Barack Obama

How to write a poem for the president

Elizabeth Alexander has been commissioned to write a poem for Inauguration Day. But the checkered history of the form suggests it's an almost impossible task.

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How to write a poem for the president

When I first heard a poet would read at Obama’s inauguration, I was driving through Oakland, Calif., kid in the back seat, on my way to a cafe with Wi-Fi and a jungle gym. I had a poem to e-mail to a journal and a play date at noon. Melissa Block of NPR’s “All Things Considered” began her story as I pulled into a parking spot, and I idled there for five minutes, passing raisins to my daughter, as poet Elizabeth Alexander spoke about the honor and her plans for the ceremony. How much better can things get? First I get a leader, now I get a poet? Not only a poet, but a poet I recognize and like? Is free daycare next?

Then Melissa Block mentioned that as a 1-year-old Alexander had been carried to see Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered in 1963 on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, and in a head rush of gratitude I nearly laid my forehead on the horn.

Since that broadcast, I’ve been thinking about the kind of work Alexander’s been asked to compose — an “occasional poem,” meaning verse produced for a special event – and discovered an anxiety it seems other poet friends share.

As a genre, occasional poetry originated with classical Latin poets, who used it to honor leaders and commemorate ceremonies of home and state. Since then it’s become less common, though it enjoyed flashes of favor in the 17th and 18th centuries. These days, in the United States at least, poems are still commissioned for the incidental donor gala or somber anniversary, though the practice is by no means a convention.

There’s no starker demonstration of our culture’s separation of poetry and state than the fact that our nation’s poet laureate, a consultant post to the Library of Congress filled on an annual basis since 1937, is not expected to produce verse for government events. It’s easy to see why: What poet today would allow his or her voice to be yoked to the policy of a presidential administration, even one as popular as Obama’s? At what point would the poetry become propaganda?

If the post was on the hook for occasional verse, as it was in England before Wordsworth resisted in 1843, America’s current poet laureate, Californian Kay Ryan, would be writing and delivering the inaugural poem. With no disrespect to Alexander, that’s something I’d have given my book budget to see. In addition to being a fluid, lucid poet, Ryan is a lesbian, who lived with her partner of 30 years in Fairfax, Calif., until her partner died on Jan. 3, 2009. Four years ago, in February 2004, they were married in San Francisco’s City Hall. How’s that for a voice to follow the invocation of Rick Warren, the anti-gay evangelical preacher who supported California’s divisive Proposition 8 in November?

But if the poet laureate doesn’t write poems for the state, why should other poets? That depends on the poet and the public event, and goes a long way to explaining why so many of my peers freeze up at the challenge of occasional verse. For what’s being asked of us is not necessarily a great poem (though a great poem would be a triumph), and not at all the kind of poem we’re practiced at composing.

What’s being asked is the fulfillment of a ceremonial role, something many Americans only experience in the one familiar ceremony where poems are routinely recited: the wedding. Not uncommonly, poets asked to choose a marriage poem (as most poets over 30 will tell you) give up the hunt for material both suitable and inspiring, thinking they’ll try to write the thing themselves. Next comes the panic: I have no idea how to write an occasional poem! For my own wedding, what I finally did was rework one of my existing poems; I did the same thing for the recent union of some close friends.

Did the revised poems suffer as stand-alone verse? Of course. Stanzas were tweaked to personalize the themes and ensure no lines risked being misconstrued, given the focal story of that day’s bride and groom. But whatever the poems lost in independence they gained in ritual and sentiment, and the affection of the moment still attaches to the poems for many who were there to receive them. This is probably why Goethe, an overwhelmingly social poet who was also a public official, asserted that “occasional poetry is the highest kind.”

A provocative claim, but I like my poetry on the page: solitary, unscheduled, perhaps talking to me personally but by no means shouting so all can hear.

This isn’t to say a poem can’t be written in response to a public event. On the contrary, poems often wrongly described as “occasional”  — Yeats’ “Easter, 1916″ and Auden’s “September 1, 1939″ are two prominent examples — were written after the occasion they commemorate, both of them rising above the moment to give meaning over time. Auden certainly didn’t write his poem in anticipation of the invasion of Poland and the outbreak of World War II; the shock of the event conceived the poem, which was written in the days following the war declarations. Further, it was not only a great poem in 1939, it was a great poem in 2001 after the 9/11 attacks cast the stanzas in a new twilight, at the end of one era and the menace of the next.

An old poem was similarly reclaimed at John F. Kennedy’s inauguration in 1961 by Robert Frost, the first poet in America’s history included in the ceremony. (Alexander is only the fourth.) After faltering with the beginning of a week-old original poem he had decided to write at the last minute, he finally said, “This was to be a preface to the poem I can say to you without seeing it.” On familiar ground now, his voice boomed as he recited his own 20-year-old poem beloved by JFK and first printed in “The Witness Tree” (1942). This was “The Gift Outright,” with its stunning invocation,

 To the land vaguely realizing westward,

a line reborn at that instant to signify the promise of the Kennedy presidency. Like the Americans of the poem, who hold themselves back from their country until they find “salvation in surrender” and “give [themselves] outright” to the land, Frost gave in to the greater poem, which became its own gift. The poem thus rewrote its own title and theme in ways impossible before JFK’s inauguration. In fact, Frost’s delivery was powerful enough that most Americans, reporters included, forgot the uncomfortable few minutes that preceded it. “Frost’s Poem Wins Hearts at Inaugural” read the headline in the next morning’s Washington Post.

The inaugural poets who followed, Maya Angelou (1993) and Miller Williams (1997), went forward with verse written specifically for the ceremony, and neither poem reads well when wrested from its event. Maya Angelou, despite her seemingly limitless talents and remarkable life story, delivered to my ears a real groaner, “On the Pulse of Morning.”

As for Miller Williams, it wasn’t until I became a fan of his daughter, musician and songwriter Lucinda Williams, that I took a closer look at his work. Not surprisingly, he’s a much stronger poet than “Of History and Hope,” the sensible, solemn, ultimately forgettable poem he delivered at Bill Clinton’s second inauguration in 1997, gives him credit for.

Why is poetry so different from other disciplines? Music and the plastic arts (painting, sculpture, architecture) are demonstrably receptive to commissions, with great works created on command, as it were. With sculptures and buildings, we only have to walk a few downtown blocks in most major cities to see lasting examples of both, pro and con.

The problem for poets is not the commission — Milton’s “Lycidas” and Marvell’s “Upon Appleton House” are both immortal poetry commissions — but the occasion, which fixes the poem with a public event. Once the function has passed, the poem loses the immediacy of its audience, and with it the power to summon meaning and emotion over time.

So let’s dispense with this idea that poets can produce lasting poems for public events. It’s unfair to the audience, discomposes the poet, and probably confirms the low opinion of poetry some listeners already hold.

When we read poetry to ourselves, the occasion of a great poem is an internal event, organizing the perceptions and determining the material. When that occasion is a point in time and place, the work is more likely to be stuck there when published: partial, responsible, contemporary, rarely timeless.

How does this prepare us for the original verse Alexander will recite on Tuesday, Jan. 20, following Obama’s inaugural address? Based on her volumes, the most recent of which, “American Sublime,” was nominated for the Pulitzer Prize, we can expect it will be generous and heterogeneous in its influences: skillful in tone, bold in emotion, deeply rhythmic in delivery. As for Alexander, she will be better prepared than Frost, more succinct than Angelou, and livelier than Williams. And it’s likely we, the audience, will be moved in ways we weren’t expecting to be moved, just as we sometimes choke up at the craziest words when sitting through the wedding of a loved one.

But if the words do not do the same thing on the page, that’s no fault of the poet. It is the occasion that speaks through her, an occasion that carries with it a shared universe of meaning, one not only privy to consumers of poetry but to Americans at large. That’s the role Alexander is poised to fulfill. Her given occasion will not only commemorate the election of the nation’s first African-American president — a friend and former colleague — but the 200th anniversary of the birth of the leader most often invoked as forerunner and mentor to the president-elect: President Lincoln.

“It is appropriate to revisit the words of President Lincoln,” explains the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies (JCCIC) in its announcement of the 2009 theme, a leader “who strived to bring the nation together by appealing to ‘the better angels of our nature’. It is especially fitting to celebrate the words of Lincoln as we prepare to inaugurate the first African-American president of the United States.”

Specifically, the inaugural theme is “A New Birth of Freedom,” a phrase taken from those last, resolving lines of Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address:

… that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

In the emphasis of Lincoln’s dedication on the equality of all people, and the continuity between the living and the dead, we hear the substance of a poem written three years before by the American poet most associated with Lincoln and the spirit of our country: Walt Whitman’s “Crossing Brooklyn Ferry,” that uncanny meditation on continuity and passage — present to future, individual to community, body to soul.

Chances are Alexander hears it too. In an early-’90s article for the Village Voice, she names two poets she’d take with her to the “proverbial desert island”: Gwendolyn Brooks and Walt Whitman. (Brooks is the Pulitzer Prize-winning poet from Chicago’s South Side, a former U.S. poet laureate and masterly fuser of form and African- American vernacular.) Whitman, writes Alexander, “is intoxicated with all that human life and the natural world hold.”

More recently, in a December 2008 interview with the Poetry Foundation, Alexander replied to a request for a poem reflecting “the cultural moment” by saying, “I have truly in my head been hearing lines from Walt Whitman’s ‘I Hear America Singing.’” For Alexander, what stirs Whitman’s words is how Obama’s “campaign truly belonged to an extraordinary cross-section, not only of Americans … but of people the world over.”

When Alexander steps up to the podium on Jan. 20, she’ll look out over the National Mall, where the Armory Square Hospital for soldiers stood during the Civil War. It was at this hospital that Whitman spent his discretionary time while working at a series of government posts. He talked with the sick and wounded, brought them gifts, wrote letters to their families, and sat beside them when they died.

When Alexander begins to read, I’ll hear “these honored dead” speak through her as they spoke through Lincoln, and as Whitman himself, prophet of inclusiveness and of the multitudes gathered on the mall, speaks through his great poem of crossing over, casting himself into the future on the numinous immediacy of the occasion:

It avails not, neither time or place — distance avails not;
I am with you, you men and women of a generation, or ever
so many generations hence;
I project myself — also I return — I am with you, and
know how it is.

 

Jim Fisher was manager of IT support at Salon from 1999 to 2004.

Obama campaign raps Romney on Trump rhetoric

McCain has yet to speak out against "Birthers"

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Obama campaign raps Romney on Trump rhetoricRepublican presidential candidate, former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, looks out the campaign charter airplane window during the flight between San Diego and Hayden, Co., Monday, May 28, 2012. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer)(Credit: AP)

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Barack Obama’s re-election campaign is releasing a television advertisement accusing Mitt Romney of failing to stand up to “the voices of extremism” in his party.

The ad was released Tuesday as Romney was poised to clinch the Republican presidential nomination in the Texas primary. It takes the former Massachusetts governor to task for failing to speak out against real estate mogul Donald Trump, a supporter who has consistently charged that Obama is not a U.S. citizen.

The commercial opens by showing 2008 nominee John McCain brushing aside a woman who raised the citizenship issue at a town hall-style meeting, and asks, “Why won’t Mitt Romney do the same?”

A Romney aide is shown telling a TV interviewer that “a candidate can’t be responsible for everything a supporter has said.”

Guess who’s coming to dinner?

George and Laura Bush dine with the Obamas

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Judy Gold

Emmy Award-winning actress and comedian Judy Gold is best known as the star of her two critically acclaimed off-Broadway shows, "The Judy Show - My Life As A Sitcom," and "25 Questions For A Jewish Mother." Judy has had her own comedy specials on HBO, Comedy Central and Logo. She appears regularly on Tru TV's World"s Dumbest. Check out www.JudyGold.com and follow her on Twitter at @JewdyGold.

Presidential race is most costly ever

The election is poised to dwarf the cost of 2008, when Super PACs didn't pump millions of dollars into the race

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Presidential race is most costly everPresident Barack Obama, left, tours TPI Composites, a manufacturer of wind turbines blades, with plant manager Mark Parriott, Thursday, May 24, 2012 in Newton, Iowa. In Obama’s second visit as president to Newton, a city of about 15,000 east of Des Moines, he argued for Congress to renew wind energy tax credits.(AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)(Credit: AP)

The battle between President Barack Obama and Republican Mitt Romney will be the most expensive presidential contest ever — by a long shot.

There are two main reasons. It’s the first time both major-party candidates are declining post-Watergate federal campaign financing — and the spending limits attached. And the proliferation of super PACS is pumping untold millions into the fray on both sides, mostly for advertising.

So fashion your seat belts and prepare for a howling tempest of broadcast ads, especially if you live in a battleground state.

Obama and Romney were both coming off a week of intensive national fundraising.

Without Democratic primary opposition, Obama had a huge early advantage.

But Romney, likely to surpass the 1,144 delegates needed for the GOP nomination next Tuesday with a primary win in Texas, is starting to catch up as major conservative donors begin opening their wallets.

Through April, Obama and Democratic groups supporting him have raised nearly $450 million and have more than $150 million in the bank. Romney and Republicans backing him have collected more than $400 million during the same stretch and have about $80 million at their disposal.

Both candidates are shooting for raising around $800 million, which would put their combined campaign spending at roughly $1.6 billion. Add another few hundred million from super PACs and convention spending.

Obama opted out of public financing in 2008 and raised $750 million. His spending swamped GOP rival Sen. John McCain, limited to spend the $84 million he received from taxpayers. Super PACs didn’t exist then.

We know what happened in that race. Romney didn’t want to see it happen to him.

Neither candidate had public appearances Friday. Romney was taking a long weekend California hiatus from campaigning, while Obama planned several ceremonial events on Memorial Day.

 

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When leaders actually lead

Some Obama backers insisted the president could do nothing on his own to advance gay marriage. Boy, were they wrong

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When leaders actually leadU.S. President Barack Obama speaks at a campaign fund raising event in Denver, Colorado May 23, 2012. (Credit: Reuters/Kevin Lamarque)

I count myself as a supporter of President Obama who reserves the right to criticize him when I disagree. And I disagreed with his reluctance to come out in support of gay marriage for a long time. I’m also on record wishing he’d taken a stronger public stance behind several big progressive priorities — a larger stimulus, tougher Wall Street reform, a public option for health insurance, a big jobs bill – whether or not he had the congressional support to make it happen.

Throughout the president’s first term, his most ardent supporters have reacted to those of us pushing him to do – and say – more on such issues with frustration and anger, some of it nasty and personal, some of it thoughtful and well-argued. They rightly blame Congress for blocking action on key progressive priorities, but strangely downplay the power of presidential leadership. Late last year, New York magazine’s Jonathan Chait twice attacked liberal Obama critics for being “unreasonable” about what the president alone could accomplish, because “liberals, on the whole, are incapable of feeling satisfied with a Democratic president.”

Chait took particular aim at lefty image guru Drew Westen, a one-time Obama admirer who criticized the president in the New York Times not merely for what he hadn’t accomplished, but for failing to tell a compelling story. Chait accused Westen and other progressives of embracing:

…a model of American politics in which the president in not only the most important figure, but his most powerful weapon is rhetoric. The argument appears calculated to infuriate anybody with a passing familiarity with the basics of political science. In Westen’s telling, every known impediment to legislative progress — special interest lobbying, the filibuster, macroeconomic conditions, not to mention certain settled beliefs of public opinion — are but tiny stick huts trembling in the face of the atomic bomb of the presidential speech. The impediment to an era of total an uncompromising liberal success is Obama’s failure to properly deploy this awesome weapon.

Chait caricatured Westen’s argument (and the beliefs of those who agreed with it), but he got lots of love for both pieces in the pro-Obama blogosphere, where folks finally felt they had a real diagnosis for the illness of those they dismissed as “emoprogs.” But now that we see the changes wrought by Obama’s politically risky embrace of gay marriage, maybe it will be easier for folks to understand that it’s the job of political advocates not merely to praise, but to push their leaders forward.

Steve Kornacki runs down the astonishing political changes we’ve seen in the mere two weeks since the president carefully announced his supposed change of heart on gay marriage. The nation’s largest African-American organization, the NAACP, has come out behind it – and maybe most important, recognized it as an important civil rights issue. Maybe most dramatic, in Maryland, African-American voters have now flipped to support the state’s gay marriage ballot measure 55 to 36 percent –almost the exact percentage by which they opposed it in previous polling on the state issue. And in the latest ABC News/Washington Post poll, African-Americans’ support for gay marriage jumped to 59 percent from 41 percent in the wake of the president’s historic announcement.

Now, I’m not going to argue that Obama’s turnaround alone caused this sea change. The arc of the moral universe has been bending toward justice on gay rights for a long time, and as I wrote last week, the president gave it an additional tug. There have been advocates within the NAACP working to make this happen for a long time, and they deserve a lot of credit. African-American voter opinion had already been trending in this direction, even if black voters had been less receptive to gay marriage than other demographic groups. There is also an emotional and personal component to the president’s stance that makes his moral suasion hard to replicate on behalf of, say, the jobs bill or the public option. (And let’s also remember it’s white voters who are most hostile on some of those economic issues, thanks to the divide and conquer politics of the GOP over the last 40 years.)

Still, it’s hard not to conclude that Obama’s words made a significant difference in the political course of this debate. Ironically, it was once critics of Obama who mocked the power of words, and specifically the candidate’s own oratorical gifts. Obama shot back at them many times.

“Don’t tell me words don’t matter,” he told Wisconsin Democrats in February 2008. “‘I have a dream’ — just words. ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal’ — just words. ‘We have nothing to fear but fear itself’ – just words. Just speeches.” At many times over the last three years, I’ve been amazed at how Obama’s critics and supporters seemed to change sides on the question of the power of his words.

I give the folks who call themselves “prag progs” – pragmatic progressives, as opposed to “unreasonable” emoprogs – a lot of credit for fixing attention on what the president has accomplished, and reminding others not merely to fixate on what he hasn’t. But I think it’s time that all of us acknowledge that there’s a role for constructive pressure, too. Progressive change has always required impatient agitators – and it will continue to.

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Joan Walsh

Joan Walsh is Salon's editor at large.

Obama courts LGBT vote

The president has launched a new website and video touting his "evolution" on gay marriage

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After a long “evolution” on marriage equality, the Obama campaign is moving to take full ownership over LGBT rights as a political issue today, rolling out a new website and video narrated by Glee’s Jane Lynch.

Lynch, who married her partner in 2010 after New York legalized same-sex marriage, praises Obama in the video, calling him “a leader who not only acknowledged the LGBT community, but who embraced us.” Lynch ticks off a series of Obama’s accomplishments, saying the president has made “more significant advances on LGBT issues than other president that came before him.”

But on a conference call this morning, campaign officials said the website, called “Obama Pride,” is as much about touting the president’s advances on LGBT rights as it is a means to organize and engage with the LGBT community. “We will run robust LGBT Vote programming to turn out LGBT voters this November,” said National LGBT vote director Jamie Citron.

The five-minute video also features new interview-style footage of Obama, who explains how his view on marriage has changed over time and notes that “we’ve seen a profound cultural shift just over the past decade,”

Indeed, the roll out — timed to coincide with Harvey Milk Day — comes as a new Washington Post/ABC News poll finds opposition to gay marriage at all time low in the wake of Obama’s announcement.

That puts Obama on the right side of history, the campaign said. “[Mitt] Romney’s position on same-sex marriage is also historic but not in the way it should be,” said Obama co-chair Joe Solmonese, the outgoing president of the LGBT advocacy group Human Rights Coalition, who noted that Romney has pledged to push for an anti-marriage equality amendment.

While the marriage reversal carries major political risks, the aggressive PR effort from the deliberate Obama campaign suggests they feel confident that Obama’s stance on gay rights will be a net gain, politically. Already, fundraising is reportedly up as both disillusioned gay Democrats and even some gay Republicans are coming back into the fold. Indeed, the founder of the Log Cabin Republicans, Rich Tafel, told NPR last weekend that he’s considering defecting to Obama in light of the announcement. If the campaign and Jane Lynch have their way, he won’t be the last.

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Alex Seitz-Wald is Salon's political reporter. Email him at aseitz-wald@salon.com, and follow him on Twitter @aseitzwald.

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