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Bond, by the book

With the release of "Casino Royale," I read Ian Fleming's classic Bond novels again and discovered a talented spy who was "just like us" and a writer devoted to pleasure.

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Bond, by the book

“Casino Royale,” the first James Bond novel, was published in 1953 and has been recently reissued by Penguin to coincide with the release of the movie version — practically the first Bond movie since the early Sean Connery films to stick to the original, Ian Fleming-penned story. This event highlights a question that English writer Simon Winder raised in his recent book, “The Man Who Saved Britain: A Personal Journey Into the Disturbing World of James Bond”: “Would the Bond books be read today without the films?”

The answer to Winder’s question is yes — and in fact they have been, and are. Fleming’s Bond novels, all reissued by Penguin, have achieved a mass cult status quite apart from the movies. If anything, the awfulness of most of the Bond films of the past 30-odd years probably cost Fleming some readers; who would care to seek out the literary genesis for “The Spy Who Loved Me” or “Moonraker” or “For Your Eyes Only”? Many readers of the previous generation who came across Bond titles on paperback racks probably thought they were mere “novelizations” of the films.

Half a century ago, though, Fleming had built up the most extraordinary collection of groupies of any genre novelist since Raymond Chandler, including Anthony Burgess, Kingsley Amis, Cyril Connolly (whose article “Bond Strikes Camp” for London Magazine in 1963 is still the best Fleming parody), Elizabeth Bowen and Chandler himself, who, when asked to supply a logrolling cover blurb for the second Bond novel, “Live and Let Die,” asked Fleming, “If this is any good to you, would you like me to have it engraved on a gold slab?”

Even Chandler never got a plug from an American president. Yet, nearly 45 years ago, when asked why the bedroom lights in the White House were on so late, JFK (like James Bond, a naval commander in World War II) replied that he was “up late reading ‘From Russia With Love.’” Fleming returned the compliment in 1965 when he had Bond take a copy of “Profiles in Courage” on an assignment.

The reasons why Fleming became such a cult favorite aren’t easily discerned by those who want obvious “literary” quality in their thrillers. He couldn’t begin to write dialogue as pungent as that of his friend and early supporter, Raymond Chandler, the darling of Brit critics; as Kingsley Amis wrote in his slim 1965 book, “The James Bond Dossier,” Fleming’s “dialogue is serviceable and nothing more.” (Then again, Fleming had many more diverse characters to write dialogue for than did Chandler.) He doesn’t begin to convey a sense of mise-en-scène as well as, say, Dashiell Hammett. (But then Fleming had far more diverse scenes to set than did Hammett.) In fact, as I went back to the Bond books — for the first time since the age of 15, when I sneaked my father’s Signet paperbacks (the ones JFK must have read) into my room — I found myself hard-pressed to say exactly why they were worth rereading. In the end, though, I was compelled to go through them all, which is more than I can say about not only the trashy thrillers of Robert Ludlum but also the classy ones of John le Carré. Fleming’s genius, if it’s proper to apply the word to a writer of genre fiction, was to create a world of espionage more grotesque and dangerous than the actual one while maintaining close enough ties to reality to make it all seem credible. To my surprise, he rewarded not only careful reading but rereading.

I did not, as I expected, think of Bond as Sean Connery. The Bond of the books was physically smaller than Connery by about 2 inches and 20 pounds, and not quite so “cruelly handsome” (as many early reviewers described Connery). I had forgotten that James Bond wasn’t really a spy at all but a cross between the commandos Fleming had known during World War II and a highly trained assassin — obviously, or else why would he be licensed by his government to kill? The literary Bond chafed at the paperwork he was obliged to do plenty of, and unlike his movie counterpart — whose budget for sports cars, rocket-powered backpacks and speedboats, to say nothing of tuxedos, seemed to exceed the entire GNP of Great Britain — was always mildly resentful about his lack of funding. In “You Only Live Twice,” he apologizes to Tiger Tanaka, the head of the Japanese secret service, for his meager expense account: “Under ten million pounds a year doesn’t go far when there is the whole world to cover.” In “From Russia With Love,” he ruefully compares his own arsenal with that of his Soviet rivals. “If only,” he laments, “his cigarette had been a trick one — magnesium flare, or something he could throw in the man’s face! If only his Service went in for those explosive toys!” And in “Thunderball” he envies the “CIA the excellence of their equipment, and he had no false pride about borrowing from them.”

Readers often come to, well, bond with Bond precisely because of his ordinariness. Unlike the Bond of the movies, the Bond on the pages doesn’t seem radically different from most of us. With the right background and training — and, of course, a willingness to kill in the line of duty — it’s easy to feel we could be the hero of those adventures. Chandler’s Philip Marlowe is somebody you’d like to have a drink with. Bond doesn’t interest us in that way; he’s more like someone you’d want to be if you had another life. Which seems to be precisely why Fleming wrote the books, to create a fantastic yet believable alternative existence. (And also, as Simon Winder points out, at the urging of and to impress his wife, Ann.)

His KGB file calls Bond an “all-round athlete; expert pistol shot, boxer, knife-thrower,” and we find out he is a capable driver, swimmer and pilot. Still, he is far from the superman of the films, and in many cases he is overmatched by his foes; the fight between Connery’s Bond and Robert Shaw’s psychopath Irish killer, Red Grant, on the train in “From Russia With Love” is one of the classic brawls of movie history, but the Bond of the book “had no illusions about being able to beat this terrific man in unarmed combat. The first violent stab of his knife had to be decisive.” Bond’s triumphs are invariably due to his resourcefulness, wits and superior training rather than to sheer physical ability. As Sir Isaac Newton said of himself, “My powers are ordinary. Only my application brings me success.” Something similar might be said of Fleming’s Bond.

Apparently, not even Bond’s looks are extraordinary — one reason, perhaps, why Daniel Craig, with his Steve McQueen-type weathered features, seems to fit well in the role. We’re not sure exactly what Bond looks like, and it isn’t clear Fleming himself knew. Fleming was fairly certain that Bond did not look like Sean Connery, of whom he exclaimed upon first seeing, “He looks like a lorry driver”! (However, when “Dr. No” was released, Fleming, as everyone else, was won over.) The writer was fond of saying that he thought Bond resembled “a young Hoagy Carmichael,” who, we forget today, was as well known as a character actor in films such as “To Have and Have Not” as he was as a songwriter. (Some people saw a resemblance to Hoagy Carmichael in the young Ian Fleming.)

In the books, Fleming offers us only glimpses of his creation, usually through the eyes of others — allies, foes and the women in his life — and trying to form a picture from them is rather like trying to put together a jigsaw puzzle with several pieces missing. Except for a description ingeniously inserted in a KGB file and read to us by an agent in “From Russia With Love,” and a London Times obit at the end of “You Only Live Twice,” we might never know that Bond was dark-haired, had a 3-inch scar down the right side of his face and was educated at Eton (expelled “for some alleged trouble with one of the boys’ maids”). For that matter, we might have missed the fact that James Bond, the greatest fictional hero of postwar England, had not a drop of English blood in him. Like his creator, Fleming, and like Connery, Bond was a Scotsman. (The Times obit says his mother was Swiss, but Fleming revealed in an interview that in a later book, never written, she would be discovered to also be a Scot.)

Rereading the books doesn’t make clear what Bond looks like, but several other things about him do come into focus. For instance, the famous charges of “sex, sadism and snobbery” that have hung over Bond for so many years are mostly unfounded. Middlebrow culture critic Malcolm Muggeridge was the first and most famous of Fleming’s critics, calling him “an Etonian Mickey Spillane” and creator of a character “utterly despicable; obsequious to his superiors, pretentious in his tastes, callous and brutal in his ways, with strong undertones of sadism, and an unspeakable cad in his relations with women.” Kingsley Amis was probably closer to the truth when he said, “Fleming may be a sadist and a snob, but Bond isn’t.” Bond himself is never sadistic; he is always an efficient killer, dispatching his enemies with the greatest possible economy. Much of what might be written off to sadism is what’s done to Bond by his enemies, but aren’t bad guys by definition supposed to be more sadistic than good guys?

The accusations of snobbery are unfair. In the last Fleming book, “The Man With the Golden Gun,” Bond remained, despite his Etonian education, an unrepentant (in his words) “Scottish peasant,” militantly middle class. He turned down an offer of knighthood from the queen (which Sean Connery did not). “I just refuse to call myself Sir James Bond. I would laugh at myself every time I looked in the mirror to shave.” As for the food and wine, in “On Her Majesty’s Secret Service” Fleming maintained, “James Bond was not a gourmet. In England he lived on grilled soles, oeuf cocotte, and cold roast beef with potato salad … When traveling abroad, generally by himself, meals were a welcome break in the day.” Seems fair. If you may be killed that night, you don’t want to have your last meal at Burger King. Considering how often he saved us from destruction, it seems curmudgeonly to begrudge him his modest oeuf cocotte.

As for the sex, Simon Winder may be exaggerating when he writes, “At the time, the books dragged sexual frankness into respectable literature.” A great many books with more of a claim as respectable literature did this well before Ian Fleming, but, damn it, none of them had women characters as exciting as his.

Far from being the window dressing of most of the movie “Bond girls,” the women in Fleming’s books were the first clue for many adolescent males that women could be tough, sexually independent and, yes, deadly. Bond books can certainly be mined for sexist or just plain misogynist material, though most of the blatantly offensive comments are used (I think) for comic effect, such as the advice Bond’s boss, M, gives him in “From Russia With Love”: “Doesn’t do to get mixed up with neurotic women in this business. They hang on your gun-arm.” Bond’s own opinions on women often differ from those of Fleming’s older male characters, and his preference for female companionship runs along the lines of athletic women who can drive sports cars as fast as he can and who have no illusions about sex being connected to romance. It wasn’t always Bond who left them.

In one of the stories in “For Your Eyes Only,” Bond admits that if he considered marriage, “it would certainly not be to an insipid slave.” The right girl, Tracy Draco, the daughter of a Corsican gangster in “On Her Majesty’s Secret Service,” proves to be “everything I’ve looked for in a woman … She’s adventurous, brave, resourceful … I’m fed up with all these untidy, casual affairs that leave me with a bad conscience … Why not make it for always?” “Always” doesn’t last to the end of the book, as Tracy is murdered by his archenemy, Ernst Blofeld. Bond, to his sorrow, remains a bachelor forever.

The literary James Bond, then, is a much more complex and intriguing character than the celluloid one. It would have been interesting to see where Fleming, who died of a heart attack at age 56 in 1964, might have taken his character. With “Thunderball,” which was published in 1961, Fleming made an important decision for his hero: As if in anticipation of the coming thaw in the Cold War, he turned Bond away from the Russians and toward international criminal masterminds like Blofeld and his multinational organization, SPECTRE. This worked for the movies and gave Bond a whole new territory that would grow to include, more than 40 years later, a power-mad North Korean dictator. But the change in villainy farther away from reality took Bond farther away from reality. (Note that Fleming never sent Bond to deal with Britain’s longest-running postwar problem, the Irish Republican Army. That would surely have been a no-win situation for Bond, as indeed it has been for Britain.) The save-the-world scenario of the last couple of books (and of the last dozen or so movies) long ago played out, and the grittier, scaled down film of “Casino Royale” — I’m referring to the main plot here and not the obligatory action set pieces — suggests a way to breathe new life into the Bond movies: Simply remove the outdated political subtext and get back to the books. Bond doesn’t need to be an anti-Communist to be intriguing; changing Le Chiffre from a paymaster for Communist agents in Europe to financier of terrorists works just fine.

But why does James Bond continue to intrigue us at all? There may be no single answer to this. If, as Anthony Burgess insisted, Bond “is likely to end up as one of the great twentieth-century myths,” it may be because different cultures respond to different qualities in him. Burgess thought Bond “as universal as Sherlock Holmes … And he is a fuller man than Holmes: he loves women” (which is certainly one thing Italian men responded to; Italian billboards for “Thunderball” simply identified him as “Kiss-Kiss, Bang-Bang”).

Winder’s thesis in “The Man Who Saved Britain” is that Fleming’s books found “their vast niche as part of a general right-wing reaction to the humiliations and failures of British life” after World War II. I’ll buy it, but it doesn’t begin to explain a question that I’ve almost never seen addressed, namely the amazing popularity of Bond in America. Why would Americans respond to a hero who soothed the British inferiority complex? I don’t think Americans cared or knew what Brits felt about Bond; what we reacted to was his sophistication and assurance in going where we have always felt clumsy and self-conscious. (Bond always shows up at a crisis just ahead of his American friend, CIA agent Felix Leiter, with all that “excellent equipment.”) Part of the excitement of reading a Bond book for the first time was sharing his enthusiasm for traveling to a foreign locale; more than any other thriller writer, Fleming had a genuine talent for making the reader into a voyeur. (Raymond Chandler, in an interview: “Fleming can go to a town for a background of a new novel, and in three days he will have mapped every detail of that town.”)

The truth is that despite our emergence as the major postwar power, as a country we didn’t know a fraction of what the Brits knew about exotic places like Turkey, Japan (even though we were occupying it) or Haiti (which is right underneath us). Chandler told Fleming that the parts of “Live and Let Die” set in Harlem were remarkable, “quite amazing for a foreigner to accomplish.” He might have said quite amazing for an American to accomplish, as Harlem was surely as foreign to white American writers as Istanbul.

Let’s admit it: Americans have always been secretly convinced that Bond and the Brits understood how to manage the world better than we did. The CIA, after all, was modeled on British intelligence. But, as a Russian intelligence officer in “From Russia With Love” tells us, “The Americans have the biggest and richest service among our enemies … But they have no understanding for the work. Americans try to do everything with money. Good spies will not work for money alone — only bad ones, of which the Americans have several divisions.” Fleming wrote that in 1957. Nearly half a century later, the CIA was still trying to talk itself into believing in the existence of WMD; if only we’d had a James Bond to send in first.

Numerous articles and chapters of books have been written about Bond’s antecedents, the English detective Bulldog Drummond and the sinister Chinese master criminal (and anti-Western conspirator) Fu Manchu, but none of them live for the modern reader. Fleming’s real inspiration doesn’t appear to have been other mystery or thriller writers (though clearly he owes much to Eric Ambler, whom he paid homage to by having Bond carry along one of his novels on the Orient Express in “From Russia With Love”). Bond is an original; even his famous numeric designation is enigmatic. Aficionados favor the theory that Fleming chose the number that Elizabeth I’s agent John Dee used when signing his secret reports to the queen on Spanish activities (which would make Dee the first agent of Her Majesty’s Secret Service). I like to think Fleming took Bond’s agent I.D. from yet another source: the talking train that carried Westerners into India in Rudyard Kipling’s story named for the train’s number, 007. Like Kipling, Bond is no English chauvinist, but an “empire man” — never mind that by the 1950s the sun had set on the empire Bond defended.

The world that James Bond was born into has changed drastically, but we ignore Fleming’s influence on our world at our peril. How else to explain self-possessed Bond fanatic Kim Jong Il — the real-life person who seems most like a character from one of Fleming’s novels, a combination perhaps of the evil Oriental genius Dr. No and Largo, the modern pirate in “Thunderball” who blackmails the free world with atomic weapons. In the eyes of countless readers, the pleasures that Bond embodied haven’t changed. A score of Fleming’s imitators who tried to give the public what it wanted are no longer remembered. Fleming remains popular not because he gave people what they wanted but because, as G.K. Chesterton said of Dickens, he wanted the same things people did. In this case, simple pleasures such as freedom from annihilation, a few thrills, some sex and an occasional oeuf cocotte.

Allen Barra's next book is "Mickey and Willie -- The Parallel Lives of Baseball's Golden Age," from Crown.

Murdoch’s empire strikes back

The media mogul and his family have turned the tables on the British government in the News Corp. scandal

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Murdoch's empire strikes backNews Corp. CEO Rupert Murdoch (Credit: AP Photo/Noah Berger)
This article originally appeared on GlobalPost.

LONDON — Last year, Rupert Murdoch struck a contrite note to U.K. lawmakers over the phone-hacking scandal involving his newspapers. He told them it was his “most humble” day.

Global Post

The scandal cost him one of his most lucrative titles — the tabloid News of the World — and resulted in possible criminal charges for his trusted lieutenant Rebekah Brooks and the arrest of a dozen reporters on his beloved Sun newspaper.

Now, Murdoch appears to be fighting back.

He and his son James were in the U.K. this week to face the Leveson inquiry, a judicial investigation into press standards, begun last year in the wake of revelations that journalists at Murdoch’s U.K. titles illegally hacked the voice mails of prominent public figures.

This time, he and his family appear to have turned on the British establishment, pressuring Prime Minister David Cameron and putting a key minister in the spotlight over a controversial business deal.

In his evidence on Tuesday, James Murdoch released documents that appeared to show that Jeremy Hunt, a media minister charged with examining a $13.4 billion bid by Murdoch’s News Corp. for full control of British Sky Broadcasting, had secretly helped to progress the deal.

The revelations sent Cameron’s government into a tailspin. Cameron pledged to stand by Hunt — who is overseeing the 2012 Olympics — while Hunt himself was forced to defend his actions to Parliament, denying claims he gave News Corp. a “back channel” of influence over the bid.

In an attempt to limit the damage, Hunt’s advisor Adam Smith — a key link in communications with James Murdoch — tendered his resignation at the same time that a relaxed-looking Murdoch senior was taking the stand to deny he held any sway over Britain’s politicians.

News Corp.’s bid to buy BSkyB was ruled out last year in the wake of the phone-hacking scandal, an outcome that soured the once-cordial relations between Murdoch and Cameron. This breakdown appears to have set the tone for Murdoch’s reappearance.

Even before giving evidence at the Leveson inquiry, Rupert Murdoch appeared to be on the offensive against the government. Last month he took to Twitter to complain about “old toffs and right wingers” — a likely dig at the British establishment.

More followed when he arrived in London last weekend. In one tweet he criticizes the economic policies of Cameron’s government. “Govt sending IMF another ten bn to he euro. Must be mad,” he wrote.

Murdoch’s offensive and the question mark over Hunt couldn’t come at a worse time for Cameron. His government is already under fire for provoking a recent fuel crisis and for a financial budget that was derided in Parliament as an “omnishambles.”

A recent poll showed the ruling Conservatives have lost their command over the main opposition Labour Party, largely as a consequence of the budget.

To make matters worse for Cameron, it was announced on Wednesday that Britain had slumped back into recession despite forecasts of economic recovery.

But, despite his tweets, Murdoch insists he hasn’t been gunning for the government. Asked by Leveson counsel Richard Jay if “rumors” were true that he had not forgiven Cameron, he said they were not. He added: “Don’t take my tweets too seriously.”

Speculation had been rife that Murdoch would use his Leveson appearance to launch a “slash and burn” offensive, as one commentator put it. Some speculated his revelations could take direct aim at Cameron, possibly making the prime minister’s position untenable.

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America’s Christian hypocrisy

The Bible preaches tolerance and liberal economics. So why do its proponents embrace right-wing politics?

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America's Christian hypocrisy (Credit: maigivia Shutterstock)

Here’s a newspaper headline that might induce a disbelieving double take: “Christians ‘More Likely to Be Leftwing’ and Have Liberal Views on Immigration and Equality.” Sounds too hard to believe, right? Well, it’s true — only not here in America, but in the United Kingdom.

That headline, from London’s Daily Mail, summed up the two-tiered conclusion of a new report from the British think tank Demos, which found that in England 1) “religious people are more active citizens (who) volunteer more, donate more to charity and are more likely to campaign on political issues,” and 2) “religious people are more likely to be politically progressive (people who) put a greater value on equality than the non-religious, are more likely to be welcoming of immigrants as neighbors (and) more likely to put themselves on the left of the political spectrum.”

These findings are important to America for two reasons.

First, they tell us that, contrary to evidence in the United States, the intersection of religion and politics doesn’t have to be fraught with hypocrisy. Britain is a Christian-dominated country, and the Christian Bible is filled with liberal economic sentiment. It makes perfect sense, then, that the more devoutly loyal to that Bible one is, the more progressive one would be on economics.

That highlights the second reason this data is significant: The findings underscore an obvious contradiction in our own religious politics.

Here in the United States, those who self-identify as religious tend to be exactly the opposite of their British counterparts when it comes to politics. As the Pew Research Center recently discovered, “Most people who agree with the religious right also support the Tea Party” and its ultra-conservative economic agenda. Summing up the situation, scholar Gregory Paul wrote in the Washington Post that many religious Christians in America simply ignore the Word and “proudly proclaim that the creator of the universe favors free wheeling, deregulated union busting, minimal taxes, especially for wealthy investors, and plutocrat-boosting capitalism as the ideal earthly scheme for his human creations.”

The good news is that this may be starting to change. In recent years, for instance, Pew has found that younger evangelicals are less devoutly committed to the Republican Party and its Tea Party-inspired agenda than older evangelicals. Additionally, surveys show a near majority of evangelicals agree with liberals that the tax system is unfair and that the wealthy aren’t paying their fair share. Meanwhile, the organization Faith in Public LIfe has highlighted new academic research showing that even in America there is growing “correlation between increased Bible reading and support for progressive views, including abolishing the death penalty, seeking economic justice, and reducing material consumption.”

Of course, many Americans who cite Christianity to justify their economic conservatism may not have actually read the Bible. In that sense, religion has become more of a superficial brand than a distinct catechism, and brands can be easily manipulated by self-serving partisans and demagogues. To know that is to read the Sermon on the Mount and then marvel at how anyone still justifies right-wing beliefs by invoking Jesus.

No doubt, only a few generations ago, such a conflation of religion and right-wing economics would never fly in America. Whether William Jennings Bryan’s “Cross of Gold” crusade or the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s poor people’s campaign, religion and political activism used to meet squarely on the left — where they naturally should.

Thus, the findings from Britain, a country similar to the United States, evoke our own history and potential. They remind us that such a congruent convergence of theology and political ideology is not some far-fetched fantasy: It is still possible right here at home

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David Sirota

David Sirota is a best-selling author of the new book "Back to Our Future: How the 1980s Explain the World We Live In Now." He hosts the morning show on AM760 in Colorado. E-mail him at ds@davidsirota.com, follow him on Twitter @davidsirota or visit his website at www.davidsirota.com.

David Cameron’s fun American vacation marred by more phone-hacking arrests

As the prime minister enjoys America, his good friends the Brookses are arrested back home

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David Cameron's fun American vacation marred by more phone-hacking arrestsDavid Cameron and Rebekah Brooks (Credit: Reuters)

Insecure countries are known to lock up unsavory elements when international guests are expected, so it should not have been a terrible shock to see that the U.K.’s Metropolitan Police had arrested former News Corp. executive Rebekah Brooks and her horse-training husband, Charlie, yesterday, a few short months before the opening ceremonies of the London Olympic Games. The Brookses are now, apparently, back on the streets, having made bail.

The Brookses were arrested, along with four others, “on suspicion of conspiracy to pervert the course of justice.” This was the second time Rebekah Brooks, the former editor of the Sun and the now-shuttered News of the World, had been arrested — the last time it was for conspiring to intercept communications, or “phone hacking” — and this arrest suggests that News International’s extensive efforts to cover up their unethical practices may end up damaging the company just as much as the unethical practices did.

Brooks’ newspapers gathered a great deal of news by illicitly listening to the voice-mail messages of celebrities and members of the royal family and murder victims. They also had a private investigator on contract to do other law-violating things, and they had a bribery budget that would make most American newspaper publishers jealous. Once Murdoch’s British newspaper empire faced civil, criminal and Parliamentary inquiries, they went on an email-destroying binge. They have since become much more cooperative, but deleting half a terabyte worth of emails to and from executives and destroying computers used by journalists under investigation is really not a sound legal strategy.

James Murdoch, still the News Corp. heir apparent, has written a note of apology to members of Parliament. He owes them an apology because the recoverable emails among the deleted cache strongly indicate that he lied to Parliament about his awareness of the extent of phone hacking. James has also essentially fled the country, having resigned from his father’s British newspapers company and taken a job at his American-based international pay television company.

Meanwhile, British Prime Minister David Cameron is in the middle of his well-publicized state visit to the United States. Barack Obama has taken him to a “basketball match,” which Cameron found “hard to follow.” The right-leaning U.K. papers have been extremely overexcited in their coverage of the PM’s visit, because, again, national insecurity.

Cameron was surely thrilled to be out of the country when the Brookses got collared. They’re neighbors and close personal friends. Charlie Brooks and Cameron go way back — they attended Eton together, and as equally ridiculous posh stereotypes they got along famously — and earlier this month it was revealed that Cameron had ridden a retired police horse that the Met had for some reason given to Rebekah Brooks. (The only way the ensuing scandal could’ve been more British is if it had involved a Tory MP and a dominatrix.)

Speaking of horses, Charlie Brooks has one running in a race today. As the Guardian noted, he had a column published the day he was arrested in which he said, tragically, that “the happiest moment of my year is about three hours before the first race at Cheltenham on Tuesday.”

As for old Rupert himself, he hasn’t tweeted anything since Saturday. But he assured employees at the Sun that they’re in the clear, and he’s headed to London to perform damage control. His British newspapers hold a special place in his heart, making it a bit poignant — or hilarious, depending on your perspective — that that tiny arm of his vast international empire is the one that is currently destroying everything he’s spent a lifetime building.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Piers Morgan plays dumb in UK media inquiry

The CNN host and former tabloid editor still doesn't admit to phone-hacking, though there's a lot he doesn't recall

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Piers Morgan plays dumb in UK media inquiryPiers Morgan (Credit: Phil Mccarten / Reuters)

Minor British media personality host Piers Morgan was called to give evidence to the Leveson Inquiry, the British government’s ongoing inquiry into the occasionally criminal newsgathering practices of the British tabloid press. Morgan appeared via satellite from the United States, where he is inexplicably employed as a talk show host by CNN.

Morgan edited the Daily Mirror, a competitor to Rupert Murdoch’s News of the World and the Sun, from 1995-2004, when he was sacked for printing fake photographs and a hoax story on the front page of the paper. No one alleges that phone-hacking was as widespread at Morgan’s Mirror as it was at the News Corp. papers, but Morgan has written of listening to a voice-mail message left by Paul McCartney on his ex-wife Heather Mills’ phone, and said, in past statements, that basically “everyone” in the British press listened to celebrity voice mails.

The Guardian helpfully liveblogged Morgan’s entire appearance. Asked why the Mirror employed private detectives, Morgan played dumb:

I don’t know. Because I was never directly involved, this was dealt with through the news desk or features desk … Certainly all journalists knew they had to act within the confines of the law.

Questioned about the legality of using “rubbish” thrown out by private citizens as material for stories, Morgan said he thought it legal but “on the cusp of the unethical.”

Asked about a diary entry in which he explained how “phone-hacking” works, Morgan again played dumb, claiming not to remember who explained it to him. Morgan was questioned about a man “who went to the Daily Mirror more than 10 years ago with a story about mobile phone voicemail security being compromised.” Morgan said he doesn’t remember ever hearing about the man, and said the story would’ve been too boring to print, but the man was paid 100 pounds for the tip.

From the Guardian liveblog:

Morgan says he has “studied this man’s testimony”. “He seems to me one sandwich short of a picnic,” he adds.

He continues: “This was a complete non-event, it never got supressed for the reason he’s trying to …”

Sherborne asks why Nott was paid £100 for the story.

Morgan says “loads” of people get paid £100 for stories that are not used.

Nice work if you can get it.

And that was about it. The inquiry was never going to “nail” Morgan on anything other than generally being simultaneously amoral and sanctimonious. While he engaged in loads of completely unethical behavior, and almost certainly skirted the law, it’s clear that the Mirror wasn’t acting in blatant violation of the law as often or as brazenly as the Sun and News of the World.

Morgan finished off with a defensive and petulant closing statement, complaining that the inquiry lawyers only asked him about the bad stuff he did in his years in British tabloids. “It’s like a rock star having an album coming out with all his worst-ever hits,” Morgan said.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

News Corp may face American class action suit

The Justice Department is also investigating Rupert Murdoch's beleaguered media company

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News Corp may face American class action suitRupert Murdoch(Credit: Reuters/Paul Hackett)

The News Corp phone-hacking scandal is still generating headlines in the UK. (It is widely referred to as the “phone-hacking scandal,” though it may more accurately be described as a “police bribery, voicemail-listening, privacy-invading, and lying-to-Parliament scandal.”) The Guardian says today that it may soon spread to America. The lawyer representing the family of one of the murder victims whose voicemail was listened to by News of the World reporters is looking to launch a class action suit against Rupert and James Murdoch in the US.

News Corp is negotiating a settlement with the family of murdered teenager Milly Dowler which will likely cost News Corp and Rupert Murdoch millions of pounds. Even if the class action suit doesn’t materialize, News Corp also has the Justice Department to worry about:

Separately, it emerged that this week US prosecutors at the Department of Justice have written to Murdoch’s News Corporation requesting information on alleged payments made to the British police by the News of the World. The DoJ is looking into whether the company may have violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA).

Under FCPA laws, American companies are banned from paying representatives of a foreign government to gain a commercial advantage.

There has been a lot of bad news for the Murdoch’s this month. News Corp is also facing a shareholder lawsuit. The House of Commons culture, media and sport select committee has recalled James Murdoch. News of the World’s former legal manager basically accused James Murdoch of lying in his last appearance before the committee.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

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