Arianna Huffington
Chopper wars
Coupon-cutting cronies in the Senate care more about helicopters for Colombia than the drug problem at home.
A full three months after the House approved a $1.7 billion drug-war aid package for Colombia, the Senate finally passed its own scaled-down $934 million version. You might assume that the world’s greatest deliberative body took so long because of a heated debate over the merits of further involving us in a country in the midst of a 40-year-old civil war or, indeed, over the merits of fighting the drug war through interdiction rather than treatment. But you’d be wrong. The delay actually had a lot to do with a Blackhawks vs. Hueys Beltway battle. Call it Chopper Wars — a behind-the-scenes dogfight as absurd as it is revealing about what drives public policy.
The prize was a huge contract to manufacture Colombia’s copter of choice. On one side were lobbyists for United Technologies, whose Sikorsky Aircraft produces the Blackhawks. On the other were lobbyists for Bell Helicopter Textron, which produces the Hueys.
The House had split the difference and approved a package that included roughly 30 of each aircraft, at a total cost of nearly $450 million. But despite the fact that the Colombian military, the Pentagon and the State Department made it abundantly clear that they preferred the high-tech Blackhawk to the smaller, slower, far less expensive Huey, bargain-hunting senators on the Appropriations Committee shot down the Blackhawks and settled for 60 refurbished Hueys — a steal at the priced-to-move cost of $188 million. “There’s no reason for anybody to be ashamed to fly a Huey into combat,” harrumphed Appropriations chair Sen. Ted Stevens, R-Alaska.
Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., begged to differ. Usually a stickler on human rights and a proponent of a hands-off approach in Latin America, he has lately taken the lead on pumping millions in military aid to the Colombian army, one of the worst human-rights abusers in the world. Why? Well, it’s probably just a coincidence, but Sikorsky just happens to be headquartered in his state, and through its parent company has — also coincidentally, no doubt — given Dodd more than $38,000 worth of combat aid (in the form of campaign donations) in the last election cycle.
Anyway, Dodd wasn’t about to let his hometown helicopter go down without a fight. He took to the Senate floor and offered an amendment that would leave the choice of choppers to the “experts” in the Pentagon and the Colombian military — a smooth move that would have guaranteed the Blackhawks would prevail.
After all, Gen. Fabio Velazco, the Colombian Air Force commander, is on record expressing his contempt for the Huey: “It’s like comparing a ’60 Ford to a new Mercedes.” And Colombian Defense Minister Luis Fernando Ramirez chimed in, clearly forgetting the adage about not looking a gift Huey in the mouth.
“When the Huey is coming,” he whined, “the first thing you hear is the noise, even 10 minutes before you see it. It’s a very noisy helicopter. With the Blackhawk, by the time you hear it, it is practically overhead.”
But Stevens and his coupon-cutting cronies were undeterred. “The Blackhawks are the tip of a sword going into another Vietnam,” he claimed, playing the Southeast Asian-quagmire card. Which raises the question: If 30 Blackhawks put us on the road to another Vietnam, where do 60 Hueys lead? Another Grenada?
In the end, the Hueys won the Senate dogfight, but the Blackhawks will clearly live to fight another day. As the House-Senate Conference Committee tries to reconcile the two bills, Colombia’s ambassador to Washington has warned that his country will insist on the state-of-the-art Blackhawk.
As absurd as the Chopper Wars are, they are in keeping with the overblown rhetoric of the Colombian coke issue. Sen. Paul Coverdell, R-Ga., announced that “Colombia is the heart of the drug war, and we’d better get on with it. If we lose Colombia, then we lose everywhere.” It’s the domino theory all over again, with coke instead of Communists.
Dodd was equally overwrought: “When we step up and offer the Colombian democracy a chance to fight for themselves, we’re not only doing it for them, we’re doing it for ourselves.” Translation: “When we step up and offer a major campaign contributor a chance to make an enormous profit, we’re not only doing it for them, we’re doing it for ourselves.”
But the crowning absurdity was the ongoing pretense that the Colombian aid package is about winning the drug war at home. If that were really the goal, you’d think all those senators looking to get more bang for their bucks would have relished the chance to vote for Sen. Paul Wellstone’s, D-Minn., amendment that, had it passed, would have transferred $225 million from military aid in Colombia to drug-treatment programs in the United States. Treatment, after all, has proved to be 10 times more cost-effective than interdiction.
As if to underscore the futility of the drug-war package, Colombia’s national police chief, Gen. Rosso Jose Serrano, who has been hailed on the Hill as “the best cop in the world,” stepped down last Friday. “We’d rather see drug consumption drop than get any of this aid,” he told the Associated Press.
If everyone knows that’s how to win the drug war, then why are we spending more than a billion dollars in Colombia? And if everyone doesn’t know it, why aren’t we debating that instead of bickering over Blackhawks and Hueys?
Unreality TV
It's become painfully obvious that the only enemies Rumsfeld can defeat are the straw men he creates in his mind. It's time to cancel his show.
If you could distill this administration down to one single thing, it would be this: a complete inability — indeed a pathological aversion — to changing course, even when the current course is taking us over a cliff.
Combine that with rank incompetence, and you’ve got quite a potent — and deadly — combo. It was on full display last night during the president’s speech on Iraq and last week during Donald Rumsfeld’s multiple public appearances.
First the president’s speech.
Continue Reading CloseJudging what’s news
When the major networks cover stories like the Michael Jackson trial instead of the Downing Street memo, just click the remote.
I was thinking a lot over the weekend about the news and about how the news becomes the news, and then I read Jay Rosen’s brilliant take on the Downing Street memo coverage. Rosen elaborates on Josh Marshall’s assertion that “news stories have a 24-hour audition on the news stage, and if they don’t catch fire in that 24 hours, there’s no second chance.” Rosen’s theory is that blogs have become the news cycle’s appeals court, and that the Downing Street memo story is still alive because it won on appeal. And thank God.
Continue Reading CloseWhere are the Democrats?
A majority of Americans say the war in Iraq hasn't made the U.S. safer. Why aren't more Democrats demanding that the White House develop an exit strategy?
“What Korea was to Truman, and Vietnam was to LBJ, Iraq will be to George W. Bush,” Arthur Schlesinger told me last week. In all three cases, the public grew weary of a drawn-out war with no end in sight. History shows that there is nothing sacrosanct about wartime presidents. There is no guaranteed immunity for them. Rally round the president when the nation is at war is the American tradition — but only for a time. The Korean War forced Truman to pull out of the 1952 race. Vietnam forced Johnson to pull out in 1968.
Continue Reading CloseMaking Mehlman more comfortable
Tim Russert lets RNC chair Ken Mehlman dodge the Downing Street memo, blame the deficit on 9/11, and "respectfully disagree" with criticism from his own party.
Sunday’s “Meet the Press,” featuring RNC chair Ken Mehlman, was another classic example of why host Tim Russert is fast becoming journalism’s answer to the E-ZPass, that electronic tag that allows drivers to go through toll booths without having to stop. On the show today, Mehlman was allowed to distort, twist, manipulate, obfuscate and “disassemble” his way through every stop on the disinformation highway.
The key to the E-ZPass method is no follow-ups — or lame follow-ups quickly abandoned. And Mehlman is a master at dealing with those. His technique? Just repeat or slightly rephrase his talking point, and trust that Russert will give up, wave him on, and proceed to the next prepared question.
Continue Reading CloseIraq: The next Democratic battlefront
With the situation in Iraq at its bleakest, it's time for Democrats to do battle with Republicans.
Now that the Democrats have won the battle over the nuclear option (or, at least, come away with a tie), they need to turn their attention to what it will take to become more than a minority party that wins a fight every now and then. They have been surprisingly successful at battling Bush’s domestic agenda, but if they’re going to broaden their appeal, they first have to broaden their battlefronts to include Iraq.
After John Kerry lost in November, the conventional wisdom was that he hadn’t been “me too” enough about Iraq. But the truth is the exact opposite.
Continue Reading ClosePage 1 of 44 in Arianna Huffington