Get a
grip: “Will and Grace” is a sitcom, not a social commentary. While I don’t think that
calling a Latina a “tamale” is funny, I also don’t think the network should
cave under minority pressure. Shame on NBC: They should address their feelings of guilt
for lack of ethnic diversity by adding it, not by editing out a word.

– Sandra Smith

Let me get this straight. Hispanics are offended because a female is
called a “tamale” — but they’re OK with the fact that the female is
stereotypically cast as a Salvadoran maid? And they don’t find the
substitute word, “honey,” to be any more demeaning? And the
overwhelmingly Catholic (and homophobic) Hispanic interest group is
otherwise OK with the general concept of “Will & Grace”?
These folks have way too much time on their hands.

– Rich Karakis

School’s out for Eid
BY MICHAEL KRESS

(09/21/99)

The debate over school closure should be a no-brainer. Forget
percentages, absenteeism: Cancel all religious-based
school closures and farm community harvest-based closures.
Instead, establish year-round school with two-week seasonal and one-day national holiday breaks. In addition, each child should be given five free-choice days per year to use as their parents desire, either for religious or family celebrations.

The breaks should be nationally standardized as follows: summer, fall, winter, spring,
July 4, a “famous Americans” day and Memorial Day. That’s it, end of discussion. It is not the responsibility of public schools to accommodate religious or any other private requirements. Religion
is a personal responsibility and if parents wish to have their children’s
academic atmosphere cater to their personal religious beliefs, they should
send their children to private, religious schools.

We as a nation and as part of the larger global community have more
intensely serious problems to address — inner city, rural, and third-world
poverty, lack of national health care, illiteracy, violence, etc. To waste time and serious debate on when schools should and should not close is silly.

Let’s quit focusing on how religiously, sexually, racially,
intellectually, politically and ancestrally unique we are, and concentrate on
our similarities. Let us work toward a consensus of the serious problems
concerning all of us and unite to achieve our common goals.

– Beverly Hill van Joolen

Michael Kress almost gets it, but not quite. Especially given the history of conflict over the last 100 years between Protestants and first Catholics, then Jews (which Kress recites), it doesn’t take a lot of imagination to see that we cannot forever rely on stripping down religious beliefs and practices to more and more fundamental assumptions in order to accommodate people of other religious backgrounds. It was convenient that congregationalists could expand their scope of worship to find commonality with the larger Protestant community; that Protestants could ultimately look at Catholics and see them as other Christians, and that Christians could look at Jews and see them as part of a mythical “Judeo-Christian” tradition. And I suppose those in the “Judeo-Christian community” can still slide for a few more years on the principle that, like Muslims, they are all “monotheistic” people of “the book.”

Ultimately, however, Christian (and Jewish) Americans are going to have to face the fact that we do not all ultimately believe in the same fundamental truths; we don’t all simply worship the same god by different names. The answer, as wise people — including those who drafted and have interpreted the First Amendment for many years — seem to recognize, is that religious practices and teachings must work their way out of public, shared communal American life and find a comfortable place in private homes and places of worship. There just aren’t enough days in the calendar to give everyone his token holiday. And even if there were, such a plan will never be fair to non-Christians if we start by assuming that, of course, schools will still have to close on Good Friday, Sunday and Christmas.

I also don’t want my state or local school administration deciding, from its parochial Christian perspective, which Hindu, Muslim or Sikh holidays rank in importance with Christmas, Easter and Yom Kippur for special treatment, or which religious pageants are acceptable enough to Christian sensibilities to be played out at school assemblies. Let’s find a way for newer Americans from non-Christian traditions to find freedom from religious tyranny without simply carving up little pieces of tyranny for everyone to share.

– John M. Hartenstein

San Francisco

Public schools closing for Jewish holidays? Call
me a naive Californian, but I had no idea such
things ever happened anywhere in the United States.
Michael Kress’ article touches on some interesting
issues relating to religious pluralism in American
schools, but I think that he overestimates the extent
to which Judaism has become “mainstream” in American
culture. Outside of the large urban centers of the
Northeast and Midwest, lip service is paid to “the
Judeo-Christian tradition,” but in my experience this
often results in a Christianization of Judaism. I’ve
lost count of the number of people to whom I’ve explained that Chanukah is a minor Jewish holiday whose
importance has become inflated due to its proximity
to Christmas. This year the company I work for
unwittingly scheduled a company picnic for Rosh Hashanah.
(How did this happen? Simple. The people who were
planning the picnic had never heard of the holiday.)

The controversy over schools closing for the holidays
of various religions covers over a deeper problem:
the abiding ignorance of non-Christian religious practices, and the smug assumption that Christian holidays
and traditions are universal and “American” in a way
that the traditions of other religions are not.

– Janet Lafler

As a family that is a “religious minority,” we struggle with this issue every year. It strikes
me as blatantly biased that Christians get all their holidays off while
others have to request special arrangements for their children. The nation
has to work out a system that is more equitable.

– Dawn Franks

There certainly would be a problem if schools closed for EVERY religious
observance. I get a sick feeling in the pit of my stomach every time I read
about the ACLU suing some school district or other for constitutional
violations. The absentee criterion for closing a school seems reasonable to
me, and then lowering it a few percentage points also does not appear to be a
violation of anyone’s rights.

I would like to see the school district in Ohio meet with the Muslim,
Buddhist and Hindu (and any other) families and come to some kind of
agreement with them. I hate seeing everything debated in a courtroom. It is
beginning to appear that the last place that we can find justice is in our
legal system.

– Chris Dugopolski

Reformers from hell
BY JOE CONASON

(09/21/99)

It’s not surprising that the Reform Party should have four
weirdos as its most prominent leaders. Third parties have a way of
attracting the vote of whatever group of Americans most feels
disenfranchised. So it makes sense that we should have two billionaires,
a wrestler and a newspaper pundit as our lead reformers. Note that there are
more outsiders in this presidential race, both Hollywood actors. (But as
Ronald Reagan demonstrated, an actor gets some valuable training for
being a president: He or she learns to play a role and feign
emotions.)

Meanwhile, someone has to come up with a
mascot for this Reform Party, comparable to the GOP’s elephant and the
Democrats’ donkey. My idea is that the Reformers’ newspaper alter ego
should be one of those mythical beasts made up of parts of ordinary people and animals. We have Pan, with his goat legs and his pipes; the Chimera, with the head of a lion, the
body of a goat, and the tail of a snake; and the eagle-winged and -headed
lion known as the Griffin, not to mention the snake-haired Gorgons,
winged-horse Pegasus and the centaurs.

– Fred Dawson

Beltsville, Md.

Joe Conason’s article concerning third parties is incomplete. It only
discusses the radical and dysfunctional Reform Party, and never
mentions the Libertarians, who represent a platform for the return to the
way the government was intended by the founding fathers — small
administratively and unobtrusive. They are also standing up for fair taxes throughout America. We need third parties and individual candidates to have a wider selection and to keep
the other parties in line with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

– Keith Lehman

An honorable murderer?
BY NAN GOLDBERG

(09/21/99)

So Alan Dershowitz believes that “it would have been better for
Germany to have become communist than to reward it by rebuilding it so
quickly after the war”? Perhaps he forgets that one part of Germany did
become communist after the war — remember East Germany, taken over by the
Soviets? They helped rebuild, too — albeit less efficiently than the
English, French and Americans.

And guess what happened: East Germans now have a greater problem with
neo-Nazism than their West German brethren. If Dershowitz doubts
that this is so, let him read Ingo Hasselbach’s autobiography,
“Fuehrer-Ex,” which details just how rebellious the communist takeover
left East Germany’s disaffected youth in the 1970s and ’80s, and how the
problem exploded after the Berlin Wall came down and the golden promise
of capitalism also failed.

Hasselbach certainly doesn’t conceal his contempt for the two systems,
Nazi and communist, that let him and his comrades down. And while his
book is not an easy or a comforting read, it is a highly instructive
one. It shows in the most graphic terms how political collapse fosters,
rather than corrects, the very corruption that it was supposed to
punish.

Atonement for the Holocaust is impossible, and the sooner we all realize
this, the better. We can hunt down old war criminals and imprison or
execute them, but this will do nothing to eradicate Nazism at its root.
The best thing we can do is remember, and educate, and encourage the
young to consider the moral implications of history for themselves.
Germany is striving to do just that. The scenes of the most infamous
concentration camps have been made into museums, and their exhibits are
the most graphic and disturbing in the world. German youth volunteers
help to maintain them in a condition as close to their original state as
possible. There is a Holocaust memorial monument in the works, and the
precise form it will take is being debated in painstaking detail. None
of this would have been possible if the Allies had not agreed to help
rebuild the country.

Is this plan working? It certainly seems to be. In a report on a German satellite channel, schoolchildren were learning about the Holocaust, and they took up the subject with enthusiasm. For decades after the war, according to the report, German public schools refused to
teach this piece of history, not because of residual Nazism but because
no one knew how the kids would take it, or whether they would
understand. But, amazingly, not only do the children understand better
than anyone had hoped, they are eager to help prevent those atrocities
from ever happening again. It would be unfair to punish these children
for the sins of their parents and grandparents, most of whom literally
had no choice but to go along or be killed. Education is doing more for their moral growth than
punishment ever could.

Just imagine if that had been done right away after the war, under the
aegis of the Allies, as part of the rebuilding Dershowitz thinks is
only a reward for Nazism! Ingo Hasselbach and his neo-Nazi
contemporaries, who were “punished” by communism, might have turned out
very differently. The rebuilding of Germany was not a “reward” — it was
reform. If Dershowitz is still unconvinced, let him visit
East Germany and ask around in any economically depressed town about the
neo-Nazi problem. He should get an earful.

– Sabina C. Becker

Cobourg, Ontario

Joseph McCarthy reborn

GOP Rep. Allen West told supporters that 78 to 81 Democrats in Congress are "members of the Communist Party"

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Joseph McCarthy reborn Rep. Allen West, R-Fla. (Credit: Gage Skidmore / CC BY-SA 2.0)

We’ve talked at times about George Orwell’s classic novel “1984,” and the amnesia that sets in when we flush events down the memory hole, leaving us at the mercy of only what we know today. Sometimes, though, the past comes back to haunt, like a ghost. It happened recently when we saw U.S. Rep. Allen West of Florida on the news.

A Republican and Tea Party favorite, he was asked at a local gathering how many of his fellow members of Congress are “card-carrying Marxists or International Socialists.”

He replied, “I believe there’s about 78 to 81 members of the Democrat Party who are members of the Communist Party. It’s called the Congressional Progressive Caucus.”

By now, little of what Allen West says ever surprises. He has called President Obama “a low-level socialist agitator,” said anyone with an Obama bumper sticker on their car is “a threat to the gene pool,” and told liberals like Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi to “get the hell out of the United States of America.” Apparently, he gets his talking points from Fox News, Rush Limbaugh or the discredited right-wing rocker Ted Nugent.

But this time, we shook our heads in disbelief: “78 to 81 Democrats … members of the Communist Party?” That’s the moment the memory hole opened up and a ghost slithered into the room. The specter stood there, watching the screen, a snickering smile on its stubbled face. Sure enough, it was the ghost of Sen. Joseph McCarthy, the Wisconsin farm boy who grew up to become one of the most contemptible thugs in American politics.

Back in the early 1950s, the Cold War had begun and Americans were troubled by the Soviet Union’s rise as an atomic superpower. Looking for a campaign issue, McCarthy seized on fear and ignorance to announce his discovery of a conspiracy within: Communist subversives who had infiltrated the government.

In speech after speech, McCarthy would hold up a list of names of members of the Communist Party he said had burrowed their way into government agencies and colleges and universities. The number he claimed would vary from day to day, and when pressed to make his list public, McCarthy would stall or claim he accidentally had thrown it away.

His failure to produce much proof to back his claims never gave him pause, as he employed lies and innuendo with swaggering bravado. McCarthy, wrote historian William Manchester, “realized that he had stumbled upon a brilliant demagogic technique … others deplored treachery, McCarthy would speak of traitors.”

And so he did, in a fearsome, reckless crusade that terrorized Washington, destroyed lives, and made a shambles of due process.

Millions of Americans lapped it up, but in the end, Joe McCarthy would be done in by the medium that he had used so effectively to spread his poison: television. In 1954, the legendary broadcaster Edward R. Murrow bravely exposed McCarthy’s tactics on the CBS program “See It Now.”

“This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy’s methods to keep silent,” Murrow declared. “We can deny our heritage and our history, but we cannot escape responsibility for the result. There is no way for a citizen of a Republic to abdicate his responsibilities.”

Later that same year, for 36 days on live TV, during Senate hearings on charges McCarthy had made questioning the loyalty of the U.S. Army, we saw the man raw, exposed for the lout and cowardly scoundrel he was. The climactic moment came as the Boston lawyer Joseph Welch, defending the Army, reacted with outrage when McCarthy accused Welch’s young associate Fred Fisher of communism. “Let us not assassinate this lad further, Senator,” Welch said as he shook his head in anger and sadness. “You’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency? … If there is a God in heaven it will do neither you nor your cause any good.”

McCarthy never recovered. His tactics had been opposed from the outset by a handful of courageous Republican senators. Now they pressed their case with renewed vigor. One of them, Sen. Ralph Flanders of Vermont, introduced a motion to censure Joseph McCarthy. When it eventually passed 67 to 22, McCarthy was finished. He soon disappeared from the front pages. Three years later, he was dead.

All of this came rushing back as West summoned his foul spirits from the vast deep. The ghost stepped out of the past.

Like McCarthy, the more Allen West is challenged about his comments, the more he doubles down on them. Now he’s blaming the “corrupt liberal media” for stirring the pot against him – a trick for which McCarthy taught the master class. And the congressman’s latest fusillades continue to distort the beliefs and policies of those he smears – no surprise there, either.

To help him continue his fight for “the heart and soul” of America he’s asking his supporters for a contribution of $10 or more. There could even be a super PAC in this – with McCarthy’s ghost as its honorary chairman.

Plenty of kindred spirits are there to sign on. Like the author of the book “The Grand Jihad,” who wrote that whether Obama is Christian or not, “the faith to which Obama actually clings is neocommunism.” Or the blogger who claims Obama is running the country into the ground “by way of the same type of race-baiting and class warfare Communism cannot exist without,” and that his policies are “unbecoming to an American president.”

From there it’s only a short hop to the kind of column that popped up on the right wing website Newsmax hinting of a possible coup “as a last resort to resolve the ‘Obama problem.’” Military intervention, the author wrote, “is what Obama’s exponentially accelerating agenda for ‘fundamental change’ toward a Marxist state is inviting upon America.” The column was quickly withdrawn but not before the website Talking Points Memo exposed it.

So beware, Rep. West, beware: In the flammable pool of toxic paranoia that passes these days as patriotism in America, a single careless match can light an inferno. You would serve your country well to withdraw your remarks and apologize for them. But if not, perhaps there are members of your own party, as possessed of conscience and as courageous as that handful of Republicans who took on Joseph McCarthy, who will now abandon fear and throw cold water on your incendiary remarks.

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Bill Moyers is managing editor of the new weekly public affairs program, "Moyers & Company," airing on public television. Check local airtimes or comment at www.BillMoyers.com.

Michael Winship is senior writing fellow at Demos and a senior writer of the new series, Moyers & Company, airing on public television.

Falling in love as the USSR crumbled

Twenty years ago, we were caught up in the throes of history. And the throes of passion

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Falling in love as the USSR crumbled

“I saw you in my dream last night,” my ex-wife said, touching my arm when we happened upon each other in downtown Manhattan the other day. She spoke as if continuing a conversation only recently interrupted. In fact, the last time we’d talked intimately was two decades ago, back when the Soviet Union had crumbled to dust.

“Mm hmm, yes, I saw you in my dream,” she repeated, her Russian accent faded now to a passable American. “Very clearly I saw you. And you were dead.”

Like many intelligent Russians who came of age during the closing act of the USSR, my ex-wife was a kind of stand-up comedian in reverse. Just as the talented comic artfully sets up a punch line, so too could she expertly build toward a release of sorts. But the punch line was never a joke. It was instead an opening up of a psychic trap door, showing foolish Americans that beneath their feet was not the security of a prosperous and powerful nation, but rather the void of the impending destruction that awaits us all. When your superpower homeland has been blown apart into 15 compromised statelets it’s comforting to keep in your pocket that great transnational equalizer: death.

And yet, once upon a time I found all her moody blueness charming. We had met at a university dormitory in 1990, the final year of Soviet power. I had registered temporarily at the dorm as part of the many bureaucratic sleights-of-hand the Westerner had to execute to stay in the country. Technically I was supposed to leave the USSR when my study abroad program ended. But while I was desperate to leave I also had a hankering to stay. And so through the machinations of the many machinators of the Perestroika era, I arranged it so that I would register in the Leningrad University dorm, pay some functionary a nominal $150 and then relocate to an old lady’s flat, far out on the Prospekt Prosveshchenie where for $7 a month I would have a room of my own. All I would have to do beyond these trifling payments was to stay a single night at the dorm. A bargain it seemed, until the future ex-Mrs. Greenberg walked in.

There was much talk and a lot of weak tea during that one legally necessitated sleepover. My East German bunkie who spoke much better Russian than I seemed in full control of the evening, artfully throwing out pogovorki — proverbs that seem particularly embedded into Russian and that irritatingly keep the poor student of the language in the dark. “The peasant doesn’t cross himself until the thunder sounds,” “chicken and girls are seized with the hands.” That kind of thing. But when her visit was over, the East German found himself oddly rebuffed and it was I who was slipped a phone number and an appointment that led eventually to a foldout bed pressed up against the thin wall adjoining her parents’ room. Half-understood, rolling under cool embroidered sheets, struggling to communicate things that should have come out as easy praises, I was only able to mutter blunt, minor words: “beautiful,” “interesting,” “very.” And in the end she took a breath and arranged herself and then turned to me and asked with yet another tricky Russian idiom:

“Did you finish?”

“Finish?” I said.

“Yes, did you finish? Are you satisfied?”

“Yes, I, um, finished.”

“Nu, nu,” she said, “then it’s time to go.”

I did go. Not only out of the room and out onto the empty dawn streets of Leningrad but eventually back to New York where I brooded, alone, in the broke and semi-employed way today’s shiftless post-boom 20-somethings would likely find familiar. It was the walloping recession of the early ’90s. There was very little to do or to hope for. And so I found my thoughts drifting to the stoic, vaguely sad woman I’d left in Russia. But if she was on the sad side, “tending toward depression” as a psychiatrist like my father might say, well, that was OK with me. I liked her melancholy abruptness. I liked the whole direct-but-gentle sadness of the Soviet Union. I liked how nobody went to a shrink and how people stayed away from shrink words like “depressed,” “depressive” and “depression.” Russians somehow seemed to understand that depression was just sadness and that sadness was just a mood. One of many lenses through which you can take in life’s light. Moods colored life, sometimes darkly, but they also gave life immediacy and freshness, allowing you to react sincerely to every new thing that came your way.

As luck would have it, I was given another chance to go back to that way of thinking. A few months after my return to the United States a small-time Siberian hustler posing as a documentary maker arrived in New York and cobbled together a film crew that consisted of a Dutch producer, an American camerawoman and, for reasons I don’t understand to this day, me. All of us were flown to Moscow, put on a four-day train ride to Lake Baikal, and then told to film a documentary about, well, I really have no idea. Vague pieces of Michael Moore-esque intervention were staged where we would storm into the offices of a Soviet bureaucrat, insult him, film him and then leave. We would gather random crowds on the streets of Irkutsk and make them sing the Lake Baikal ode “Slavnoe Morye” — Glorious Sea. We slaughtered and ate a sheep. And then toward the end of our stay, just as I was trying to figure out a way to get back to that captivating woman in Leningrad, our driver walked into our hotel room, told us breakfast was ready and, also, by the way, “Snyali Gorbacheva.” They took Gorbachev.

It was the infamous hard-liner military coup attempt of August 1991, although, of course, we at the time didn’t know it would turn out to be only an attempt. For three days we drove the back roads of Siberia debating whether we should turn south and head out through Mongolia. All of our hotel reservations were mysteriously canceled as the single thread of Soviet power gathered itself together and drew tight on a million different knots. At one point on a narrow muddy road our van pulled over and two taut-tummied Russian boys with a guitar jumped in. Apparently they were known to the Russians in the group. Once they were seated, the guitar came out and one of the boys spat out a fast-paced Visotsky-style ballad that ended (for my benefit?) with an English refrain “goodbye America, hello Siberia.”

It was during these three days of political vertigo that I found I thought of her the most. At one little outpost I sent (how quaint to remember!) a telegram. “Are you all right?” I scribbled on the toilet-paper quality telegraph form (though it should be noted that the coarseness of Soviet toilet paper and the flimsiness of Soviet writing paper were a good deal closer together on the spectrum of “paper” than the American variants). But it may as well have been toilet paper. Passing it through the telegraph window to the bored, platinum blond operator seemed akin to a flush.

But, alas, it wasn’t. Miraculously the coup ended. Boris Yeltsin emerged and stood on a tank. The hard-liners were imprisoned. One shot himself. The phones worked again. I called her and the creaky Siberian lines issued forth her voice. “I got your telegram,” she said. “Very sweet.” I flew to Leningrad, which now everybody was suddenly calling St. Petersburg, and we made love again and again in a tiny apartment I’d rented for another $7. We made love on an overnight train to Moscow. We made love again in the apartment of her pioneer camp counselor. On my final day in Russia we necked on the steps of Patriarch’s Pond until a young Soviet malcontent yelled a phrase at us that must be known the world over: “Get a room!”

And of course she came to New York. And of course we were married. And of course we were divorced. And of course all of it faded away as most passions tend to. Only our most intense moments of togetherness — unlike the world-stopping moments others feel when they launch a romantic connection — occurred when the world actually stopped. When two of the greatest powers ever to occupy the globe shrugged off their mutual enmity for a fleeting moment and actually paused to look one another in the eye.

All of this came rushing back to me as she pulled her hand away from my arm on Seventh Avenue and we retreated back into the small talk that is my national tradition and that she had seemed to have mastered in the last two decades. Children (me yes, she no)? Work (not so interesting). Travel (now and again). She had seen me in her dream and I was dead. And given that I had firmly closed the Soviet chapter of my life, the chapter in which I was young and impetuous, when the thought of intense, inexplicable coupling could fill my whole mind, the chapter in which I was open to the world and where she had come to know me most intimately, I guess you could say that her dream was right on the money.

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Paul Greenberg is the author of the James Beard Award-winning "Four Fish, the Future of the Last Wild Food." He is on Twitter @4fishgreenberg and on the web at fourfish.org.

Introducing the new “Red Menace”: Debt

It's the latest GOP talking point: China's ownership of U.S. Treasuries is the 21st century's evil empire

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Introducing the new A PLA soldier instructing the citizen militia to defend against nuclear, chemical and biological attack.

To paraphrase (and vastly abbreviate) Arlo Guthrie’s “Alice Restaurant,” if just one prominent Republican politician calls the national debt a new “Red Menace” we can just dismiss him as crazy and go on about our normal business. But if two GOP rising stars do it, then it’s a movement and we’d better pay serious attention. Because before you know it, the House Un-American Activities Committee will be accusing every card-holding-Keynesian advocate of fiscal stimulus of committing foul treason, and that could get messy.

On February 11, Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels told an audience at the Conservative Political Action Conference that the growing national debt was as serious as the Cold War. “It is the new Red Menace, this time consisting of [red] ink,” he said.

On March 24, reports The Hill, House Republican Conference Chairman Jeb Hensarling picked up the theme, but added an extra special Commie-baiting twist by bringing China directly into the conversation.

“The red menace for the 21st century is our public debt.”

Keeping with his communism theme, Hensarling implied that interest payments the U.S. is making to China alone could pose a national security threat.

“The interest we pay to China on our debt, they can essentially afford to buy a [Joint] Strike Fighter every other day,” he said, according to the Daily Progress. “Our greatest competitor in the world … we are building their armed forces with the interest we pay them on the national debt.”

Gosh, if I was a Chinese Politburo member, that kind of rhetoric would probably have me doubling-down on my military expansion plans, because everyone knows all too well what happened to the last aspiring evil empire that conservative Americans feared as the “Red Menace.” But to bring it all back home, it seems tombe that the Hensarling and Daniels have painted their party into a corner. Because if debt is the greatest threat to freedom, and China is leveraging itself up into superpower status on the back of American profligacy, then it should be every red-blooded American’s patriotic duty to bring down deficits as fast as possible. And I will further submit that the most sensible way to do that would be to cut a longterm budget deal that matches spending cuts with revenue increases.

I just think that if the richest Americans were asked nicely to pay a little more in taxes, because it would help us defeat the Red Menace, there’d really be no decent way for them to say no.

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Andrew Leonard

Andrew Leonard is a staff writer at Salon. On Twitter, @koxinga21.

Bill O’Reilly doesn’t even believe Glenn Beck’s theory about the Middle East

Two Fox News hosts face off over the future of extremism and anarchy in the wake of Egypt's revolution

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Bill O'Reilly doesn't even believe Glenn Beck's theory about the Middle EastBill O'Reilly tries to reason with Glenn Beck on Friday night's show.

On Friday night’s “O’Reilly Factor” Glenn Beck tried his best to talk Bill into how the communists and the extremists were about to take over the Middle East.

Adam Clark Estes blogs the news for Salon. Email him at ace@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @adamclarkestes

This guy really hated the State of the Union

Republican Rep. Paul Broun sat in his office calling the president a Marxist on Twitter, like a common blogger

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This guy really hated the State of the UnionPaul Broun

While many members of Congress elected to watch last night’s State of the Union address while seated next to a member of the opposite party, in an awkward display of bipartisanship and civility, one House member was brave enough to watch the whole thing from his office, Tweeting fevered nonsense the whole time. That hero is Rep. Paul Broun, of Georgia.

Broun previously warned that the president was showing “signs of being Marxist,” as well as doing “exactly what Hitler did in Nazi Germany,” so really no one should be surprised that this guy was not impressed by the president’s vision of “winning the future.”

And that’s why he wrote, as the speech wrapped up, “Mr. President, you don’t believe in the Constitution. You believe in socialism.”

While there’s not really anything in the Constitution that precludes a little light Scandinavian-style socialism, Broun is a modern-day Republican moron, and so for him the “s-word” means some scary combination of the Third Reich and the Great Purge. (If you can find the passage in Obama’s relentlessly centrist address that sounds like a proposal for a Great Leap Forward, please let me know, because all I remember is the bit about cutting corporate taxes and something about smoked salmon.)

Broun is a crafty fellow — he knew that the “sit with someone from the other party” proposal was an elaborate ruse designed to oppress the opposition.

“I already believe very firmly that it is a trap and a ruse that Democrats are proposing,” Broun said. “They don’t want civility. They want silence from the Republicans. And the sitting together being kissy-kissy is just another way to try to silence Republicans, and also to show — to keep the American people from seeing how few of them there are in the U.S. House now.”

Broun says he chose to avoid the chamber and liveblog from his office “out of respect.” Respect for whichever unlucky member was assigned to sit next to one of the dumbest members of the Republican caucus, I imagine.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

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