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A possible example of nocebo effect on coronary disease has been
teased out of the famous Framingham study (a massive longitudinal study that began in 1948). Elaine Eaker and her colleagues found that women who said they were more likely than
other women their age to develop heart disease were in fact twice
as likely (over a 20-year period) to experience myocardial infarction or coronary death, even when the results were controlled
for variables like smoking, high blood pressure and high
cholesterol. Sometimes it's no comfort to be right. It also appears
that women who felt they had little control over their lives and
who were lonely and who didn't get to take many vacations had a
higher rate of coronary disease, a discouraging finding. The meek
will inherit the earth, but they may be too sick to have fun with
it. I suppose this means that you can hearten depressed people by
telling them that they must look on the bright side or risk
damaging their health, maybe even fatally. "Cheer up or die!" you
can tell them. No doubt they will thank you some day. Other much-written-about forms of the nocebo effect are sociogenic
illness, psychogenic illness or mass hysteria. "Knowledge of
sickness in others fosters an expectation that one may also be
subject to the same condition," writes Robert Hahn, perhaps the
foremost scholar of nocebo. In cases like these, groups of people
complain of symptoms like nausea, dizziness, shortness of breath,
numbness, and coughing. Typically they have been made aware that
someone else has gotten inexplicably sick, that there is a strange
smell in their workplace or that something else worrisome is going
on. Gradually more and more people display symptoms, making it seem
all the more certain that something is terribly wrong. Doctors may tread warily in linking the nocebo effect with terms
like "mass hysteria," because almost all doctors have experienced
this themselves in the form of MSD -- medical student's disease.
The medical student, assumed to be a reasonably intelligent, level-headed person, reads about various unpleasant conditions with
diffuse or common symptoms and becomes convinced that he or she has
the disease. "Look at this checklist! Headaches: yes, I have
headaches. Dizziness: I felt dizzy yesterday in the revolving door.
Insomnia: I hardly got any sleep last night. Nervousness: totally!
Oh my God, I have a brain tumor. Probably inoperable. It is both
tragic and ironic. Wait, read these symptoms of tetanus! Headaches,
dizziness, agitation ..." Why, I understand that it is not unusual for medical students to
read about rabies, look in the mirror and see themselves beginning
to foam at the mouth, and rush out into the street barking and
biting people. Most doctors remember this period in their career
with some embarrassment, naturally, but perhaps it gives them a
little sympathy for other victims of the nocebo effect. Sociogenic factors like these are used by some to explain phenomena
like Gulf War syndrome or illness following breast implants. Naturally such explanations are extremely controversial. In cases of sociogenic illness, anthropologist Dan Moerman says,
"The kinds of symptoms are always pretty much the same. They're
sleepless, and they have achy joints and there's nothing ever very
specific." Moerman describes an incident in Michigan in the mid-1970s in which
a large amount of animal feed became contaminated with compounds
meant for fireproofing pajamas -- PBBs (polybrominated biphenyls).
Contaminated feed sickened and killed a number of cattle. (However,
they did not catch fire in their beds.) Because the effects of PBBs
were little known (but people knew that the related polychlorinated
biphenyls, or PCBs, are dangerous), and because it was unclear how
many farms had gotten contaminated feed, there was widespread alarm
on Michigan farms. Many farmers were frightened to find themselves
experiencing mysterious symptoms. "Guess what their symptoms were?" asks Moerman. "They had sore
knees, and they couldn't sleep and they were distracted." Now,
nearly 25 years later, epidemiological studies have looked at the
health of those farmers, and compared them to Wisconsin farmers
without PBB exposure. "They studied these people from pillar to
post," says Moerman. "There was no difference. Zero. No mortality
difference, no cancer difference. But the Michigan farmers who say
they were afflicted, were afflicted. They were sick! They were not
sick with anything that anyone could measure, but they were sick." To Moerman, the most intriguing part of the PBB episode may come
from the cows. He recently charted milk production in Michigan cows
in pounds of milk per cow per year ("I had never really realized
how wonderful agricultural statistics are") and found a sharp drop
in milk production in 1974. "It drops by 10 to 12 percent. It just goes
'kerchunk' and it drops. Ninety-nine percent of the cows never got
any of this PBB, but their production of milk dropped anyway. Well,
you know cows don't read the newspaper. But what do cows do?"
Moerman asks. "Hang out with farmers?" I guess. "That's right. They
hang out with farmers. I think we have a nocebo effect in domestic
animals." | ||
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