Enron

Idiots in the boardroom

Kurt Eichenwald's absorbing new book offers us a look inside Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling's thoughts and private conversations as Enron sank. But it doesn't tell us if they were sinners or just fools -- or what the Enron saga says about American business.

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Idiots in the boardroom

Three and a half years after the dazzling self-immolation of Enron, former CEOs Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling are still waiting for their criminal trial to begin. Therefore, technically speaking, we don’t yet know if they are guilty of the charges of conspiracy and fraud that have been brought against them.

Which is not to say we don’t know anything. Enough books have been published about what went down at Enron to warrant their own publishing imprint. Lay, Skilling and all the rest of Enron’s hapless gang of latter-day robber barons are practically household names by now, and we’ve all got our pet theories about their complicity in one of the biggest business disasters of all time.

We know that, for example, for a couple of guys who were supposed to be really, really smart, Lay and Skilling were astoundingly bad at their jobs. It takes a not inconsiderable level of incompetence to destroy a company the size of Enron — at its height in 2000, the seventh-largest corporation in the United States, with 19,000 employees and reported revenues of $100.8 billion.

We also know that Andrew Fastow, the man hand-picked by Skilling to be Enron’s chief financial officer, was a major-league scammer, a man who managed to pocket some $60 million while setting up deals between Enron and special partnerships that he ran. For his sins, Fastow has been sentenced to 10 years on counts of conspiracy to commit wire and securities fraud.

And we have a pretty good idea, although this is still disputed in some quarters, that combining deregulation with lack of oversight in the realm of complex financial “instruments” is kind of goofy. As recently as 15 years ago it would have been much more difficult for a company to pull off the kind of smoke-and-mirrors shenanigans that Enron specialized in. But a combination of relaxed controls, set in motion by both Republican and Democratic administrations, along with the development of dramatically more complicated “risk management” financial tools, created new possibilities for mayhem.

But for all that we know, we still haven’t a clue as to whether Lay or Skilling will go to jail, and that’s a pretty big piece of the puzzle to be missing. Because without the resolution of their fates, it’s impossible to get closure on what the story of Enron means. Was this just a case of Texas-size venality in which one really bad apple — Fastow — ran amok while no one else minded the store? Or is it something more complex? Ken Lay was feted in the White House and considered a leading apostle of deregulatory dogma. Jeff Skilling was supposed to be one of the most brilliant businessmen of his generation, a man who left smashed paradigms in his wake wherever he traveled. It is tempting to argue that for them to fail so utterly is an indictment, not just of their management skills, but of their ideology.

Of course, there’s always the possibility that Lay and Skilling get off scot-free, having nailed Fastow as their fall guy. But it’s for such cases that we have books like “Conspiracy of Fools: A True Story,” a 742-page tome from New York Times reporter Kurt Eichenwald that is the latest entry in the Enron publishing sweepstakes. The judgment of a court of law is one thing. The judgment of history is another, and Eichenwald’s account will be part of that deliberation. “Conspiracy of Fools” is a big Enron book. Out of all the Enron books so far, including the one that currently holds pride of place, Bethany McLean and Peter Elkind’s “The Smartest Guys in the Room,” “Conspiracy of Fools” appears to be based upon the most painstaking research, the most interviews, the most poring over legal filings and transcripts and scheduling calendars.

There’s a lot to like about “Conspiracy of Fools.” It has an encyclopedic sense of completeness — as a reader, you feel every bit of evidence has been weighed, every stone turned over, every effort made to find out what really happened. Yet, even given all the attention to detail, the book is an easy, page-turning read. Eichenwald structures his narrative as a scene-by-scene cinematic thriller. Readers are placed directly inside the company’s boardrooms, listening in on cellphone conversations, watching as executives hit the reply button on their e-mail programs. The last several hundred pages, a minute-by-minute account of an imploding company, is a riveting slice of business journalism that bursts with chaos, adrenaline and despair.

But Eichenwald makes choices in “Conspiracy of Fools” that can be questioned. The words “A True Story” are emblazoned on the cover, but the book is written like a novel. Virtually every page includes reconstructed dialogue, provided to the author by participants of the conversations involved, but often the source is unattributed, despite 40 pages of footnotes, since, as Eichenwald notes, nearly everyone who agreed to be interviewed did so on the condition that their names not be used. These are not verbatim quotes. There is no reason to disbelieve their essential truth — and Eichenwald notes that he did not reconstruct any dialogue that has any of the principals saying anything “incriminating” — but in conjunction with the bold title claim, the technique seems a bit iffy.

More important, for all the time the reader spends lurking in the hallways and conference rooms of Enron, one finishes the book feeling a little confused as to how the company’s story fits into the larger narratives of high finance, the energy industry and political battles over deregulation. What does it all mean? Was Enron a stand-alone rogue, or merely the most out-of-control player in a world gone mad? That question is never answered; it is never even asked.

And as for the question that may or may not be decided in a court of law next January: Were Lay and Skilling guilty of more than just being fools? If we are to believe Eichenwald, Ken Lay is basically a good guy who trusted the wrong people, and who didn’t really know what was going on at his own company while he was busy hobnobbing with George W. and other political leaders. Jeff Skilling comes off as a bit more diabolical, and more than a tad unstable. He is clearly morally responsible for Fastow’s sins, and, more than anyone else, responsible for creating an anything-goes atmosphere at Enron. But is he legally complicit in Fastow’s crimes? It is impossible to say from the record presented in “Conspiracy of Fools.” Eichenwald even presents Skilling’s abrupt departure from his CEO position, just a few months before all hell broke loose, exactly according to Skilling’s own explanation: He wanted to spend more time with his family, and he was perturbed by a declining stock price.

By the end, only one conclusion is really clear: Andrew Fastow, “the really shitty CFO,” is the man who destroyed Enron.

But was it really that simple?

On the very first page of “Conspiracy of Fools” we are placed directly inside the head of Ken Lay. He’s driving to work on the day that he is finally forced to fire Andrew Fastow. He’s frustrated by the negative coverage Enron has been getting from the Wall Street Journal. Eichenwald tells us what Lay is thinking: “They just don’t understand.”

Later that day we get a direct description of Lay, during a conversation with Fastow, who wants to negotiate his severance deal immediately: “Lay almost recoiled in disgust.”

We are not told, however, the source of that description. But given that there are only two people in the room for the conversation, the choices are limited. It has to be Fastow, or Lay, or someone close to Lay who recounts the scene to Eichenwald secondhand.

Chances are, it’s not Fastow. Most of the scenes involving Fastow do not appear to be told from his point of view, unless he has a habit of describing himself as “oozing with contempt.” In this case, it’s got to be Lay, or someone in Lay’s camp.

But could anything be more predictable in the wake of the disasters that hit Enron that the knives would be out for Andrew Fastow? Doesn’t Lay have an incentive to make him look as bad as possible? Doesn’t Skilling? In a story as filled with accusations of misconduct, criminality and incompetence as Enron’s, we have a responsibility to investigate the agenda of each person who makes a particular charge. But if we don’t know the source, then how are we to make an informed appraisal?

There is little question that Fastow was the prime architect of the “structured finance” deals and famous “special purpose entities” that allowed Enron to move debt and badly performing assets off its balance sheet and pump up its earnings statements. His guilt is undeniable, and if even 10 percent of the things his co-workers say about him, on or off the record, are true, then he was also a pretty lousy person.

“Conspiracy of Fools” is an indispensable addition to the Enron bookshelf if only because it gives the most detailed description yet of how Fastow went about his schemes, how he navigated his way through the day-to-day flow of office politics. Again and again, we see how he duped his colleagues and foiled his critics. There’s a paradoxical duality at play: We are told, on the one hand, that he was an incompetent manager, that he didn’t appear to know all that much about Enron’s businesses or some of the more complicated aspects of high finance, and yet he is the mastermind of an incredibly complex accounting scheme involving state-of-the-art risk-management strategies that boggle the comprehension of even the most experienced financial analysts and reporters.

But Fastow is also an easy, and safe, target to pin all the blame on. After all, it’s already been established, in a court of law, that he is a criminal.

The oddest thing about “Conspiracy of Fools” is how Skilling and Lay come off. Let’s postulate, for argument’s sake, that Eichenwald has it all absolutely correct, that he has nailed the story. If so, we are presented with the picture of a CEO, Ken Lay, who for years and years basically did not know what was going on at his own company. This was a man who at one time was offered the CEO job at AT&T and, near the end of his tenure at Enron, was negotiating for a position at the leveraged buyout giant KK&R. He is publicly perceived to be one of the most successful CEOs in the country — a confidant of presidents and an advisor on federal energy policy. He stood right at the heart of the Texas energy-and-politics vortex that not only runs the United States, but dominates the entire world! And yet, judging by the record in “Conspiracy of Fools,” he didn’t do all that much. He’s a genial, devout good old boy from Missouri who has a great poker face but isn’t what you’d call a details guy. His own employees are described as disheartened when Skilling, Lay’s successor as CEO, quits unexpectedly and forces Lay to return. They are worried that he no longer has what it takes to run Enron, that the company has “passed him by.”

If he’s guilty of anything, then, it seems he’s guilty of just not being a very good CEO, something that could well work in his favor during his trial. He just didn’t know what was going on, just as WorldCom’s Bernie Ebbers claims to have no clue about what his own CFO, Scott Sullivan, was up to. You’ve got to love American CEOs — compensated more for their labor than just about any other beings on the planet, yet somehow not responsible when it all falls apart. (On Tuesday, Ebbers was found guilty on all nine counts involving WorldCom’s accoutning fraud.)

But what about Skilling? If there’s one thing that everyone seems to agree on about Skilling, it is that he is brilliant, the smartest of the smart guys, the man who conjures whole new trading markets out of thin air, who invents new businesses, who transformed Enron from a pipeline company that actually moved gas back and forth from place to place, into a high-flying derivatives trader that operated at the cutting edge of newfangled high finance. Fastow, we are told again and again, via the reconstructed quotes of his sniping co-workers, didn’t really understand what he was doing. But not Skilling. The more complex, the better!

So how did someone so smart not realize that the deals his protégé was setting up were inherently flawed?

That is one of the central questions in the mystery of Enron. In August 2001, Jeff Skilling resigned as CEO, just months after taking over the job from Lay. Less than six months later, Enron declared bankruptcy. Did Skilling know the house of cards was about to fall apart? Was he abandoning a sinking ship?

His position is adamant: He had no idea. He first cited personal reasons for his departure, and then, in an interview with a WSJ reporter, attributed the stress of a falling stock price as a primary reason.

Eichenwald, again, presents this at face value: Skilling was burned out, wanted to spend more time with his family, was bummed that he couldn’t get the stock price to go up, and skedaddled. He was as surprised as anyone when the whole thing went up in smoke.

Except that he’s the one guy who should have been most aware of how dangerous a falling stock price was to Enron.

Why did Enron crash? How did a company almost universally perceived as one of the best run, most innovative, most profitable operations in the world collapse so suddenly? It’s a question that has almost as many answers as there are books about Enron.

From a journalistic standpoint, one of the most impressive aspects of the story is the role the press played. If there’s any lesson to be taken from the story of Enron, it’s to never underestimate the power of negative stories in Fortune and the Wall Street Journal. Financial markets get spooked easily, and once the media turned against Enron, the company was effectively doomed.

But even the best reporters can’t bring down a Fortune 50 company without help. And the most popular answer explaining Enron’s demise is that it wasn’t actually making money — that it was all a sham, that a combination of flawed accounting schemes and outright fraud covered up for the fact that the company made a series of very bad business decisions over the years, and eventually all the mistakes caught up with it. Enron spent billions purchasing and building power plants all over the world that never earned out. It made an ambitious foray into the water business that proved to be a financial disaster. It had no internal controls on expenses — or even any clear idea of how much it was spending, or how much it owed, on a given day.

From this perspective, Enron’s collapse was inevitable — the only mystery is how long it managed to pull the wool over everyone’s eyes.

But there is an opposing view. At least one account of the business disasters of the turn of the century, Frank Partnoy’s brilliant “Infectious Greed,” argues that Enron’s energy derivatives business, its buying, selling and trading of complex contracts to deliver electricity and natural gas, was hugely profitable. In Partnoy’s view, Enron was the victim of a Wall Street panic, abetted by terrible leadership. If the company’s managers had actually known how profitable their core business was, he argues, they could have avoided bankruptcy.

Partnoy’s take is intriguing, but moot. And no matter how profitable Enron’s derivatives business was, Enron’s love for such complex financial instruments also played a huge role in its downfall. Which is why Jeff Skilling’s concern about the stock price seems, in retrospect, so damning.

A derivative is a contract whose value is tied to another asset. Derivatives include options and future contracts — commitments to buy a certain commodity at a certain time at a certain price — and they get only more complicated from there. Enron was a major derivatives player. It traded energy derivatives, derivatives based on the weather, derivatives meant to insure against bankruptcy. In fact, by the time of its collapse, Enron was no longer a pipeline company, or even really an energy production company. It was primarily a derivatives trader.

But Enron didn’t just trade derivatives with other companies. It engaged in such dealing with its own self. The “special purpose entities” that Fastow set up were basically derivatives deals. Enron would set up a partnership to buy Enron assets, and then it would loan that partnership the money to buy those assets, in some cases guaranteeing the loan with Enron’s own stock. So if the value of the asset — a power plant, an Internet bandwidth provider, etc. — fell, Enron would make up the difference with its own stock. The variety of ways in which these deals were structured was endless — a tribute to Fastow’s creative imagination — but the bottom line was often the same. As long as Enron stock price continued to rise, everything would be fine. But if Enron’s stock price fell, the whole scheme would fall apart. Enron would be on the hook.

It seems inconceivable that Skilling did not know this. Perhaps he was unaware, as he maintains, of how much Fastow stood to profit from the deals he was setting up. And maybe we can give him the benefit of the doubt that he didn’t know the full extent of the structure of some of the more questionable partnerships. In any event, it’s likely that he considered Fastow’s deals perfectly legal. As Eichenwald notes, he stressed, again and again, that he had done nothing “wrong.” But it seems baffling that someone as smart as Skilling, someone who had personally been the leader in the transformation of Enron from a pipeline company to a derivatives trader, did not understand that the deals his golden boy was setting up would threaten disaster if Enron’s stock price plummeted, or even worse, if its credit rating was downgraded.

Was his decision to abandon ship criminal behavior or just cowardice? Depends on the perspective. The employees who lost their jobs and the investors who lost their shirts may have one point of view. Derivatives traders at other companies busily doing exactly the same thing as Enron might have another. But the most perplexing aspect of “Conspiracy of Fools” is that at the end of the story, we really don’t know what to think. Eichenwald is a master of telling us what happened, day by day. But he avoids interpretation. He eschews the larger context. We get no clue as what he thinks it all means.

That is unfortunate. The story of Enron is a golden opportunity to explore fundamental questions about how government, financial markets and corporations work together. Taken with the rest of the scandals that plagued the turn of the century, Enron offers a way into assessing what role government should play in regulating new markets, and what risks we face in the future as market dealings become even more complex than they already are.

Enron wasn’t the only company to explode in scandal half a decade ago. But by isolating Enron’s story without referring to larger trends in finance or markets or policy, Eichenwald makes it hard to draw any conclusions from what happened.

In the wake of those financial scandals, one major piece of legislation was passed, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, which tightens financial reporting guidelines, increases the independence and responsibility of directors, and is theoretically aimed at preventing future Enrons. But already, there is strong pressure from the business community to weaken the requirements of Sarbanes-Oxley. Compliance is too expensive — a cry that is heard everywhere from Fortune 500 companies to tiny nonprofits. Will Sarbanes-Oxley be just a bump in the road as we proceed to ever more deregulated markets? Are bigger and better Enrons to come, or are we all smarter now?

Eichenwald’s retelling of the story is riveting, but it’s a story that has already been told many times. The bigger question — what does it all mean — remains unaddressed. It’s an opportunity missed.

Editor’s note: This story has been corrected since its original publication.

Andrew Leonard

Andrew Leonard is a staff writer at Salon. On Twitter, @koxinga21.

The Wall Street Journal’s Freudian tweet

The newspaper declares Enron-inspired Sarbanes-Oxley law struck down by Supreme Court. Er, not so fast

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The Wall Street Journal's Freudian tweet

The Wall Street Journal has never made any attempt to hide its antipathy for Sarbanes-Oxley, the Enron/Worldcom-inspired law that attempted to increase oversight on public company accounting. The Journal’s position is that the law imposed costs on businesses that hurt the overall economy. Since this is the Journal’s editorial position on any legislation that tries to rein in the business world, no one was ever required to take their rantings too seriously (even though, it is true, Sarbanes-Oxley has resulted in compliance costs that can be challenging for smaller public firms).

So perhaps that explains why the Wall Street Journal’s flagship Twitter feed (as pointed out by Felix Salmon) jumped the gun this morning, reporting via a tweet practically dripping with glee that Sarbanes-Oxley had finally been vanquished!

BREAKING: Supreme Court strikes down Sarbanes-Oxley, the landmark anti-fraud law. Much more to come at http://wsj.com

Except, as the Journal and other publications soon reported, the court did no such thing. The court struck down a part of Sarbanes-Oxley that had to with the president’s power to fire members of the Public Company Oversight Accounting Board, the regulatory body set up by Sarbanes-Oxley to watch over the accounting firms that audit public companies.

Currently, members of the PCOAB can only be fired “for cause.” The court ruled that this violated the Constitution’s “separation of powers” principles. Now the president will be able to fire the overseers “at will.”

Critics of Sarbanes-Oxley had hoped that the court would use this flaw to throw out the entire law. But that’s not happening. The law stands. The proper tweet should have been “Supreme Court strikes down minor part of Sarbanes-Oxley; law remains in effect.”

Maybe it was an honest error — albeit retweeted around the world at near the speed of light. Or maybe it was an unintentional revelation of the deepest hopes and desires of the Wall Street Journal’s shell-shocked editorial core — the subconscious revealed in 140 characters or less. With just days to go before a new avalanche of financial sector regulation becomes law, the Journal saw one bright spot in the advancing gloom — Sarbanes-Oxley would be no more! And the paper (or a Twitter-feed monitoring intern) got a little excited. Hey, no worries, it’s happened to the best of us.

But the least the paper could do would be a follow-up, one-word tweet: Ooops! Any self-respecting blogger would have felt that much responsibility. But the Journal blithely tweeted forward, gradually approaching the truth, with nary a look back. Tut tut.

UPDATE: The man behind the mistaken tweet, Zach Seward, comes admirably clean in Felix Salmon’s comments.

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Andrew Leonard

Andrew Leonard is a staff writer at Salon. On Twitter, @koxinga21.

Jack Abramoff, Eliot Spitzer: A tale of two swindlers

What connects the disgraced N.Y. governor and the jailed D.C. lobbyist? Oscar-winner Alex Gibney explains

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Jack Abramoff, Eliot Spitzer: A tale of two swindlersFormer New York governor Eliot Spitzer speaks at the Reuters Global Financial Regulation Summit 2010 in New York April 28, 2010. REUTERS/Brendan McDermid (UNITED STATES - Tags: BUSINESS HEADSHOT)(Credit: © Brendan Mcdermid / Reuters)

What do the following have in common: Imprisoned Washington lobbyist Jack Abramoff, disgraced ex-New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer, the collapse of Enron, the Bush administration’s torture policies, the late gonzo journalist Hunter S. Thompson? Before we go chasing some thread of thematic continuity — and we could definitely do that — let’s observe the emotional connection. All of those people and things provoke or embody big, visceral reactions: shock, outrage, disgust, amazement.

The other thing they have in common, of course, is Alex Gibney, who has made movies about all those subjects, including the Oscar-winner “Taxi to the Dark Side,” the box-office breakthrough “Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room” and “Gonzo: The Life and Work of Dr. Hunter S. Thompson,” which wasn’t a big hit but strikes me as a key work in understanding what Gibney is up to. He thrives on those oversize emotions mentioned above, channeling them into intentionally ambiguous pop documentaries that inhabit a nuanced middle ground between journalism and entertainment.

As he would be the first to admit, Gibney’s films depend on the work of old-school investigative journalists, those lumbering sauropods who take months or years to reach their destinations. His particular genius lies in taking their facts and figures, their reams of insider testimony, and spinning them into compelling on-screen yarns, loaded with archival news footage, goofy animations and special effects, dramatic re-creations and comic-relief moments. Yet if Gibney’s films are a long way from the purist cinema-vérité documentary tradition, they’re closer in spirit to old-fashioned muckraking than to the clown-prince pranksterism of Michael Moore. (Gibney’s voice can be heard in his films, both literally and figuratively, but he never appears as a character.)

Even by Gibney’s prolific standards, 2010 is shaping up as a bonanza, or perhaps an unmanageable pileup. When I met him recently at the New York offices of Magnolia Pictures, we were officially talking about his explosive, hilarious and eye-opening Abramoff film, “Casino Jack and the United States of Money,” which Magnolia releases in theaters this week. But Gibney also had — count ‘em — three other new movies premiering in the Tribeca Film Festival, at least if you count his section of the anthology documentary “Freakonomics,” adapted from Stephen Dubner and Steven Levitt’s bestselling books. (Other co-directors of that film are Seth Gordon, Eugene Jarecki, Morgan Spurlock and the “Jesus Camp” duo, Heidi Ewing and Rachel Grady.)

Gibney also unveiled a sneak preview of his as-yet-untitled Eliot Spitzer documentary at Tribeca, along with “My Trip to Al-Qaeda,” a film based on journalist and author Lawrence Wright’s solo theater piece about his quest to find the roots of Islamic terrorism. (That film will play on HBO, and perhaps also receive limited theatrical release. The commercial fate of the Spitzer film remains undecided.)

“Casino Jack” veritably revels in the rollicking, stranger-than-fiction details of the Abramoff scandal, in which a brilliant and charismatic lobbyist pimped out much of the United States Congress to big-money corporate clients, along the way defrauding Indian tribes, the territorial government of the Mariana Islands and other easy marks. Beyond that, though, Gibney is fascinated by the scandal’s larger implications — and it’s there that we begin to see the conceptual thread that ties his films together. Abramoff was no rogue out to enrich himself (although he did that too) but a committed right-wing ideologue who permanently changed the rules of the game in Washington. He embraced and embodied that old gag about the Golden Rule: Those who have the gold make the rules.

As always, Gibney was a cheerful, upbeat conversationalist in person. He’s a film buff who stays busy at festivals catching other people’s work, and in an interview context he delivers concise, on-message sound bites, not dark, philosophical jeremiads. Still, as I told him, I sense a pattern here, whether or not it’s entirely conscious: Gibney is documenting the not-so-slow and not-so-gradual demolition of the American dream, the interlinked vision of freedom, democracy and capitalism that has been so influential in the recent history of the world, and now seems to be in potentially terminal decay.

So, Alex, we’re here to talk about “Casino Jack and the United States of Money,” but you’ve got two other films that are either complete or almost complete. And then there’s “Freakonomics,” which you directed part of. I think you should write some kind of self-help book on how to get stuff done. Are you one of those people who’s incredibly organized?

Man, that would make everybody who knows me howl with laughter. I may be the world’s most disorganized person. But I do put in the hours. I should probably join Filmmakers Anonymous. Stop me before I say yes again!

You know, you could look at your films and describe them as miscellaneous. Generally you’re taking the work of journalists and adapting it for the screen. But when I look at them, I see a congressional corruption scandal, a major corporate scandal, a disgraced politician and a dead journalist who spent his life excoriating the stupidity and corruption he saw around him. Is there a pattern?

Maybe if you see it, you’ll let me know. [Laughter.] There are clearly certain things that interest me, and I seem to go there. But a pattern? I don’t know.

Well, if I were a graduate student trying to write a thesis about you, I might suggest that these are all aspects of the decline of America since 1980 — the legacy of the Reagan revolution and the triumph of conservatism in American politics.

Well, there’s a theme in that. I think that’s the big story. Now we’re seeing that the net result of the Reagan revolution was the Wall Street meltdown. Take away all the rules and regulations, and what do you get? Meltdown. So I think that’s a theme.

But the other thing that’s increasingly interesting for me is human behavior. What makes people do the strange things they do? How do good people go bad? How do people abuse power? Those are big things for me.

You’re showing your movie about Eliot Spitzer at Tribeca, but it has no title yet and we’ve all been asked not to write about it. So I take it you don’t think it’s ready to roll?

I’m taking my cue on the Spitzer film from what happened with “Casino Jack” at Sundance. We thought it was finished. But seeing it with an audience, who weren’t my friends or anything, you learn things about how it plays. So we made it a lot shorter, we took at some narration, we just shifted stuff around. I would say the Spitzer film is largely finished, and now we’ll see how people respond. We may make a few adjustments.

Your other new film is “My Trip to Al-Qaeda,” which — well, how would you describe it? Is it an adaptation of Lawrence Wright’s performance piece?

Yeah, in some ways it is. He did a one-man play called “My Trip to Al-Qaeda,” which is like “my summer vacation,” except in the Middle East. What intrigued me was that it was an everyman’s look at al-Qaida — why they attacked us, and why they came to be what they were. In making the film, we filmed the play, but then we enhanced it. The set of the play was Larry’s study, but it also included a TV screen. We made that TV screen significantly bigger on our set, and used it as a magic portal.

There’s a kind of time and space travel in the film, where we go to Cairo, to London. We also travel through space and time to the caves in Afghanistan, to Saudi Arabia, so that you can see and feel these places in addition to traveling on Larry’s personal journey, which is his play.

Getting back to “Casino Jack,” which is a movie about a scandal that was widely covered in the media when the story broke, five or six years ago. It seems as if you’re arguing that people may know Abramoff’s name, and maybe the general outlines of the story, but may not understand its importance.

In some ways, he assembled the tool kit that lobbyists are still using. Now, people will object to that: “Absolutely not! Jack Abramoff was one of a kind! He was completely outrageous.” Well, yes. He was outrageous, and he was way out of control. But he used the same tool kit everybody uses today: the rapacious use of not-for-profits to hide trips, to hide agendas, to hide money flows. The revolving door, where you get staffers from senators’ or congressmen’s offices and put them into your lobbying shops so you can influence votes, influence legislation. The use of entertainment and skyboxes — there are different rules now, but there are also ways to get around them. Biggest of all is the way you manage money to influence legislation, in a way that skirts the prohibitions on quid pro quo. It’s about going inside the kitchen in the world’s biggest restaurant and seeing how the sausage is made. Jack Abramoff was the master chef in the world’s biggest restaurant.

We wonder why Congress is dysfunctional, why they’re not doing the people’s bidding, why everyone seems to hate them. The reason is, the system is broken, because it’s all based on money. By looking at Jack’s story, you can see how that happened.

And Jack’s story — first of all, it’s hilarious and spectacular. It’s globe-girdling, there’s a murder in it, there are sweatshops in Saipan, dirty deals in Russia, arms whistling to the West Bank. But at its heart is the very stuff that is breaking our system of democracy.

This was the biggest congressional corruption scandal ever, at least at the time. But did the level of corruption that Abramoff represented become the new normal, in a sense? Because in the film you suggest that even more dramatic stuff has happened since his downfall.

The dispiriting thing is that Jack Abramoff, in the wake of the financial lobbying of the last few years, looks like a piker. I mean, he’s Podunk! The financial lobbyists, and the medical and pharmaceutical lobbyists, have taken what Abramoff did to a new level.

You mentioned the fact that the Abramoff story is highly entertaining, which it certainly is. And while it’s unlikely that your viewers will find him likable or sympathetic, let’s just say this: He makes one hell of a lead character.

There is another film, which is still called “Casino Jack.” I think they’re going to change the title. It’s a fictional version of this story, in which Kevin Spacey plays Jack Abramoff. I’ve seen the film, and Kevin Spacey is very good in it. But he’s no Jack Abramoff. [Laughter.]

Jack Abramoff is one of a kind. As Neal Volz, a former staffer for congressman Bob Ney who later worked for Jack, says, “Jack could talk a dog off a meat truck.” He was that persuasive. He was the ultimate salesman, but he was also a man of great imagination. He was a film buff, who saw his own life as an action film or a spy thriller. As a result, he imagined himself into situations that, you know, make for pretty good moviegoing.

Suddenly, we’re in Angola, in Africa, where Jack is holding a sort of right-wing Woodstock [in June 1985], shooting machine guns with a bloodthirsty character named Jonas Savimbi and a guy named Adolfo Calero, who used to run the Contras in Nicaragua. And they’re all holding hands after a lot of machine-gun shooting and singing a version of “Kumbaya” with this guy Lew Lehrman, who later ran for governor in New York state, and who gave George Washington’s bowl to Jonas Savimbi, this bloodthirsty dictator. You can’t make this stuff up!

Yeah, I literally couldn’t believe that entire sequence. It’s so amazing. It seems impossible, totally fictional. Was it difficult to find documentation of that event?

It sure was. We got lucky or we were good, one of the two. We tracked down a cameraman who had been there, and he still had 10 hours of footage. We also got Jack’s film, which was amazing. Jack was a film producer. He produced “Red Scorpion,” with Dolph Lundgren [released in 1989], and “Red Scorpion 2.” I think the Angola affair — it taught Jack that it wasn’t a big enough deal. That was his documentary version, and he was always going to make an action film. So he reinvents Savimbi into Red Scorpion, and has Dolph Lundgren as the action hero, shooting up everybody and performing weightlifting tricks. And that’s what Jack was as a young man, a weightlifter. So Dolph Lundgren is standing in for Jack.

I have a fun thing at the beginning of the film. There’s this thing that Jack said to somebody, which we transposed into an e-mail: “Documentary? You don’t want to make a documentary. Nobody watches documentaries. You want to make an action film.”

So to some extent, this film is an action film. That’s what I told Jack: “It’s an action film, man. People are going to be entertained.” I think it’s also a comedy, at least in parts. But unfortunately it’s a comedy in which the joke’s on us.

So you’ve had contact with Abramoff. What was that like?

Very interesting. I visited him in prison, and found him to be a very engaging character, very funny, good storyteller. He loves to quote movies.

Did he know who you were?

He did. I think — no, I know — that there was great reluctance to meeting with me. It wasn’t like I had a big record as a movement conservative, which was something we joked about. We agreed on one thing: I didn’t see him as a bad apple. I saw him as spectacular evidence of a rotten barrel.

He was at the center of things, not on the periphery. Everybody else was trying to make him the scapegoat: “Oh, we got rid of Jack Abramoff. Everything’s fine!” I told him, and I firmly believe, that he was at the center. He was doing stuff to the extreme, yes, over the top. But he was doing the same stuff everybody else was doing.

Well, you make a pretty strong case that Abramoff wasn’t in it for the money, or not entirely. He had an ideological motivation. He actually believed he was doing the right thing.

Right. I think he was a zealot. Unlike his partner, Mike Scanlon, who was in it for the money, Jack Abramoff was a zealot. He believed in the principles of the Reagan revolution. He was very anti-Soviet, but he also wanted to do what Grover Norquist has suggested: make government so small you can drown it in the bathtub. Denude it of its resources. Destroy the government, in effect.

Do you see any parallels between Abramoff and Eliot Spitzer? Here are these two brilliant, headstrong guys from opposite sides of the political spectrum, who appeared to be very idealistic, driven by ideology, but who allowed themselves to become corrupted.

I don’t know that Eliot was corrupted by his ideology, but I think he’s a character who did something that was wildly unexpected. If there is a parallel, it’s hubris. I think Jack became so entranced with his outsize reputation that he began to believe his own press releases. And I think Eliot Spitzer — he started seeing prostitutes at the moment of his greatest political influence. He was on his way to being governor, overwhelmingly popular among both Republicans and Democrats. And at that very moment, at the top of his game, he began to see prostitutes. Dudley Do-Right did wrong.

Of the two of them, maybe Spitzer was the real hypocrite. You can call Abramoff a lot of things, but not that.

I don’t think you could really accuse Jack of being a hypocrite. Jack was corrupt, and I don’t think you can say that Eliot Spitzer was corrupt. But he was hypocritical, there’s no doubt about that. Look, he had increased penalties for johns in New York, and he had prosecuted escort services. Now, I have rather politically incorrect liberal views about whether prostitution should be legal. [Laughter.] But the fact was that it was illegal, and he was the governor of New York, who had convinced people to elect him because he was Mr. Clean. So, yes, he was a hypocrite. And Jack wasn’t.

“Casino Jack and the United States of Money” opens May 7 in New York, Los Angeles and Washington; May 14 in Chicago, Phoenix, San Diego, San Francisco, San Jose, Calif., Santa Cruz, Calif., and Seattle; May 21 in Atlanta, Boston, Monterey, Calif., Nashville, Palm Springs, Calif., Philadelphia, Sacramento, Tucson, Ariz., and Austin, Texas; May 28 in Charlotte, N.C., Cleveland, Dallas, Kansas City, Miami, Minneapolis, Portland, Ore., Salt Lake City, San Antonio and Santa Fe, N.M.; and June 4 in Houston and Waterville, Maine, with more cities to follow.

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Exclusive Alex Gibney clip: Jack Abramoff and healthcare

See a deleted scene from Oscar-winner Alex Gibney's new movie about the guy who dosed Congress with dirty money

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In an exclusive premiere for Film Salon readers, here’s a deleted scene from Oscar-winning director Alex Gibney’s upcoming documentary “Casino Jack and the United States of Money.” The film recounts the horrifying, mesmerizing saga of über-lobbyist Jack Abramoff and the congressional corruption scandal of the late ’90s and early 2000s that dramatically changed the landscape of Washington (and definitely not for the better).

In this Webisode, Gibney explores the elaborate money shuffle through which Abramoff channeled money from supposedly legitimate lobbying clients (like Indian tribes) through Republican PACs and Big Pharma front groups, who in turn wrote industry-friendly legislation that was passed intact by the GOP-led Congress. I’ll have an interview with Gibney and more coverage of the film next week. “Casino Jack and the United States of Money” opens May 7 in major cities, but you’ll only find this clip here (at least until the DVD comes out).

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It’s time for Wall Street to pay

We need accountability -- as in, jail time where warranted -- for those who created the financial disaster

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It's time for Wall Street to payJames Cayne of Bear Stearns, John Thain of Merrill Lynch, and Lloyd Blankfein of Goldman Sachs

Almost everybody’s got their noses out of joint these days — and no wonder. If there’s a significant American institution that hasn’t failed in its fundamental public responsibility over the past decade, it’d be hard to identify.

Writing in Time, Christopher Hayes puts it succinctly: “Nearly every pillar institution in American society — whether it’s General Motors, Congress, Wall Street, Major League Baseball, the Catholic Church or the mainstream media — has revealed itself to be corrupt, incompetent or both. And at the root of these failures are the people who run these institutions, the bright and industrious minds who occupy the commanding heights of our meritocratic order.”

Me, I blame the combination of runaway baseball salaries, the “talented and gifted” movement in schools, and the tyranny of SAT scores. I’m only half-joking. Once free agency drove even an average third baseman’s pay into the seven-figure range formerly reserved for tycoons who owned major industries or medium-size Midwestern states, practically everybody with SAT scores over 1,400 figured they deserved to earn as much as Aramis Ramirez.

The differences being that quality third basemen are a lot rarer than Ivy League MBAs, and are publicly and relentlessly evaluated. Steroids or no steroids, one bad season and they’re replaced by a 22-year-old from the Dominican Republic. That’s one of the things keeping us fans hanging on.

Not so in the corporate world. As recently as 2008, the geniuses running Wall Street investment banks bankrupted their companies and came perilously close to collapsing the world financial system. And what happened? A few CEOs departed via “golden parachute,” but most executives stayed shamelessly in place, profited from multibillion-dollar TARP bailouts and then began awarding each other obscene bonuses almost before the smoke cleared.

Meanwhile, a substantial part of a generation’s retirement savings vanished into thin air. Had the Bush administration succeeded in “privatizing” Social Security back in 2005, the damage could not have been worse.

Over time, American institutions appear to be growing steadily less accountable. Hayes cites the Catholic Church’s sex abuse scandal, which strikes me as a red herring. Yes, the bishops averted their eyes, placing the putative well-being of the church above children. Yes, ecclesiastical lectures on sexual sin are a bit harder to take. But the church has been hierarchical, secretive and self-protective since forever. Moreover, as recent developments in Ireland and Germany show, the problem is international.

More to the point, “look at CEO pay,” Hayes urges. “In 1978, according to the Economic Policy Institute, the ratio of average CEO pay to average wage was about 35 to 1. By 2007 it was 275 to 1.” In comparison, the ratio remains approximately 20 to 1 in most European countries; roughly 11 to 1 in Japan. Yet people complain about labor unions.

Hayes cites Nell Minow, an expert in corporate governance nicknamed “The CEO Killer” by Fortune magazine, to the effect that all many executives know how to do is “manipulate the levers of governance and devise ingenious methods of guaranteeing themselves windfalls regardless of their company’s performance.” The unvarying defense of the latest Wall Street bonuses, of course, is that the talented and gifted recipients might otherwise change teams. Why, perish the thought.

Only recently, reporters have begun catching up with the bankruptcy examiner’s report on the failure of Lehman Brothers investment bank, the precipitating event in the 2008 financial crisis. According to law professor and former white-collar prosecutor Peter J. Henning, writing in the New York Times’ DealBook blog, the 2,000-page document “discusses some accounting gimmicks that are eerily reminiscent of how Enron tried to prop up its balance sheet back in 2001 before it collapsed.”

And for which, it will be recalled, a number of Enron executives went to prison. The details can be dauntingly complex. But what they amounted to were a series of short-term accounting tricks designed to make the bank’s financial health appear robust as it “teetered on the brink of ruin.”

The examiner’s report calls CEO Richard Fuld “grossly negligent” at minimum, and reserves even harsher terms for Lehman’s accounting firm, Ernst & Young. Remember when accounting was a respectable profession? No more. They’re buccaneers today.

The basic gimmick was called a “Repo 105,” moving bad real estate-based assets off the books by using them as collateral for short-term loans just long enough to file quarterly reports, then unwinding the deals as quickly as overnight.

It’s as if your brother-in-law assumed your debts and deeded you his assets overnight so you could qualify for a bank loan, then took them back. Except Lehman was doing it to the tune of $50 billion a pop. You and your brother-in-law would go to prison for that, and so should somebody at Lehman Brothers. Hopefully, somebody with a brilliant academic record and impeccable social credentials, so the rest of them start paying attention.

© 2010, Gene Lyons. Distributed by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.

 

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Arkansas Times columnist Gene Lyons is a National Magazine Award winner and co-author of "The Hunting of the President" (St. Martin's Press, 2000). You can e-mail Lyons at eugenelyons2@yahoo.com.

Sundance: Searing portrait of a top lobbyist

Oscar-winner Alex Gibney talks about his new Jack Abramoff expos

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Sundance: Searing portrait of a top lobbyist18 Aug 2005, MIAMI, FL, USA --- Washington lobbyist Jack Abramoff leaves the courthouse in Miami August 18, 2005. Abramoff, a central figure in investigations involving House Majority Leader Tom Delay, plans to fight charges he defrauded two lenders of $60 million to buy a casino cruise line, his lawyer said on Thursday. Abramoff, a well-connected Republican lobbyist, and Adam Kidan, his partner in the $147.5 millions buyout of SunCruz Casino five years ago, were indicted by a federal grand jury in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, on August 11. --- Image by © CARLOS BARRIA/Reuters/Corbis(Credit: © Carlos Barria/reuters/corbis)

PARK CITY, Utah — Alex Gibney’s new documentary, “Casino Jack and the United States of Money,” which premiered at Sundance this week, is much more than a shocking and highly entertaining movie about Jack Abramoff, the über-lobbyist at the center of the biggest corruption scandal in congressional history. It’s a portrait of a political system that has been poisoned down to the root by the pernicious influence of big money, by the buying and selling of connections and influence, and by a radical free-market ideology that has been systematically employed to undermine the principles of representative democracy.

As the Oscar-winning director of “Taxi to the Dark Side” and “Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room” told me in our conversation in a Park City restaurant, the Abramoff case was not an isolated instance of criminality, but a symptom of a much larger disease. As in his earlier films, Gibney dramatizes the work of America’s best investigative journalists, and directly attacks the “bad apple” hypothesis that’s repeatedly employed to explain away disturbing tales of corruption and malfeasance, from Enron to Abu Ghraib to Abramoff.

Magnolia Pictures will release “Casino Jack” in theaters this spring. For now, here’s Alex Gibney on the outlandish Abramoff tale and its rogue’s gallery of supporting players — from Tom DeLay to Grover Norquist to George W. Bush — why it definitely still resonates in the Obama era, and what it means for our imperiled republic. 

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