World War II

The sappiest generation

My cantankerous father and my own better judgment won't let me get sentimental about WWII veterans.

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The sappiest generation

The weekend before July Fourth found World War II being fought all over again on the New York Times bestsellers list. Tom Brokaw’s book “The Greatest Generation” and its sequel, “The Greatest Generation Speaks,” held the No. 2 and No. 3 spots, respectively, flanked by James Bradley’s “Flags of Our Fathers” at No. 1 and Bob Greene’s “Duty” at No. 9. While the preponderance of titles relating to the war and its veterans constitutes an obvious trend (sales doubtless reflected a recent spate of Father’s Day gift giving), “The Greatest Generation” is the real phenomenon. The book has been on the New York Times bestsellers list for more than 80 weeks now and shows no signs of flagging.

If you are recovering from severe head trauma, or have been overseas for the past year and a half, you may not know that Brokaw’s book is a celebration of the generation of Americans who survived the Depression and fought the Second World War — my parents’ generation. As the title implies, “The Greatest Generation” is a straightforward, largely unironic appreciation of the (mostly) men and women who served. The NBC anchor interviewed scores of veterans and their kin to come up with the 50-odd sketches that make up the book. (The sequel is drawn from the voluminous responses he first received.) There are famous people and unknowns chronicled here, men who escaped the conflict unscathed and others who paid dearly.

To Brokaw, all are united by a certain stoicism and bravery. “They faced great odds and a late start, but they did not protest,” reads a typical quote, and they didn’t quit when they made the world safe for democracy, either. “They helped convert a wartime economy into the most powerful peacetime economy in history,” Brokaw writes. “They made breakthroughs in medicine and other sciences. They gave the world new art and literature. They came to understand the need for federal civil rights legislation. They gave America Medicare.”

All of which sounds too good to be true.

“I keep saying, ‘They weren’t perfect, they made mistakes, there were failures,’” Brokaw told me in April. “There are even accounts of those failures in the books.”

But the fact that those shortcomings don’t register with readers says a lot about who is buying the book: veterans of the war — now in their 70s and 80s, many of whom have formed Greatest Generation clubs and held Greatest Generation reunions — and their children, some of whom are finally ready to listen to their parents’ war stories.

Mortality certainly has something to do with it: Approximately 32,000 WWII vets die every month, according to the Department of Veterans Affairs — a little over a thousand per day. For many men of that generation, war was the defining experience of their young lives, just as the absence of war and, in some cases, resistance to the war in Vietnam were the defining experience of many young men of my generation. Those are a lot of the people buying Brokaw’s book, trying to make peace with their fathers before they die and, perhaps, close what newsmen like Brokaw used to call the generation gap.

But closure is one of those overrated concepts in American culture today. It’s as if our recent history were an episode of “Oprah” and everyone is supposed to cry and hug before the credits roll. There is a reason there are so few rough edges in Brokaw’s books: It is considered almost as much in bad form to speak ill of the dying as it is to speak ill of the dead, and the same sort of sentimentality we mocked and loathed in the ’60s is making a comeback now, at least when it comes to our own parents. “The Greatest Generation,” as the title implies, is a valentine and, for some of those grown children buying it for their parents, a peace offering. But peace is not always so easy.

Growing up, my brothers and sisters and I heard plenty about my father’s war experiences in the Marines. He enlisted just after his 17th birthday, in May 1942, and served as a gunner in a torpedo bomber in the Solomon Islands. As kids we marveled at his stories of close calls in combat and out (he told us a sniper’s bullet grazed his hair when he stuck his head out of his pup tent once), and wondered at the photos of him from that time. There was one in particular that caught our fancy: young Dad, dressed in khaki pants and a T-shirt, cradling a machine gun and smiling like he’d just won the lottery. Upon receiving the picture in the mail his mother was said to have cried, “They’ve made a killer of my baby!”

Killing was not much on the mind of most of the veterans represented in Brokaw’s books. Congressional Medal of Honor winner Bob Bush, who served as a Navy medic in Okinawa, is representative of the men the reporter profiles. After enlisting he told his mother, “Mom, I’m going into the service to help people, not to kill them.” Not so my dad.

“We were all hot for action in those days,” he says when I ask him why he chose the Marines. “I wanted adventure — they were having a big war out there and I was missing it.” Life on a small farm (near Ellwood City, Pa.) seemed awfully tame compared to the stories that filled the papers every day. Though the Marines sent him to aviation mechanics school (over his heated protests), they later relented and allowed him to attend gunnery school.

“There had previously been a height limit of 5-10,” recalls my 6-foot-tall father, but the battles of Midway and Guadalcanal nearly wiped out their supply of right-height gunners. “Now they’d take anybody.

“I was a turret gunner in the Avenger. They started off the war, at Midway, with the Douglas Devastator. The only thing it devastated was themselves. You’d just fire on them and shoot ‘em down. They were slow and clumsy and the torpedoes weren’t any good, which didn’t help any. That’s why we were wiped out so badly at Midway. Torpedo Squadron Eight was annihilated completely; I think one pilot came back. Another squadron, they sent out 10 and I think two came back. The torpedo squadrons were considered to be sudden death.”

The appeal of a job universally referred to as “sudden death” is hard for many people to fathom today. The relentlessly romantic recruitment campaign launched by the U.S. government — as blatantly nationalistic as any propaganda commissioned by Stalin or Mao — fed the gallant fantasies of many young men at the time. The age was closer to the chivalry of Kipling than the chaos of the Korean War, and Europe had been at war for years when the U.S. finally joined in.

“I was a romanticist but a lot of other people certainly weren’t,” my father says now. “At 17 I forgive myself, but I’d never do it again.”

Never do it again? For many of the veterans in “The Greatest Generation,” the experience of the war is sacrosanct, and the vows of the military more important even than those of marriage. Joe Foss, another recipient of the Congressional Medal of Honor, told Brokaw, “Folks now just don’t have an appreciation for what an oath means. When we took the oath when we were sworn into the Marines, it was a contract. That’s what we went out there to defend.”

At a time when most WWII veterans are taking their victory laps, reminding anyone who will listen that they saved civilization, my father takes a somewhat contrary position. Of the First World War (which his father tried to join by lying about his age) he says, “We went off to war and we didn’t get anything. They could have given us Canada, at least. I think the motto after World War I should have been, ‘How about Canada this time?’”

Of the European conflict, he says the Germans weren’t that bad, and we had no business fighting other people’s fights, be they in defense of England or China. And yes, he is one of those revisionists who think FDR not only knew about the attack on Pearl Harbor in advance but may have been somehow complicit in it.

“We were hopped up because we believed that they had attacked us,” he wrote me after a telephone conversation about the war. “I’m sure plenty of old vets today would beat me to death with their crutches for even suggesting we were suckered. You may live to see the tide of opinion change — when all the people who were personally involved are dead.”

My mother served in the Marines as well, teaching in a gunnery school. The women of the United States Marine Corps were not as famous as their sisters in the WAVES or the WACS, and didn’t even get a decent acronym. “They used to call us a very unflattering thing among themselves,” she recalls of the men in the corps: “the BAMs, the broad-assed Marines.”

Hers was a hard-knock life — her mother died when she was a teenager and she cared for her father and siblings until she left home — and when the war broke out, it offered the opportunity of escape, mixed in with a higher calling. “Something was going on and you weren’t part of it,” she says when I ask her why she joined. “There was no fear or gallantry; I just wanted to be part of it.”

It was while teaching at a gunnery school in California (she instructed Marines in firing at planes on a movie screen, using what was essentially a toy gun) that she had what she calls “my only claim to fame.” Tyrone Power was in her class one day — something the other women she worked with had to point out to her. “He was a handsome, dark-haired young man — as most of them were,” she says. “They were very clean and neat-looking in their uniforms.”

Here my mother taps into one of the less-discussed aspects of women in the service: “For me it was a job,” she admits. “It was something to do and it was exciting. And besides, there were men around.” The pickings among civilian men were slim, remember — and not altogether choice.

One of the soldiers she met was my father, who had returned from his first tour of duty with a bad case of jungle rot. “He had already been and thought he was awfully salty,” says my mom. “In fact, they called him Salty for a while because he got up and said nobody had to tell him how to shoot that goddamned gun.”

By the time his jungle rot was cured and he was ready to go back to the South Pacific, the Japanese had surrendered and the war was over. My parents married and continued to live on the barracks until my father mustered out in May 1946.

- – - – - – - – - – - -

Tom Brokaw was born in 1940, a “niche,” as he calls himself. A proud native of South Dakota, Brokaw is the archetype of the Good Son. He sees himself as a bridge between the two generations he stands between — the boomers and their parents — and is amazed at the ignorance many veterans’ children have of their folks’ wartime lives.

As recounted in many speeches and editorials, Brokaw’s interest in the war generation manifested itself in 1984 when he was doing a documentary on the 40th anniversary of D-Day for NBC News. Ten years later, during a ceremony honoring the veterans of the same conflict on its 50th anniversary, he said, “I think this is the greatest generation any society has produced.”

“That’s my story and I’m sticking to it,” Brokaw tells me, nearly six years later, and he’s certainly found a lot of people to go along with him. (It’s worth noting that some of Brokaw’s colleagues who are among the “Greatest Generation,” such as professional curmudgeon Andy Rooney, protest the appellation.) Aside from the first book and its sequel, his conceit has yielded an NBC documentary (available on videotape) and he is now considering a third book on the subject. In this one, he says, he may accentuate the negative a bit more, tell a few more tales fraught with postwar failure and disappointment.

“It might be helpful to kind of underscore that a little more and give it just a little more context,” he says. “Because I think there’s a lesson in that, as well. With their own failures came successes and understanding — even insights.”

“You kind of get the laurel pressed down upon your brow whether you like it or not,” my father says when I ask him how he likes being part of The Greatest Generation. When I ask him if he thinks men were more selfless then, his response is equally jaded.

“I don’t buy it,” he says with a laugh. “I was just reading about the Mexican War here and how they were saying, ‘What we need are more selfless men!’ That’s fine for the guy who’s not going. Everybody’s for himself, to a certain extent.”

He attended the University of California at Santa Barbara and then UC-Berkeley while my mother began to have children, five in all. He majored in English and ended up teaching but not, as I learned, because he thought it was some great calling.

“I thought I’d be a writer but I could never get going on it,” he says now, with a candor that surprises me. “I thought, well I can teach, anyway. I should have tried something else. Your mother had her first baby by then and I was really pushed for time, I was out of school and I had to get a job right away.”

That sense of desperation plagued a lot of men after the war — more than Brokaw’s books suggest, certainly. At the time it was only occasionally acknowledged, as it was in the classic film “The Best Years of Our Lives.” “The veterans hospitals were very full of returnees,” my mother recalls. “Suicides, people who had lost everything. Their jobs were gone. Their skills, whatever they were, weren’t suitable to the civilian world. Who takes guns apart and puts them together, like we did then?”

For some men, military experience fed directly into their work lives. “The Greatest Generation” is filled with countless stories of struggles in business — almost all of which, inevitably, led to success. Bob Bush bought a small lumberyard in Washington that he and a fellow vet turned into a juggernaut. “They had learned in their military training how long they could go without sleep and still function,” writes Brokaw, “so they developed a plan. Every other week, one of the partners would work a full 24-hour day, driving through the night to Portland [Ore.] to pick up an extra truckload of lumber. That demanding schedule went on for seven years.”

By the same token, the regimentation of military life — not to mention the mindless, by-the-book bureaucracy of its day-to-day operation — prepared many vets for corporate life. “They were the We generation, not the Me generation,” says Brokaw. “They really did believe in collective effort and the big corporation. They thought that’s how you got things done … They came back and went to work for General Motors, or GE or RCA, and lived the corporate life. Now there was the downside to that, but that’s kind of how they were raised, in big institutions.”

This is Brokaw in classic Good Son mode. There is a photo of him as a young man in his first book; he is wearing a jacket and tie and sporting a crew cut. Bell-bottom pants and a little hair on the collar were about as far out as he got in the ’60s, he tells me. And philosophically as well as sartorially, he seems uncomfortable with the condemnation of corporate culture that most of us embraced. It’s easy to see what such pull-together, can-do thinking did for IBM or GM — especially if you were the president of the company or a shareholder.

As a teacher in California’s public schools, my father did not so much join a corporate structure as follow the jobs (albeit within a considerable bureaucracy). In the early ’60s, we moved to Crescent City, a rather beleaguered fishing and logging village near the northernmost part of the California coast, where my father taught high school English. It was there that my parents’ marriage fell apart, and by 1966 they had divorced and divided the family, with my father taking custody of my older brother and sister while my younger brother and sister and I stayed with Mom.

My parents separately moved closer to the Bay Area (my father remarried), and my brothers and I took our cultural and political cues from whatever was going down there. I remember having a knock-down, drag-out fight with my mother over whether I would dodge the draft or fight in Vietnam. We had this fight when I was 14, a good four years before it would even be an issue. (I had been playing Army just a few years before.) But my attitude, even at that tender age, struck my mother the ex-Marine as downright treasonous.

“I do remember when you kids were all doing the peace march thing,” she says. “I thought, ‘We never did that.’”

My father was of two minds during the Vietnam War. “I felt that we should go and fight and at the same time I felt we got in the wrong goddamn war at the wrong place,” he says. “They weren’t fighting it properly. I still think the old military axiom is, Go for the throat, for the king. We should have made it a flat-out, all-out attack on North Vietnam. Instead they pissed around in the jungle, and the longer they did it, the madder I got.”

His anger was not confined to the Pentagon, or the Viet Cong, for that matter. I remember a blistering conversation we had about People’s Park in Berkeley, a few blocks of real estate the university wanted for housing and the people wanted for, like, the people, man. Gov. Reagan sent the National Guard in, a protester was killed and I ended up screaming at my father about it.

I’d never been to People’s Park, mind you; Berkeley was a good three hours from where I lived and meant almost nothing to me personally, but the stakes were higher then. Everything was personal. My father had been back to his beloved Berkeley and found the place overrun by freaks. Soon his van was sporting a “Democrats for Nixon” bumper sticker and he was carrying a .45 with him when he drove. “This is in case the revolution starts,” he told me once, racking the pistol before my startled eyes. What the insurgents would want with Rio Vista, Calif., was something he never explained.

But beneath the reactionary front, he was starting to have his doubts. “I remember driving across the Bay Bridge and being behind a military truck full of stuff, headed for Travis Air Force Base, and I looked at all these things piled up in the back and realized they were caskets,” he recalls. “Jesus, that gave me a terrible turn. Thinking Brian [his oldest son] could have been in one of those.”

I never heard my father talk about seeing those caskets that day, and I doubt my brother Brian has, either. My father is a remote figure, emotionally and physically. (He’s retired, living in a double-wide in a trailer park in Barstow, Calif.) I did not know that he had ever thought of us in the context of war. I did not know that he had ever had his doubts — about that or much of anything.

My mother remained true to her liberal roots. It was with her blessing that I picketed a Safeway with the United Farm Workers, and I still remember her getting me out of bed to watch the news of Robert Kennedy’s assassination. She came around on the subject of the Vietnam War as well. She also believes my generation would rise to the occasion if our nation was truly threatened. “If something momentous happened,” she says, “if we went to a war with a major equal of some kind, I think people would scurry around like crazy.” My father goes her one further:

“I think this generation, if there was what they thought was a just war, would do just as well as we did,” he says. “Probably better. You guys don’t smoke as much.”

Gym-fit boomers, spoiling for a fight! The Gulf War saw millions of same watching CNN and cheering as Norman Schwartzkopf showed film of “smart bombs” taking out enemy installations. Game over! It seemed too easy — and as Saddam Hussein continues to remind us, it was.

In the documentary made from “The Greatest Generation,” Frank Kilmer, the son of a former prisoner in a Nazi POW camp, admits to Brokaw that he envies his father his war experience — not the danger of the bombing runs or the fight for survival in the camp but the sheer certitude of his actions. For his father, he said, going to war “was a clear road to virtuous activity. I think in our day and age, it’s a lot harder to find.”

But as writers from Homer to Remarque have reminded us, it is a “virtuous activity” that involves the death of many young men. By 1945 the Germans were sending pie-faced boys just a few years past childhood to serve as cannon fodder. The justness of the cause certainly served to ameliorate many of the horrific memories veterans of that war brought home with them. (Vietnam vets had no such solace.) But it does not erase the stain of the memory, as the emotion many of Brokaw’s subjects conjure up bears witness. It does not wash away the blood.

And as truly noble as I believe the author’s intentions were, as much as Brokaw wants to honor the experience and memories of those whose lives he chronicled, the Greatest Generation phenomenon is only reducing it to a clichi. Like Steven Spielberg’s “Saving Private Ryan” — which began so well, conveying a sense of claustrophobia and fear as sharp as the taste of metal on the tongue — it fades to sepia as an old duffer asks his wife if he’s been a good man.

There isn’t much that’s sepia-toned about my dad. As a teacher I think he must have been a tyrant, and as a father — well, suffice it to say his phone isn’t ringing off the hook on Father’s Day. Some of my siblings have no desire to speak to him and those of us who do sometimes wonder why we bother. I know he sometimes wonders about his own life and its purpose, if not whether he has been a good man. But he is not going all that quietly into his dotage, and the last thing I expect him to accept is the accolade of greatness as they close the coffin lid.

Sean Elder is a frequent contributor to Salon.

The face of genocide

It's apt that John Demjanjuk's death ends the Nazi atrocity-trial era. Foot soldiers made the Holocaust possible

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The face of genocideJohn Demjanjuk waits in a courtroom in Munich. He was charged with 28,060 counts of accessory to murder and convicted of serving as a Nazi death camp guard. (Credit: AP Photo/Matthias Schrader)

The death of John Demjanjuk in a Bavarian nursing home brings to an end the most convoluted and lengthy case to arise from the crimes of the Holocaust. Demjanjuk’s legal odyssey began in 1977, when American prosecutors filed a motion to strip the Ukrainian-born émigré of his U.S. citizenship. It reached a conclusion of sorts last May, when a German court convicted the 91-year-old defendant of assisting the SS in the murder of 28,060 Jews at Sobibor, a death camp in eastern Poland.

The court’s verdict — Demjanjuk was sentenced to five years imprisonment only to be released pending appeal — aroused controversy, more here than abroad. Rabbi Marvin Hier, head of the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles called Demjanjuk’s release “an insult to his victims and the survivors.” Yet the survivors and relatives of victims I spoke to generally expressed satisfaction with the Solomonic verdict. Little was to be gained by jailing the nonagenarian as his appeals wended through the court system. More important was the conviction itself, the fact that a German court had finally managed — nearly seven decades after the fact — to condemn one of the thousands of auxiliaries who served as the foot soldiers of genocide.

Germany rightfully enjoys the reputation as having succeeded in the difficult collective task known as Vergangenhetstbewältigung – confronting the past. While Turkey and Japan continue vehemently to dispute any responsibility for crimes of genocidal sweep, while Spain brings criminal charges against a local magistrate who dares to investigate Franco-era crimes, Germany has emerged as the poster boy for national self-reckoning, the land willing to face down its monstrous past. The casual tourist in Berlin cannot escape the public memorials to atrocity that dot the urban landscape with a mushroom-like plentitude. And when all else fails, German law serves as the muscle of memory, stepping in to prosecute those who would deny the Holocaust.

And yet when it came to bringing Nazi perpetrators to the bar of justice, the German legal system managed to amass a record of impressive failure that stretched back to its founding days. Hans Globke, the jurist who penned the law forcing all Jews to adopt Sarah or Israel as a middle name, enjoyed a stellar postwar career as Konrad Adenauer’s closest advisor. In early 1960, Fritz Bauer, the famous German-Jewish prosecutor, passed intelligence concerning Adolf Eichmann’s Argentine whereabouts to Mossad and not to his own intelligence office out of fears that Germany would botch or sabotage any trial.

More to the point, the vast majority of those who participated in the extermination process never faced criminal charges, and those unlucky few who found themselves indicted were either acquitted outright or received minor punishment. This was largely the consequence of a calamitous holding by postwar German courts that mere service as a concentration camp guard didn’t constitute a crime. Only if one had engaged in some value-added act of violence — such as the unauthorized killing of an inmate — could a former guard be found guilty of a crime. This calculus essentially used Nazi standards of legality in assessing the guilt of camp guards; or to put it another way, postwar German courts condemned only those former functionaries who could have been condemned by the SS’s own tribunals.

In this regard, Demjanjuk’s conviction in Munich represented an important corrective — though admittedly one long in coming. The Munich court accepted a novel theory of criminal responsibility specifically tailored to the realities of genocide. Sobibor, it needs to be recalled, was a pure extermination facility; its sole purpose was the killing of Jews. According to the prosecution, this meant that all Sobibor guards by necessity had been involved in the killing process. That the prosecution couldn’t prove Demjanjuk had beaten to death an inmate or shot another was immaterial; Demjanjuk had to have been an accessory to murder because as a Sobibor guard, that was his job. Once the prosecution was able to prove that Demjanjuk had served at Sobibor — which, despite the persistence of claims to the contrary, it was able to do beyond any reasonable doubt — its case was over. The theory was simple, irresistible in its logic, and yet no court in the Federal Republic had managed to embrace it — that is, before the court in Munich this past May.

It is, of course, regrettable that the German court system took more than a half-century to self-correct. Clearly there is something ironic about a precedent so late it coming that it will furnish no legal legacy.  Yet such is the fate of the Demjanjuk case. In the weeks after the conviction, German prosecutors announced their intention to use the novel holding to reopen long-moldering cases, but whether any of these will go to trial remains doubtful. Actuarial realities certainly make this less than likely.

Those inclined to cynicism may also find significance in the fact that this belated self-correction came in a case involving a non-German who served invisibly at the very bottom of the SS’s exterminatory hierarchy. True, Demjanjuk was no Eichmann; he was not even a Nazi, and never would have found service as a death camp guard had the former soldier in the Red Army not been taken as a POW by the Wehrmacht. But what does this prove? The fact that other, more senior functionaries in the exterminatory process lived out their lives unruffled by prosecutors conferred no immunity on an underling in genocide. And without the Demjanjuks of the world, the death camp system could not have functioned.

Few if any rue Demjanjuk’s death. Had his conviction been upheld on appeal, the nonagenarian would have faced imprisonment, a result his lawyers dreaded. And yet the prosecution also feared the appellate process, as the high court might have proved less receptive to its novel theory of responsibility than the trial chamber. In any case, his death brings us one step closer to the day when the Holocaust will pass from the memory of those who lived it and become an artifact of history. And it certainly brings to a close the era of galvanic Nazi atrocity trials that stretches back to Nuremberg. That this era should end not with a Goering or an Eichmann or even a Barbie in the dock is less ironic than it is fitting. The Holocaust was not accomplished through the acts of Nazi statesmen, SS bureaucrats and Gestapo henchmen alone. It was made possible by the Demjanjuks of the world, the thousands of lowly foot soldiers of genocide.

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Lawrence Douglas is James J. Grosfeld Professor of Law, Jurisprudence & Social Thought at Amherst College. He covered the Munich trial of John Demjanjuk for Harper’s magazine. His most recent book, "The Vices," was a finalist for the 2011 National Jewish Book Award.

Why did so many Nazis get away with murder?

The documentary "Elusive Justice" reminds us that only a fraction of German war criminals were ever punished

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Why did so many Nazis get away with murder?Tuviah Friedman (23 January 1922 -- 13 January 2011) was a Nazi hunter and director of the Institute for the Documentation of Nazi War Crimes in Haifa, Israel. (Credit: Courtesy of Jonathan Silvers/Saybrook Productions)

Simon Weisenthal’s greatest contribution to the world was his dogged pursuit of Nazi criminals who escaped punishment at the end of World War II. His second greatest contribution was his reminder that despite being described as “the Good War” or “a just war,” not enough good was ultimately done, and comparatively little justice was meted out. Some of the most prominent and heinous architects of mass murder simply got on with their lives, and some were the recipients of largesse — jobs, travel assistance, even money and government protection — that was denied to the people who endured their cruelty. And we tend to forget that for every high-ranking sadist or mass murderer who was imprisoned or executed after the war, thousands more who assisted them directly (through action) or indirectly (through silence) were never even called to account.

This grim fact is the jumping-off point for “Elusive Justice” (Tuesday, PBS; check local listings), a documentary by Jonathan Silvers about Holocaust survivors (and victims) and the German war criminals that still weigh on their minds nearly 70 years after the end of the war. Narrated by Candice Bergen, the movie hits some of the expected topics and people, including the Nuremberg Trials and the efforts of Weisenthal (who disliked being called a “Nazi hunter” because so much of his work consisted of sifting through documents) and Asher Ben Natan, who funded and organized ex-Nazi-tracking operations in Europe.

But for the most part, the movie loiters around the edges of the best-known events, delving into stories that we haven’t heard before, and philosophies and feelings we rarely hear articulated in a documentary like this one. And it pays special attention to the mid-level officers, party officials and anonymous citizens who carried out orders from the top. Some of these people fled to other countries after 1945, but most returned to their pre-war lives. One survivor asks, “Why the hell should they sleep like babies while I have nightmares?”

The film contains much unresolved discussion of the difference between justice and vengeance, and how the Nuremberg tribunal was created in order to head off an international wave of vigilante mayhem. A couple of once-persecuted Jews who killed Nazis during and after the war offer a spirited defense of vengeance. At one point the film suggests that despite the noble intent behind the Nuremberg Trials, they might have inadvertently hurt the long-term cause of justice, by making most of the world subconsciously believe that it was all over and the good guys won and there was no need to trouble our minds with any of it.

One of the movie’s subjects is an elderly Viennese man who narrowly survived being euthanized at the notorious Am Spielgelgrund clinic, where children deemed “undesirable” by the government were experimented on or killed and then dissected. In 1997, when the filmmaker was an ABC News producer, he managed to track down Dr. Heinrich Gross, who once ran the clinic, and interviewed him on a public street. “If you didn’t do what you were told, you would have been killed by the Nazis,” the elderly doctor said at the time — the justification of so many mid-level participants in war crimes. Three years after the ABC report aired, the doctor was charged with complicity in mass murder. The trial ended four days after it started when the presiding judge declared Gross medically unfit to stand trial. He died in his home in 2005. “And that was our so-called justice,” says one of the doctor’s victims.

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Inside “Maus”

25 years later, Art Spiegelman gives us a behind-the-scenes look at his seminal Holocaust graphic novel

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Inside
This article appears courtesy of the Barnes & Noble Review.

Among those of a certain age, is there a soul who doesn’t remember how brilliantly “Maus” lit up the night when it burst upon the scene in 1986? A deeply serious comic strip of the Holocaust before the category of graphic novel was common coin, with Jews depicted as timorous mice and Nazis as bestial cats, “Maus” was scandalous in concept, jaw-dropping in execution, and, beneath its transgressive exterior, humbling in its rigorous yet gentle understanding of the victims of one of the seismic events of the 20th century.

Barnes & Noble Review
Lest you’ve forgotten any part of this, “Maus” mastermind Art Spiegelman is publishing “MetaMaus” to mark the 25th anniversary of the original. And after a quarter of a century, the work still provokes spellbound fascination and anguish in equal measure.

As a fellow member of the so-called Second Generation, or children of survivors, who’ve written books on the subject so central to our lives, let me attest to how handily the original “Maus” beat us all to the punch. Spiegelman’s first version was actually published 14 years earlier as a three-page underground strip in 1972. To put it in the proper time frame, this was during an era when the word “Holocaust” was scarcely spoken in polite society. The general public was locked in ignorance. Survivors were choked by a sort of guilt-by-association shamefulness. The Eichmann trial was only 11 years in the past; the taboo-breaking Holocaust TV miniseries six years in the future. As a measure of how traumatic the events of World War II were, the American Jewish community as a whole remained so shell-shocked that they had barely begun the supernatural task of processing it. Along came Spiegelman’s distinctly un-Disney-like hordes of mice to jolt us from our complacence, its first volume (“My Father Bleeds History”) in 1986 and its second (“And Here My Troubles Began”) five years later.

Like a director’s commentary track, the new “MetaMaus” provides a kind of behind-the-scenes “Inside ‘Maus’” that rewards us with insights this reviewer, for one, was too blown away to perceive the first time around. It’s built on a very distilled and definitive four-year-long interview with “associate editor” Hilary Chute, who deserves more credit than she receives (she’s not even listed on the front or back covers) for posing exactly the right questions, such as this one: “Were there times when you felt that perhaps comics wasn’t the best medium for your father’s story?”

Answer: “I came up against things in ‘Maus’ that involved imparting general information, and those were the moments when I would despair and think: Well, maybe I should just do something that’s a combination of prose and comics, use comics when it’s appropriate, and just typeset pages of prose when that seemed appropriate. But that would have been a real cop-out.”

And this: “Aside from Expressionism, what aspects of visual or literary modernism have you found productive?”

Answer: “I was interested in the fact that us low artists [i.e.. cartoonists] were the only artists still interested in drawing the human figure when all of modernism was moving away from that.”

The book is filled with similar revelations, such as the eccentric nature of Spiegelman’s influences. These embrace not only the German-born American artist Josef Albers (his “concern with retinal information rather than drawing per se”), but also “Little Orphan Annie” (which “offered me a more direct validation that comics could actually carry emotional resonance despite, or probably because of, the abstraction of the language and visuals”), as well as Mad magazine pioneer Harvey Kurtzman, whose sensibility Spiegelman credits with radicalizing “what we now think of as humor.”

Along the way, Spiegelman provides a glimpse into his years of apprenticeship, as well as a graduate-level course in comics semiotics: not only how eye movement works on the page, frame by frame, but how the graphic architecture serves in specific cases to deliver the narrative. As such, it is nothing less than a treatise on the rhythm and grammar of comics storytelling. The visual vocabulary he utilizes turns out to be more ingenious than you (or I, at least) ever suspected. Who knew, for instance, that on one page the smoke from the narrator’s cigarette was meant to be subconsciously seen as smoke from the crematorium in the panel below? (Another throwaway revelation: “I do believe that the self-destructiveness of my smoking is not totally unrelated to the secondhand memories of secondhand smoke” his parents breathed from the crematoria.)

In fact, Spiegelman doesn’t so much rapid-fire his replies as he chain-smokes them, one after the other, torching one eye-opener from the spark of the previous. On how he managed to condense such encyclopedic information into two volumes: “‘Maus’ could have been ten times longer if I’d just not tried to pack it as tightly.” On why he chose this most daunting of topics to begin with: “My work life has mostly consisted of finding the hardest thing I’m capable of doing to placate the Hanging Judge within. I wanted a challenge worth meeting as I turned thirty, and ‘Maus’ qualified.”

(More about that Hanging Judge: “Drawing doesn’t come easily to me — maybe I’m lazy like my father always told me I was.”)

Most important, he manages to explore the fluidity of the fiction/nonfiction divide that inevitably plagues historic narrative, and to confirm that they are not as easily segregated as naive commentators would have us believe. Acknowledging that “memory is a very fugitive thing,” he cobbles a workable reply to those who insist on its rigidity. “I still puzzle over what fiction and nonfiction really are. Reality is too complex to be threaded out into the narrow channels and confines of narrative and ‘Maus,’ like all other narrative work including memoir, biography, and history presented in narrative form, is streamlined and, at least on that level, a fiction.” To flesh out his point he shares the delicious anecdote of how, before the New York Times Book Review saw the light and acceded to putting the book on the nonfiction side of the bestseller ledger, one benighted editor argued, “Well look, let’s go out to Spiegelman’s house and if a giant mouse answers the door, we’ll move it to the nonfiction side of the list!”

Fortunately, more enlightened minds prevailed. The result has forever helped redefine our attitudes toward history and the art that attends it.

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Daniel Asa Rose is the author, most recently, of "Larry's Kidney: Being the True Story of How I Found Myself in China With My Black-Sheep Cousin and His Mail-Order Bride, Skirting the Law to Get Him a Transplant ... and Save His Life" – named one of the top books of the year by Publishers Weekly.

“Death in the City of Light”: A serial killer in Paris

A new masterpiece of true crime writing explores the quest for truth and justice in an immoral society

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At its worst, the true crime genre offers its readers a wallow in lurid sensationalism, but at its best it provides an opportunity to scrutinize the ways a society establishes truth and justice on the ground. For all its masterful storytelling, Eric Larson’s bestselling “The Devil in the White City” — which grafted a portrait of the architect who designed the Chicago World’s Fair in 1893 to the grisly dish on a serial killer who preyed on tourists drawn to the exhibition — never quite managed the latter. Dave King’s absorbing new book, “Death in the City of Light,” does it better, landing just shy of setting a new standard for the form.

“Death in the City of Light” recounts the infamous case of Marcel Petiot, a physician believed to have killed over 60 people in Paris between 1942 and 1944, under the Nazi occupation of the city. King presents the story as a procedural, beginning with the day in March 1944 when residents in the chic 16th arrondissement complained of a foul smoke billowing out of a neighboring townhouse. When attempts to rouse the house’s inhabitants proved fruitless, the fire department was called. In the basement, they found a coal stove with the “charred remains of a human hand” sticking out of it. Body parts and bones littered the floor. Further police investigations discovered a pit in which numerous corpses in various stages of decay had been covered with quicklime. In total, over 11 pounds of human hair would be gathered from the remains.

If King’s book has a protagonist, it’s police detective Victor Massu (an inspiration for Georges Simenon’s Inspector Maigret), who picked up the case at the beginning. Determining, capturing and convicting the culprit, however, would prove supremely challenging in a city whose civil institutions were hopelessly compromised under Nazi rule. It was difficult for anyone to sort out wrong from right. For example, the patrolmen initially dispatched to the scene allowed a man claiming to be the brother of the owner to enter the building and take away some undetermined piece of evidence. Why? Because he assured them that the house was a Resistance outpost and that the bodies inside it were the remains of “Germans and traitors to our country.” Later, they learned that the man was in fact Petiot, the house’s owner and the prime suspect.

People were disappearing from Nazi-occupied Paris in droves. Some escaped to Spain and beyond via clandestine networks. Others vanished into the prisons of the Gestapo; you could be arrested for something as simple as wearing red, white and blue on Bastille Day. Above all, the city’s Jewish population was subject to raids and deportations, plucked from their homes or off the streets and loaded into trains destined for death camps, never to be seen again. This made identifying the dismembered and mutilated remains in Petiot’s charnel house extremely difficult, especially given that the parts of the bodies most useful to this process were missing.

King sketches this background in brisk, workmanly prose. At first it seems a bit too workmanly, but as the case evolves into a bizarre farrago of false identities, paranoia, wild goose chases, rumors, secret agendas and outright delusion — all liberally sprinkled with Gallic histrionics — the choice makes perfect sense. Authorial flourishes would be superfluous in a story already replete with penny-dreadful details: a mysterious femme fatale, a coffin stuffed with treasure just before it was interred, a crime boss who “obsessively collected” rare dahlias and orchids and entertained socialites in his lavish townhouse while members of the Resistance were tortured in the cellars beneath, and so on.

The authorities finally caught Petiot after a seven-month search. By then, Paris had been liberated — an event described with crisp brio by King — and Massu had been charged with collaboration, losing his job. (He was later fully exonerated.) The doctor was deliberately goaded into revealing himself by a newspaper that ran the wild testimony of a witness (who later disappeared), alleging that Petiot was a cocaine smuggler who hired prostitutes to have sex with other men while he watched and who wore German uniforms to hunt down Resistance fighters. Outraged, Petiot sent the paper a long, handwritten note filled with clues that led to his apprehension. He was working under a false identity as a captain in the counterespionage service, where he participated in the investigation of his own crimes.

Petiot’s trial gave him further occasion to display his almost superhuman brazenness. He was accused of operating a false “escape agency,” promising to spirit people out of France, then killing them and stealing their valuables. Petiot maintained that he had worked for a Resistance operation, called “Fly-Tox,” that “liquidated” collaborators and informants. He painted his victims — including several Jews fleeing Nazi persecution — as Gestapo agents. He admitted to killing scores of people, just not the ones found in the townhouse. Those corpses, he insisted, had been planted there by the Gestapo in order to frame him.

The trial quickly became a three-ring circus — a situation exacerbated by the French judicial process, which allows civil attorneys hired by victims’ families as well as prosecutors to question witnesses and permits the participants (including the defendant) to interrupt testimony and statements. The quick-witted Petiot lambasted his enemies with barbed jokes and accusations of collaboration, capitalizing on the uneasiness everyone felt in the aftermath of the war. He nearly came to blows with one attorney while on the stand.

Petiot was not the only one to misbehave. Incredibly, the presiding magistrate was quoted describing the accused as “an unbelievable demon” and “an appalling murderer” in the press while the trial was in process and yet no mistrial was declared. The public fought over spots in the overflowing courtroom, then camped out, munching on sausages and sandwiches and shouting remarks like spectators at a sporting match. It was the best show in town. The writer Colette turned up to report on the trial, and such luminaries as Prince Rainier of Monaco and the duke of Windsor requested seats.

King has unearthed new evidence (a first-person account of the early days of the investigation written by Massu not long after the trial) to counter the widespread assumption that Petiot killed his victims via lethal injections. He also suspects that Petiot had powerful protectors in the Occupation regime and presents a convincing case for those suspicions. But the most startling impression left by “Death in the City of Light,” is of Paris itself, confronting the bestiality lurking behind its supremely civilized facade, and of the handful of Parisiennes who tried to serve justice in spite of it.

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Laura Miller

Laura Miller is a senior writer for Salon. She is the author of "The Magician's Book: A Skeptic's Adventures in Narnia" and has a Web site, magiciansbook.com.

Birthers: You know who else wasn’t eligible for the presidency? Hitler!

World Net Daily finally asks to see der Fuhrer's birth certificate

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Birthers: You know who else wasn't eligible for the presidency? Hitler!Adolf Hitler and Joseph Farah

Joseph Farah, founder of WorldNetDaily, the Internet’s dumbest news organization, has posted a very compelling and serious editorial today at his silly website of nonsense and post-apocalyptic seed advertisements. To sum it up: Barack Obama is ineligible to be president because Hitler.

The American political and media elite have determined, for whatever reason, that the Constitution’s eligibility requirements for the presidency are not important.

That is the only conclusion one can draw from the misinformation, disinformation and disinterest they have shown to the serious questions swirling around not only the unique case of Barack Obama but also to the definition of “natural born citizen” in future presidential elections.

It’s not unprecedented that failing republics dumb down eligibility requirements for the presidency. It’s not unprecedented that failing republics ignore or obscure eligibility requirements for the presidency. It’s not unprecedented that failing republics make tragic mistakes in permitting non-qualified candidates to serve in the presidency.

It happened in 1932 in Germany with a candidate named Adolf Hitler.

“Failing republics”! Why does Joseph Farah not believe in American exceptionalism?

Also, I know this is entirely beside the point, but: Hitler wasn’t ever elected president. He was appointed chancellor by German President Paul von Hindenburg. (The “loophole” that allowed Hitler to assume that office was that he legally obtained German citizenship.) When Hindenburg died, Hitler left the presidency vacant and (illegally) assumed the power of the office, but not the title. In other words: Hitler, who was legally eligible to be the president of Germany, was never the president of Germany.

Joseph Farah can’t even competently compare Obama to Hitler. This is basic wingnut stuff!

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

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