If you had to whip up a too-good-to-be-true story for the right-wing pundit class to freak out over, what elements would you include? There would have to be, of course, an element of command-and-control socialist-fascist invasion and regulation of the most private parts of our lives, in the name of some spurious "common good." But that alone is a little pedestrian nowadays, so you'd want to add a nice dollop of male sexual neurosis to really kick it up a notch. Then add just a hint of racial fear and beat to a froth.
What are we talking about here? Officials at the Centers for Disease Control, showing touching naiveté about the current political environment, are weighing an initiative to encourage male circumcision, with the idea that there are probably some minor health benefits. Says Dr. Peter Kilmarx, the head of epidemiology for the H.I.V./AIDS Prevention wing of the CDC, "What we've heard from our consultants is that there would be a benefit for infants from infant circumcision, and that the benefits outweigh the risks."
Seems straightforward. Sure, there are reasonable people on all sides of the general arguments about circumcision, but if the CDC takes a rigorous look and decides to encourage the surgery, what harm can they do?
Only a little bit, it turns out, but in a place where it really hurts. Ed Morrissey of the conservative blog Hot Air writes, "If the CDC -- which is part of the same government that will control health care -- decides that circumcision is beneficial and cost-efficient in the long term, that same mechanism would create pressure on doctors and patients to perform them."
Morrissey's argument has the same basic flaw that animated the "death panel" fears: an inability to distinguish between advice and force. If this CDC proposal goes into effect, it, like the now-dead end-of-life counseling proposal, would make available some valuable medical advice. There's nothing on the table to penalize doctors who don't circumcise newborns, or parents who decline the procedure. To have a "mechanism [that] would create pressure on doctors and patients," you need, well, a mechanism. Morrissey can't come up with one.
But when was the last time that stopped these guys? Two days ago, Rush Limbaugh claimed, "It is President Obama who wants [to] mandate circumcision ... And that means, if we need to save our penises from anybody, it's Obama."
So now that we're talking about Limbaugh's penis, all of a sudden, we're in a world where the tiniest measure of government suggestion about sexual health equals a full onslaught against privacy. Expect to see the radio talker at the next march to protect abortion rights with a "Keep your government hands off my private parts" sign.
In a NYT op-ed on Sunday, Sudhir Venkatesh wondered where all the protesters have gone. With all the righteous anger up for grabs in our great nation, why aren't the mobs taking to the streets? Well, for one thing -- they all seem to be on Facebook.
You'll remember that Pope Benedict recently stirred up headlines, and a little righteous indignation in these parts, by declaring that condoms not only didn't help the AIDS epidemic -- they made it worse. "Nothing short of evil," is what my colleague Tracy Clark-Flory called the statement when she wrote about it, and plenty of op-eds echoed that sentiment.
Recently, about a dozen Facebook groups formed to protest the Pope's statements, making their fury known with an oldfashioned gimmick: They sent condoms to the pope. A story on Saturday' CNN reported that the Facebook groups planned to send "millions" of condoms; on Monday, the most recent post from the 11,000+ member, Belgium-based "Condoms for the Pope" group claimed 70,000 had been sent.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the mass condom mailout sparked its own protests among Facebook users, who felt the display, though fabulously well-intentioned and dramatic, was a tad wasteful. Why not send the condoms to people who distributed them? Wouldn't those condoms just end up in a landfill? (Meanwhile, the debate over the use of condoms in the fight against AIDS continues as well, as the head of Harvard's AIDS Prevention Center surprisingly defended the Pope's statements, using logic the Geneva's chief of UN AIDS Prevention Unit called "ludicrous.")
No word on how the Pope has reacted to his special delivery, though I have a feeling there's been an increase in water balloon fights near the Vatican.
Every state has to deal with the occasional stupid, embarrassing elected official now and again. Sometimes, though, it seems like one is getting hit with more than its fair share. This week, it's Colorado, where two state senators have done their best to cover their constituents in something other than glory.
It all started with Republican Scott Renfroe of Greeley, who got some attention for comments he made Monday about a bill that extends health benefits to same-sex partners of state employees. It's "an abomination according to Scripture," Renfroe said, according to the Colorado Independent, to "[take] sins and [make] them to be legally OK.”
Renfroe -- apparently a magnanimous kind of guy -- was willing to admit that homosexuality isn't the only sin listed in the Bible. "I’m not saying this is the only sin that is out there. Obviously we have sin -- we have murder, we have, we have all sorts of sin, we have adultery, and we don’t make laws making those legal, and we would never think to make murder legal," he said.
Another Republican in the Colorado Senate, Sen. Dave Schultheis, wasn't about to be outdone. Explaining why he cast the lone vote against a bill that requires health care providers to test pregnant women for HIV (with their consent, of course), Schultheis said:
Sexual promiscuity, we know, causes a lot of problems in our state, one of which, obviously, is the contraction of HIV. And we have other programs that deal with the negative consequences -- we put up part of our high schools where we allow students maybe 13 years old who put their child in a small daycare center there.
We do things continually to remove the negative consequences that take place from poor behavior and unacceptable behavior, quite frankly, and I don’t think that’s the role of this body.
As a result of that I finally came to the conclusion I would have to be a no vote on this because this stems from sexual promiscuity for the most part.
No money, more problems: The recession has everyone fretting these days, but apparently more women than men are anxious about their economic state. According to a recent poll by the National Women's Law Center, 59 percent of women claimed they were "worried and concernd" compared to only 46 percent of men. The poll suggests men and women have different priorities: More women than men said the government should increase its role in helping people plan for retirement and its funding for childcare, and 77 percent of women want to see the government address the issue of pay equity.
More men adopt?: It's the first time the CDC has gathered adoption stats from men, and the findings may surprise you. Twice as many men as women adopt children. The numbers are clear, but the trend is complicated. Some attribute the glaring imbalance to divorce settlements, which usually place children with their mothers, leaving remarried men more likely than their wives to adopt stepchildren. Others credit the lack of options for gay men who want children: Gay men generally adopt, while gay women can have their own children.
Keep your hands to yourself, perv: New York subways are telling passengers to mind the gap -- not the one between the train and the platform, but the one between you and the person next to you. Over the next three months, MTA will circulate 2,000 posters that say, "Sexual harassment is a crime in the subway, too -- a crowded train is no excuse for an improper touch. Don't stand for it or feel ashamed, or be afraid to speak up." The ad campaign is a response to last year's unsettling report that 10 percent of women were sexually abused and 63 percent were sexually harassed while riding New York City Transit.
Remember the old-fashioned days, when people just had sex for money?: First it was sex for real estate, then it was sex for gas. The increasingly disturbing sex trade trend has stripped down to the essentials: sex for food. Growing food prices worldwide have forced women in the Pacific and Africa to offer sex in exchange for vital items like fish and cooking oil. It may be the only way for many women to get food, but the consequences are potentially deadly. U.N. officials say the horrifying trend is contributing to the spread of AIDS in malnourished women who aren't likely to survive an infection.
Stepford lives: Repression, subjugation and inequality aside, the '50s were totally great! Actually, besides that Great Depression and the subsequent war, the '30s and '40s were even better! For three women who think they're literally living in the past, having no dignity isn't so bad -- it's heaven. The women dress and live like they're living in the '30s, '40s and '50s. Sure, the women's desire to retreat from the rampant materialism of the present is reasonable, but the results are downright disturbing: "My job is to devote myself to Martin. He has a physical, stressful job and he loves coming home to a wife who looks pretty, has his meal ready in an immaculate house and has all the time in the world for him."
The death on July 4 of Jesse Helms, the polarizing North Carolina senator who bathed all forms of open-mindedness in the acid bath of his contempt, sent shudders of guilty relief through the spines of liberals everywhere. Few Americans care to imagine that anyone's death might bring them glee, and it is of course bad form to speak ill of the dead however little mercy the deceased may have shown to the hundreds of thousands of people who died as he denied funding for HIV/AIDS research.
Helms hailed from the small town of Monroe, N.C., and he took its Norman Rockwell façade to heart, if we are to believe his bracingly style-free 2005 memoir, "Here's Where I Stand." "The good old days ... were indeed the good old days," he wrote. The senator's depiction of a Depression-era boyhood makes poverty and strife sound idyllic. In the memoir, his police chief father reconciles thieves with their victims and gives late-night succor to hobos. Also, young Jesse raises chickens as pets, then eats them.
Therefore, in the spirit of small-town hypocrisy, and the whiff of David Lynch that wafts heavenward alongside Helms' sugared Main Street memories, in the Southern tradition of the sweetly delivered comeuppance, and in memory of the Helms family's massacre of its feathered friends, let us pause to praise Mr. Helms as we bury him. In the wake of his departure, let us appreciate all the gifts the senator heaped on his opponents, meaning you, me, everyone we've ever known, most of the people on earth, and most of the good things about being alive. You liked it, he was agin' it: multiculturalism, government funding for the arts, gay rights, AIDS funding. Nobel Peace Prize winner Jimmy Carter, Nobel Peace Prize winner Nelson Mandela (on whom Helms turned his back during Mandela's visit to the U.S. Capitol). Integration, the United Nations, smoking bans, cancer researchers, nuclear arms reduction, the Martin Luther King holiday, Bill Clinton, Ryan White (also snubbed), trigger locks on guns, a woman's right to choose, foreign aid, and sufficient heat for the poor black residents of the slums he owned in Raleigh.
And that is what the left owes Helms. Although Jerry Falwell and Strom Thurmond did their best to stir up progressives, it was often Jesse who spurred the American left into battle through his vehement opposition to its basic principles. His vitriol helped to kick-start a great deal of progressive action. To liberals, he was a villain in the mold of Darth Vader, though he would probably not have hired James Earl Jones, a black actor, to speak through his face grille. Nevertheless, Helms made of himself a flashpoint, helping to appall and galvanize first the civil rights movement, then AIDS activists of the '80s, '90s and beyond.
The actual positives are refreshingly brief. On Helms' retirement, the New York Times claimed that "few senators in the modern era [had] done more to buck the tide of progress ... than Mr. Helms," but if one looks carefully at his history, one can see a tale of molasses-paced adjustment to modern times, not unlike the changing values of the Roman Catholic Church, which pardoned Galileo -- in 1992 -- for his outrageous claim that Earth revolved around the sun. At that rate, Helms might have caught up with today's progressive politics had he lived until 2128. He opposed AIDS funding at the height of the crisis, but toward the end of his life, he reconsidered. Apparently AIDS in Africa had not spread through the actions of "degenerate" and "morally sick" homosexuals, but through heterosexual contact -- presumably always innocent -- and he joined forces with Bono to garner $600 million for AIDS relief around the world. He expressed remorse for not having gotten involved sooner. Dennis Rader, Wichita's "BTK" serial killer, has also expressed remorse for what he did.
There was something else, too ... Oh yeah, in 1978, Helms hired a black man, James Meredith, to work on his staff. A very charitable gesture indeed, considering his former views on race relations: "White people," warned an ad campaign he helped design for Strom Thurmond's 1948 run for the White House as a third-party segregationist, "do you want Negroes working beside you, your wife and your daughters, in your mills and factories?" For the youngsters, let's note that the question was rhetorical, and at the time, the only answer would have been a resounding no, followed by the firing of sawed-off shotguns and the frenzied barking of German Shepherds hungry for Negro flesh. As the New Yorker pointed out in 2001, however, quoting Walter Russell Meade, once the civil rights bills of the 1960s were signed into law, Helms "obeyed them," which was, to coin a Southernism, mighty white of the guy.
Helms and his wife adopted a child with cerebral palsy. Beyond these lovely gestures (and doubtless, a myriad of small, unrecorded acts of kindness), it becomes necessary to fluff a bit. Although Sen. Helms came quite late to the AIDS table and supported Argentinian juntas, Roberto D'Aubuisson of Salvadoran death-squad fame, and the brutal regime of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, to our knowledge he never killed anyone with his bare hands. The same cannot be said for Dennis Rader. Such an up-close-and-personal sort of violence -- unless it involved a stout caning or dueling pistols -- would have been ungentlemanly, and Helms was nothing if not the model of a Southern gentleman. A mid-19th-century Southern gentleman. When he upheld "freedom," he always seemed to imply the "freedom" of wealthy white folks from manual labor. Despite his adoration of dictators, he opposed Stalin's labor camps. Possibly he objected only to the décor -- the source isn't clear.
Though not as quotable or charismatic as Reagan, Helms did possess a certain kind of wit, though he always used it in the service of ultraconservative values, as one New York Times compilation of his bons mots attests. (The one about Clinton's "uncertain saxophone" remains amusing partly because it represents a rare moment when Helms chose to kick someone while he was up.)
Radical right-wing politicians of today often try to avoid Helms' brashness, though it was effective in its day -- his ban on travel into the United States by HIV-positive people remains in effect. The right wing has learned the value of secrecy and spin, of rendition abroad, of "plausible deniability" and "unknown unknowns." Compared with the spooky closed-door corruption and surveillance lust of the Bush administration, Helms' outspoken inappropriateness and knee-jerk intransigence now look at best quaint and ill-advised, at worst tragically myopic. It is probably better, even for him, after his long illness, that he has passed on to the plantation in the sky. As a man of African descent and a woman named Clinton were getting a real chance at the presidency, as same-sex marriage was becoming a reality across America, as the Republican Party found itself in disarray, as abortion remained legal, as integration and race mixing became widespread, it must have seemed to him, on some deep -- though perhaps only subliminal -- level, that he'd failed to protect America's core values. Despite his Herculean efforts, the barbarians had stormed the gate and rushed in to desecrate the nation's sacred traditions. Goodbye, Mr. Helms. And, barbarians, welcome.
"He's not who you think he is" is likely to serve as the Republican rap against Barack Obama, if and when the inspiring orator from Illinois secures his party's presidential nomination. Yet precisely the same complaint can and should be made against John McCain, who is neither as moderate nor as principled as his publicists in the press corps tell us.
Nowhere is the gap between "straight talker" and pandering faker more obvious than on questions of reproductive freedom and sex education. Usually obscured by his image as a "maverick" Republican and (former) critic of the religious right, his actual record infuriates many women when they learn what he believes -- and how he has voted.
Late last month, the Democratic National Committee released a memo based on focus group interviews with undecided voters in Minnesota and West Virginia concerning McCain. The female voters in the groups were surprised, dismayed and angered to learn that the Arizona Republican not only favors overturning the Roe v. Wade decision and curtailing abortion rights but is also opposed to requiring contraceptive coverage by health plans and favors abstinence-only sex education.
Even women who described themselves as "pro-life" said that the latter positions cast McCain as a man who is "unrealistic," "out of touch" and "stuck in the past," according to the memo. And those same women were especially disappointed because they had expected him to hold the moderate views that the media has so often ascribed to its favorite.
Imagine how disturbed those female voters might become if they read "The Real McCain: Why Conservatives Don't Trust Him and Why Independents Shouldn't," blogger Cliff Schecter's new book exploring the many moods and mind-sets of the prospective Republican nominee. He shows that McCain used to expound sensible centrist positions on choice -- until the senator flip-flopped to please his party's right-wing base. The evidence is simple and devastating.
Schecter quotes an August 1999 speech that McCain delivered to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco:
"I'd love to see a point where [Roe v. Wade] is irrelevant, and could be repealed because abortion is no longer necessary. But certainly in the short term, or even the long term, I would not support repeal of Roe v. Wade, which would then force x number of women to [undergo] illegal and dangerous operations."
Then he flashes forward to 2006, as McCain prepared for this year's presidential race, when the senator declared that he does not merely favor overturning Roe, but supports a constitutional amendment that would ban abortion in almost all circumstances. Schecter provides another quote, from a McCain appearance last year on "Meet the Press," when he claimed that he has "always been pro-life, unchanging and unwavering." Except when he wavered and changed, of course.
It is possible that McCain feels differently about choice now than he did 10 years ago, and not only because his new stance is more convenient for a candidate who needs conservative votes. Perhaps he honestly cares about reducing the number of abortions. If so, he might want to encourage broad access to contraception and sex education, since he probably remembers what young people tend to do (and what he tended to do as often as possible when he was young and not so young).
On these issues McCain might, in other words, think for himself. Instead he merely parrots the extremists of the far right, who vainly hope to prevent sex but in fact promote teenage pregnancy -- and abortion as well as sexually transmitted disease -- by blocking contraception and sex education. He simply doesn't care about the toxic effect of these policies on young women. He prefers mindless posturing to thoughtful policymaking, as he demonstrated a year ago when he fumbled reporters' questions about condoms, contraception and AIDS, both in Africa and the United States, in a series of startling exchanges on his campaign bus.
Would he support taxpayer funding for contraception in Africa to prevent the spread of AIDS? McCain initially replied that he preferred a program of abstinence education but would provide condoms in places where abstinence "was not being followed," that is, where sex is happening, which is everywhere. That was a stupid answer, which he credited to Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Okla., his ultraright mentor on issues of reproductive rights and health.
Moments later, he wanted to amend his answer. "Let me think about it a little bit ... I don't know if I would use taxpayers' money ... I'm not informed enough on it. Let me find out ... I'm sure I have taken a position on it in the past ... I have to find out my position on it ... I am sure I am opposed to government funding. I am sure I support the president's policy on it." (Whatever! -- as his bottle-blond, Tupac-listening teenage daughter might crack on her campaign blog.)
A reporter followed up by inquiring whether McCain supports sex education that candidly discusses contraception and preventing the spread of AIDS and other disease, or whether he backs President Bush's abstinence-only education program. After a long pause, he said, "I think I support the president's policy." Does he believe that contraceptives help stop the spread of HIV? After another long pause, he replied, "You've stumped me."
That was too bizarre for the startled journalist. "I mean, I think you'd probably agree it probably does help stop it?" Realizing how foolish he sounded, the senator had a ready quip. "Are we on the Straight Talk Express?" Still, he stuck to his muddled answer: "I'm not informed enough on it. Let me find out. You know, I'm sure I've taken a position on it in the past. I have to find out what my position was. Brian, would you find out what my position is on contraception -- I'm sure I'm opposed to government spending on it, I'm sure I support the president's policies on it."
What makes this kind of nonsense so revolting when uttered by McCain is that he so obviously knows better. Who doesn't?
Schecter recounts another appalling episode that occurred last year, when McCain went to South Carolina to give a speech advocating sexual chastity for teenagers -- and to promote abstinence-only education, a policy that has again been proved worthless in a new study published in the Journal of Adolescent Health.
So here is a man who boasts about his hard-drinking, skirt-chasing, macho youth while sanctimoniously lecturing kids about remaining pure. Someday this errant hypocrisy may raise questions he surely would prefer not to answer.
