Arianna Huffington
Bush’s primitive appeal
There's a region of our brains called the amygdala that causes us to feel fear. Bush is campaigning hard for its vote.
Since the president’s meltdown in the first debate — followed in quick succession by Paul Bremer’s confession, the CIA’s no-al-Qaida/Saddam link report, the Duelfer no-WMD-since-’91 report, and the woeful September job numbers — I have been racking my brain trying to figure out why George W. Bush is still standing.
The answer arrived via my friend Ed Solomon, the brilliant writer and filmmaker, who explained that the conundrum could be solved by looking at the very organ I’d been racking.
Ed introduced me to the work of Dr. Daniel Siegel, a Harvard-trained psychiatrist and author of the forthcoming book “Mindsight,” which explores the physiological workings of the brain.
Turns out, when it comes to Campaign 2004, it’s the neuroscience, stupid!
Or, as Dr. Siegel told me: “Voters are shrouded in a ‘fog of fear’ that is impacting the way our brains respond to the two candidates.”
Thanks to the Bush campaign’s unremitting fear-mongering, millions of voters are reacting not with their linear and logical left brain but with their lizard brain and their more emotional right brain.
What’s more, people in a fog of fear are more likely to respond to someone whose primary means of communication is in the nonverbal realm, neither logical nor language-based. (Sound like any presidential candidate you know?)
And that’s why Bush is still standing. It’s not about left wing vs. right wing; it’s about left brain vs. right brain.
Deep in the brain lies the amygdala, an almond-size region that generates fear. When this fear state is activated, the amygdala springs into action. Before you are even consciously aware that you are afraid, your lizard brain responds by clicking into survival mode. No time to assess the situation, no time to look at the facts, just: fight, flight or freeze.
And, boy, have the Bushies been giving our collective amygdala a workout. Especially Dick Cheney, who has proven himself an unmatched master of the dark art of fear-mongering. For an object lesson in how to get those lizard brains leaping, look no further than the vice-presidential debate.
“The biggest threat we face today,” said Cheney in his very first answer “is the possibility of terrorists smuggling a nuclear weapon or a biological agent into one of our own cities and threatening the lives of hundreds of thousands of Americans.”
Just in case we didn’t get the point, he repeated the ominous assertion, practically word for word, two more times — throwing in the fact that he was “absolutely convinced” that the threat “is very real.” It was “be afraid, be very afraid” to the third power.
And when we are afraid, we are biologically programmed to pay less attention to left-brain signals — indeed, our logical mind actually shuts itself down. Fear paralyzes our reasoning and literally makes it impossible to think straight. Instead, we search for emotional, nonverbal cues from others that will make us feel safe and secure.
When our right brain is at Threat Level Red, we don’t want to hear about a four-point plan to win the peace, or a list of damning statistics, or even a compelling, well-reasoned argument that the policies of Bush and Cheney are actually making us less safe. We want to get the feeling that everything is going to be all right.
In this state, our brains care more about tone of voice than what the voice is saying. This is why Bush can verbally stumble and sputter and make little or no sense and still leave voters feeling that he is the candidate best able to protect them. Our brains are primed to receive the kinds of communication he has to offer and discard the kinds John Kerry has to offer, even if Kerry makes more “logical sense.” Which, of course, he does.
The strutting, winking, pointing and near-shouting that marked Bush’s town hall debate performance all sent the same subconscious message to our fear-fogged brains: “I’m your daddy … I’ve got your back. So just go to sleep and stop thinking. About anything.”
“At the deepest level,” Dr. Siegel told me, “we react to fear as adults in much the same way we did as infants. It’s primal. Human babies have the most dependent infancy of any species. Our survival depends on the caregiver. We instinctively look to authority figures to comfort us and keep us safe.”
As needy infants, this natural drive to be soothed and reassured is what we looked for in our parents; as anxious adults in these exceptionally unsettling times, it’s what we are looking for in our leaders.
Over the remaining three weeks of the campaign, as the anxiety level reaches a fevered pitch — and you can be certain the Bush campaign will do everything in its power to make sure that happens — the test facing voters is no longer “Which candidate would you rather have a beer with?” It’s “Which candidate would you rather give you your blankie and a bottle and keep the boogeyman away?”
I know it sounds ludicrous that the most important election of our lifetime is coming down to who can best pacify the electorate’s inner baby, but I can think of no better explanation as to why Bush is not currently hovering at around 5 percent in the polls — a voting block made up of those hardcore fanatics who are as utterly blind to reality as he is.
As long as we’re operating from our lizard brains — and reason takes a back seat to more primal needs — George Bush will continue to survive the logic-based attacks on his ever-escalating failures.
The only question that remains is: Can Bush, Cheney and Rove keep us shrouded in the fog of fear long enough to brain John Kerry and win in November?
Unreality TV
It's become painfully obvious that the only enemies Rumsfeld can defeat are the straw men he creates in his mind. It's time to cancel his show.
If you could distill this administration down to one single thing, it would be this: a complete inability — indeed a pathological aversion — to changing course, even when the current course is taking us over a cliff.
Combine that with rank incompetence, and you’ve got quite a potent — and deadly — combo. It was on full display last night during the president’s speech on Iraq and last week during Donald Rumsfeld’s multiple public appearances.
First the president’s speech.
Continue Reading CloseJudging what’s news
When the major networks cover stories like the Michael Jackson trial instead of the Downing Street memo, just click the remote.
I was thinking a lot over the weekend about the news and about how the news becomes the news, and then I read Jay Rosen’s brilliant take on the Downing Street memo coverage. Rosen elaborates on Josh Marshall’s assertion that “news stories have a 24-hour audition on the news stage, and if they don’t catch fire in that 24 hours, there’s no second chance.” Rosen’s theory is that blogs have become the news cycle’s appeals court, and that the Downing Street memo story is still alive because it won on appeal. And thank God.
Continue Reading CloseWhere are the Democrats?
A majority of Americans say the war in Iraq hasn't made the U.S. safer. Why aren't more Democrats demanding that the White House develop an exit strategy?
“What Korea was to Truman, and Vietnam was to LBJ, Iraq will be to George W. Bush,” Arthur Schlesinger told me last week. In all three cases, the public grew weary of a drawn-out war with no end in sight. History shows that there is nothing sacrosanct about wartime presidents. There is no guaranteed immunity for them. Rally round the president when the nation is at war is the American tradition — but only for a time. The Korean War forced Truman to pull out of the 1952 race. Vietnam forced Johnson to pull out in 1968.
Continue Reading CloseMaking Mehlman more comfortable
Tim Russert lets RNC chair Ken Mehlman dodge the Downing Street memo, blame the deficit on 9/11, and "respectfully disagree" with criticism from his own party.
Sunday’s “Meet the Press,” featuring RNC chair Ken Mehlman, was another classic example of why host Tim Russert is fast becoming journalism’s answer to the E-ZPass, that electronic tag that allows drivers to go through toll booths without having to stop. On the show today, Mehlman was allowed to distort, twist, manipulate, obfuscate and “disassemble” his way through every stop on the disinformation highway.
The key to the E-ZPass method is no follow-ups — or lame follow-ups quickly abandoned. And Mehlman is a master at dealing with those. His technique? Just repeat or slightly rephrase his talking point, and trust that Russert will give up, wave him on, and proceed to the next prepared question.
Continue Reading CloseIraq: The next Democratic battlefront
With the situation in Iraq at its bleakest, it's time for Democrats to do battle with Republicans.
Now that the Democrats have won the battle over the nuclear option (or, at least, come away with a tie), they need to turn their attention to what it will take to become more than a minority party that wins a fight every now and then. They have been surprisingly successful at battling Bush’s domestic agenda, but if they’re going to broaden their appeal, they first have to broaden their battlefronts to include Iraq.
After John Kerry lost in November, the conventional wisdom was that he hadn’t been “me too” enough about Iraq. But the truth is the exact opposite.
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