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It's a trans world

The author of a new book about transgender teenagers in Los Angeles talks straight about hormone smuggling, life on the street, and the rise of America's first trans-rapper.

"Transgender": Does even the word confuse you? If you were asked to define it, could you?

If not, you're hardly alone. For years, the transgender community has existed in the shadow of the gay, lesbian and bisexual rights movement -- though most trans-people agree that redefining their gender has little to do with their sexual orientation. The word is applied to everyone from drag queens and sex reassignment surgery patients to femme gay men and butch straight girls. And these days, when discussions of transgender do happen, it's usually in the context of the sex industry or debates about unisex bathrooms and gender-blind hallways in college dormitories. With such boundless, cloudy meanings, is it any surprise that even the most sex-savvy, gay-friendly, politically correct among us still have a hard time explaining the term?

Cris Beam, the author of "Transparent: Love, Family, and Living the T with Transgender Teenagers," hopes her new book will help take on some of the mysteries and misconceptions that still haunt the transgender community. Beam, now 34, moved to Los Angeles in 1997, while her girlfriend attended graduate school. Lonely in her new city, she became intrigued by Eagles, a local high school specifically for gay and transgender kids; with the time left over in her freelance writing schedule, she began to work there as a volunteer. During the two and a half years Beam taught at Eagles, she discovered a complex but marginalized tribe of transgender teens who had nowhere to go but the streets. "Transparent" chronicles those stories, and describes how, within a few years, Beam found herself deeply involved in the kids' lives, entangled in their dreams, disappointments and their search for the truth about themselves and their gender.

Weaving personal narratives with the history of sex changes and the dynamics of the black-market hormone industry, "Transparent" is anchored by the wildly unstable lives of four trans-women -- Christina, Domineque, Foxxjazell and Ariel, all of whom were Beam's students at Eagles. Beam's tale gives equal weight to Foxx's blinky-eyed aspirations to be a pop star and her struggles with her incarcerated, physically abusive boyfriend. She shuttles through Domineque's flurry of foster homes and past Ariel's heavily medicated mother, and speaks frankly about their loves, friends and mentors.

But the character Beam describes in the most searing detail is Christina, the young woman who later became the author's foster daughter. Blurring sociological research and personal experience, Beam stares down the teenager's manic highs and homeless, motherless, loveless lows. The result is a meticulous document of a subculture clamoring to be heard, and a revelation of how a sense of community and family may be the prime determinant of one's fate.

Salon sat down with Beam in New York to talk about prostitution and RuPaul, the importance of family and teenage identity, and whether America is ready for its first transgender rapper.

What was your first day like at Eagles?

The day I showed up, the people in charge -- the "office managers" -- said, "Um, can you teach?" and then they ran off. They threw me in a classroom with about eight kids. Nobody was watching them: Some were dancing in the corner and somebody else was asleep on the floor. For some reason, I said without thinking, "Do you guys want to make a magazine?" And they started gathering around, kind of interested, asking me, "What kind of magazine?" We started by talking about fashion. I really liked the kids, so I just kept coming back, and I ended up staying for two and a half years.

What kinds of kids did you meet?

The school was really just a catch-all for gay or trans street kids. There wasn't a whole lot of education going on. The population was very transient -- the kids who really wanted an education went elsewhere. The kids came there because they were homeless and had heard about it, and they would come in to get help, or they had truancy tickets and needed the cops off their back, or had been beaten up or harassed at their other schools -- a whole host of reasons. Some of them had grown up in L.A. their whole lives, but many others had traveled there from someplace else.

Why were the kids attracted to L.A.?

It's a big city -- and if you're a queer of any kind, you tend to want to go to the city, because that's where the freaks are, and maybe you can blend in. But there are reasons why L.A. is specifically attractive. Transgender kids hear rumors about hormone availability. Because they're smuggled up from Tijuana, there's a big black market based in Los Angeles. In Mexico, hormones are sold over the counter. They can be perfectly safe, but the kids want to take a lot for fast results.

They also hear that there are trans-people in L.A., and about this community of older trans-kids that "adopt" the newcomers on the street. They teach the new ones how to survive in the streets and pass as women and attract men, make friends, and sometimes even how to pick a corner to hustle. Some people just want to be stars, so there's that hope that they'd be discovered in Hollywood.

Before you met the students, what kind of preconceived notions did you have about the "transgender" community?

I hadn't known a whole lot of transgender people before -- or, at least, I didn't know it if I did. When I went to college at U.C. Santa Cruz, it was a very stridently lesbian time. You know, "womyn" with a "y," and all sorts of identity politics around women's-only space. That meant that trans-women were kept out. I also didn't know that trans people could be as young as they were, that they could be as young as 12, 13. I was really clueless, and I had been sort of blinded to the real struggles since I had come of age in Santa Cruz, where it was really discriminatory toward trans-women.

You write that most people imagine that all transgender people are drag queens, like Ru Paul, but that that stereotype is not necessarily accurate. Is that how you thought of trans-people before coming to Eagles?

Growing up in the gay community in the San Francisco Bay Area, I thought it was about performance. At that time, you were starting to see trans-people on shows like Jerry Springer. And it was always really awful, disparaging stuff -- full of "your girlfriend's really a man" imagery. At Eagles I saw a much broader spectrum, and I was really amazed at, and impressed by, the way these kids were offered a kind of freedom with regard to what it meant to be a boy or a girl. In a sad way, because they were off the radar of so many social services, they weren't getting helped, and so they had so little to lose. But they were liberated in a way that kids from other socioeconomic classes weren't.

Before I started this project, I thought the word "transgender" meant that a person didn't feel like the gender they were biologically born into. But trans-girls can be tomboys, trans-boys can be feminine. Trans-girls and -boys can be gay.

At the same time, some of the kids you met did strive for that stereotypical, glam-queen look. Why do you think that imagery is still so appealing to some trans-kids?

It's true -- there were some kids that were very performative and wanted to act like pop stars. At that time, the Spice Girls, Christina Aguilera, Britney Spears, Beyoncé were all really big. Of course, kids are idolizing pop stars in every high school in America. But when you're not socialized female, when you're not raised as a little girl, you don't have internal models for how to be a girl. Your mom isn't saying, "Here, sweetie, try on these earrings, have these cute little shoes." When you're socialized as a boy, you're often taught to idolize women in a really extreme way. So, if you're transgendered, sometimes you want to become that extreme woman who has been idolized.

But, again, a lot of the kids weren't that way. Many were very mellow, very understated. They just wore jeans, baby T's and sneakers, and passed perfectly well. There was a huge range.

You write that the teen transgender world is not without categories. What do you mean?

When you're a kid -- but especially as a street kid -- there is social pressure to "pass" [as a specific gender]. Trans-kids create these categories to create order in their world. There is a certain amount of freedom -- you can be a woman with a penis and that's fine, and you can call it your "pussy stick" -- but there's also a real pressure to conform to standards of beauty. Because they are young and insecure and want to fit in, they really freak out when they see someone that looks unpassable, or "clockable," which means easily spotted as transgender. They want everyone to look like a highly feminine version of themselves.

Your research focused on a very specific group of kids who had been kicked out of their homes and turned to prostitution and drugs. Are you anxious about how the rest of the transgender community will react to the book?

I had a lot of fears about this book coming out because I was afraid that the trans community would say, "You only show the dark side. What about the transgender neuroscientists and the transgender airline pilots?" Whenever you write about a community, especially one that doesn't get a lot of attention, you're always under fire to be representative of the whole group. In this case, I only wrote about a few kids, one of them being my foster daughter. It's a narrow study. Yet those lives are the reality for many kids, because there's so much trans-phobia and so much pain. A lot of transgender kids end up on the street, because there aren't any economic possibilities for them, so they turn to prostitution. When they're prostituting, they get picked up and put into foster care, then they're thrown into group homes. When they're in the homes, they're housed according to their birth gender. So you have trans-girls living with the boys, and there's always drama. They feel violated or misunderstood, they run away, they're back on the street, and they need money -- and the whole cycle starts again.

You seem to see a deep connection between family life and the fate of the transgender street kids. Can you explain that a bit?

Of the kids I got to know, the kids that ended up OK all had good parents. You can say that the homelessness, the drugs and the prostitution were a result of the kids being trans, but what I ended up finding was that the ones who were able to pull through were those who had really strong early childhood support. Those who didn't do so well were often fundamentally unloved -- long before they even came out as transgender. It's easy to point fingers and say that the trans community is enmeshed in sex work and whatever. But it originates with how willing families were to support kids and understand what transgender or transsexual really means.

Speaking of which, I think for many people, those terms themselves can be very confusing. Can you explain the difference between intersex and transgender, and between post-op and pre-op?

Intersex is where your physical reproductive organs do not match your gender state, where there is some sort of chromosomal or genital anomaly from birth. Being transsexual or transgender is where you feel like your internal sense of self doesn't match your external gender characteristics. Some people argue that the state of being transgender is actually being neurologically intersex -- but that stuff is tricky territory because the study of that kind of neurology is in its infancy.

You're preoperative [pre-op] if you haven't had sex reassignment surgery, and post-op if you have -- usually referring to genital reconstruction, or a mastectomy for a trans-man. Pre-op and post-op are difficult terms because they imply that gender is a continuum and that post-op is an automatically desired state. A lot of trans-people don't like that term, because it implies you're not "done" if you're pre-op, when some people don't feel that surgery is something they need.

Is there a disconnect between the intersex and transgender community?

It's different for everyone, but some intersex people feel like, "My state's biological. I was born this way and I can't help it, whereas transgender people are choosing this." But some transsexuals are like, "Well, I didn't choose this, I was born like this too!" There may be tension there, but there's also a lot of room for collaboration between the two, because we're all imprisoned by this idea that you have to be male or female, and many, many people don't fit -- whether for reasons that are physical or spiritual or psychological.

Do you sense tension between the transgender and the mainstream gay community too?

The "T" [transgender] has been readily added on to the GLB [gay, lesbian, bisexual] moniker in the past few years. But yes, a lot of gay people still really don't understand transgender, and there does seem to be a fear among gay people that the trans community could bring the gay movement down.

Right now there's an effort to normalize gays, to say, "We are just like you, we want marriage rights, job protection." And as the gay community makes political gains, the fear is that the trans community will look too weird. A lot of trans-people feel that the gay community has shunned them and said, "Not you guys, not yet. Let us get our rights, and then maybe you can come along." Also, being gay and being transgender are different issues. Gender identity and sexual desire are really separate tracks -- who you want to be with vs. who you identify as. Yet they're lumped together under the same umbrella called "queer."

You say that the most thriving, activist transgender communities are found in small liberal arts colleges like Smith and Wesleyan. But those communities really have no interaction, or maybe even knowledge, of the world you write about. Do you think their political activism can have an affect on kids like those at Eagles?

I would love to see the two come together more. When I go to transgender conferences, they are highly academic, concerned with language and representation and all that. It feels like they're speaking a completely different language from what's happening on the streets. They're not talking about the fact that kids [who can't afford breast implants] are shooting silicone directly into their bodies and dying, or that they're taking overdoses of hormones they buy on the black market or getting AIDS from prostitution. I think what academia does is important work, too. They're changing the hearts and minds of people who have power and influence, and that's going to filter its way down. But I would like to see more cross-pollination between the two communities, a little more attention being paid to HIV risk, issues of homelessness, violence on the street, drug use, and not just theoretical issues.

One of the teenagers in your book, Foxx, dreams of being a successful transgender rapper. Realistically, do you think our culture is ready to embrace someone like her?

Actually, Foxx is about to shoot her first music video! She called me the other day and was like, "Girl, I'm gonna be on 'Click' on Logo," MTV's gay network. And there's a gay rapper, Deadlee, who's doing a tour called the "Homorevolution" that is scheduled to launch in March 2007.

It's hard for me to gauge what America is ready for. I go from L.A. to New York to San Francisco, so I feel isolated in urban bubbles where Foxx's stardom seems possible. But I'd love to think it's possible. ABC just put a transgender character on "All My Children" -- which made me think, "If daytime soaps, which I think of as a pretty conservative bastion, can do it, maybe kids could welcome it."

You write about being troubled by the thin line between transgender people engaged in destructive behavior, and those who work in the outreach to combat that destructive behavior. Can you explain how you saw that dynamic at work?

Well, for instance, kids who do drug outreach are often just over drugs themselves or still using drugs. I found that there's a thin line between helpers and the people who seek help. I think that's because there are not many work opportunities for transgender young people, so they tend to stay in the transgender community. Sometimes they do really want to help -- they've just gotten over whatever difficulty they've been in. They have the fervor of the newly converted, and they want to help other young people get through trouble. But it's not enough, really.

How could outreach be improved?

I'd like medical professionals to be more involved, because there are teens who are morphing their own bodies with very dangerous techniques. Doctors need to monitor these kids -- if they're going to do it anyway, why not make sure they aren't taking copious amounts of hormones? We also need trained therapists to give them the psychological support to make decisions. And we need people to do longitudinal studies, too. Nobody's looking at, for example, what the breast cancer risks are for somebody taking so much estrogen. Right now we are just putting out fires and handing out condoms, which is hard work but not good enough.

Millionaire college presidents

The 10 best-compensated private college presidents

Leaders in Total Compensation at Private Colleges, 2007-8. Source: IRS tax reports analyzed by the Chronicle of Higher Education.

1. Shirley Ann Jackson, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute: $1,598,247

2. David Sargent, Suffolk University: $1,496,593

3. Steadman Upham, University of Tulsa: $1,485,275

4. Cornelius M. Kerwin, American University: $1,419,339

5. Lee C. Bollinger, Columbia: $1,380,035

6. Donald V. DeRosa, University of the Pacific: $1,350,743

7. John E. Sexton, New York University: $1,297,475

8. Jerry C. Lee, National University: $1,189,777

9. Nicholas S. Zeppos, Vanderbilt: $1,275,309

10. Amy Gutmann, University of Pennsylvania: $1,225,103

Note: Total compensation may include deferred compensation and other benefits and is not necessarily take-home salary. Kerwin, who was named president in 2007, was provost for much of the period covered.

Home schooling: How we do it

What's the curriculum for our twin 5-year-olds? Greek myths, costumed trips to the Met and Lightning McQueen
This is the second in a series. To read the first installment, click here.
At the Met: Nini dressed as the goddess Demeter, and Benny, dressed as Zeus.

One morning last week, before my kids Desmond and Nini had begun their home-school kindergarten day, they were playing on the floor with a random assemblage of building blocks, figurines and toy vehicles, like a zillion other 5-year-olds around the world. Since I was theoretically in charge while their mother got ready for the day, I surfaced from my cup of coffee and the New York Times sports section to listen in for a few seconds. It turned out they were building a temple for Ganesh, the elephant-headed god who removes obstacles from the lives of observant Hindus. Their construction materials were the columns and blocks from a Greco-Roman architecture play set.

I made some wry dad comment: Hindu gods at a Greek temple, ha ha ha. Literally jumping up and down with excitement, Desmond set me straight: "We're playing ancient times, Daddy, when there was trade between Greece and India! They traded stuff, and they traded ideas!"

Now, I'm not vouching for the soundness of Desmond's scholarship. Ancient contact between Greek and Indian civilization is plausible, according to historians, but entirely hypothetical. Furthermore, if it did happen it almost certainly did not involve motor vehicles. See, the way elephant-headed Ganesh and blue-skinned Vishnu are incarnated in Nini and Desmond's game, they look an awful lot like little die-cast metal cars. Specifically, they look like Snot Rod and Doc Hudson, two supporting characters from the Disney-Pixar "Cars" universe.

In a perverse way, that's highly appropriate. Our kids know about Ganesh and Vishnu -- along with Isis and Osiris, Orpheus and Eurydice, and a few dozen other mythological figures -- thanks to a pre-K and kindergarten home-school curriculum designed on the fly by my wife, Leslie Kauffman. (She calls it "Meet the Ancient World.")

Leslie is definitely drawing on some of the alternative educational theories that inform the home-school movement. These include the ideas of "unschooling" guru John Holt, the literature-based approach identified with 19th-century English educator Charlotte Mason, and the "classical education" model popularized in bestselling books by Susan Wise Bauer and Jessie Wise. But it didn't start with them, or from some highfalutin desire to read our kids "The Odyssey." It all started with the hero of "Cars," Lightning McQueen.

As I wrote in the first installment of this series last month, home schooling sneaked up on us, or at least on me. It's true that Leslie knew about the rapidly expanding world of urban, mostly secular home schooling through online parents' groups, and was already drawn to alternative educational approaches. But right up until the moment she quit her lefty-nonprofit job early in 2007, when our twins were 2½, we were a pretty typical big-city, middle-class family, with two kids, two incomes and a full-time nanny.

One of the numerous screwy things about raising children these days, especially in a hotbed of social-Darwinist parenting like New York, is that by taking time off to hang out with a couple of toddlers, Leslie became a home-schooler by default. Neither of us completely understood this until it happened. But in an economy that essentially requires all able-bodied adults to work outside the home, and an environment where preschools for 3-year-olds have an intensely competitive application process (and can cost $15,000 a year), you can't opt out without making a statement, whether you intend one or not.

When Leslie started hosting a playgroup for preschool-age kids in our Brooklyn, N.Y., backyard, there was no major-league ideology attached. She was thinking she'd attract a group of like-minded moms and dads who were skipping official preschool for a wide range of personal reasons. As it turned out, those personal reasons dovetailed to a remarkable degree. Everybody who showed up to let their kids smash melons and chase bunnies in our yard was already opting out of the mainstream system, at least temporarily, which involved some sacrifice: time or money or both.

Almost all of them had either decided to home-school already (at least for a while) or were right on the cusp of that decision. Although the methods they chose as they moved forward with home schooling are all over the map, their reasons for doing it are roughly similar. They didn't feel comfortable about sending their kids to "school" at the age of 2 or 3, and wanted them to have much more open-ended, free-form play than most preschools and pre-K programs allow.

So at least for a while, the bunny chasing and melon smashing, and the trips to the Bronx Zoo and the New York Hall of Science, were free of any explicit educational intentions, beyond the universal goals of all exhausted parents of small children: to get through the day without unacceptable acts of violence, while demonstrating that the world is full of cool and exciting stuff. But as the months rolled on and the 3-year-olds in Leslie's group turned 4 -- the age when most public-school kids head off to pre-K -- their parents began to face the inevitable question: What do we do now?

We had always read tons of books to Desmond and Nini, and they were picking up letters and numbers more or less on schedule. But we weren't unschoolers, who resist all attempts at formal education and allow children to decide for themselves, within certain broad parameters, what to do and when to do it. We also weren't the kind of home-schoolers who were going to take someone's prepackaged curriculum -- there are a great many available, in every cultural and ideological flavor you can imagine -- and implement it on a regular and rigorous schedule.

Leslie experimented with some pre-K workbooks from a teachers' supply store, and they weren't exactly a smash hit. Desmond liked them pretty well -- he's a task-oriented kid who loves structured activities -- and Nini largely ignored them or responded to them by hopping up and down and telling stories about the silly animals in the pictures. (This is her standard modus operandi at all times.) As Leslie read and thought more about home schooling, she began to ask herself a basic question: What are our kids most excited and most passionate about? As she wrote in her blog recently, an answer quickly emerged:

One day last winter, when my twins were 4½, they were fighting back exasperation as they explained to their obviously dense mother the differences between Radiator Springs McQueen and Cruising McQueen, two [nearly identical] die-cast metal toy figures from the movie "Cars" ... Like many kids their age, Desmond and Nini had developed a fascination with the world of the Piston Cup and Radiator Springs. They had an encyclopedic knowledge of the movie's characters and personal histories and had developed the discernment to pick out small differences between the many versions of each. The characters loomed large in their imagination and play life.

Well, I thought, if they can have this complex connection to Lightning McQueen, Doc Hudson, and Tow Mater, why not to Isis, Osiris, and Anubis? Or Zeus, Athena, and Aphrodite? At a time when they were so clearly eager to learn about the world around them, might it be possible to introduce them to its history in an age-appropriate and systematic way?

For weeks after that, Leslie did research online late at night, or at the public library, in search of books, resources and materials for teaching an introductory approach to ancient history (including paleontology and archaeology) to young children. What followed, as she led Nini and Desmond through a pre-K year that encompassed dinosaurs, the rudiments of evolution, early humans and the Ice Age, ancient Egypt, the Old Testament and ancient Greece, came as an extraordinary revelation to me. Don't get me wrong: I've read the kids dozens of books and dished out hundreds of PB&J sandwiches, serving as a combination of substitute teacher, teacher's aide, librarian and cafeteria lady. But the conceptual heavy lifting has been Leslie's.

As a basis for an early-education curriculum, the ancient world is especially ingenious. There are any number of stories to read, which tend to converge in a fascinating way, and to form patterns and archetypes we can see all around us in modern life. At age 5, our kids have already grasped, without much prompting, that stories about floods and quest-adventure narratives show up all over the world. After we read Beverly Cleary's "Ribsy," a book about a dog who gets lost at a suburban shopping center and has to find his way home past many dangers, I asked them if Ribsy's long adventure reminded them of anyone else. They thought about it for a minute and seized on the answer with big, beaming smiles: "Odysseus!"

But it isn't simply that Nini and Desmond are enjoying themselves, have learned a bunch of names and stories I didn't know until I was much older, and may, just possibly, have received a basic foundation in cultural literacy that I'm not quite sure I possess now. They love it. They've devoured it all voraciously and begged for more. They demand stories from "D'Aulaires' Book of Greek Myths" over and over again -- Hades and Persephone, Jason and Medea -- and howl when it's time to close the book and go to bed. They recount their own versions: I remember one gruesome bathtub tale about Osiris' Hall of Judgment, where the hearts of recently deceased Egyptians are weighed against the Feather of Truth. (Nini takes particular glee in the crocodile monster, who stands ready to eat your heart if you've led a wicked life.)

They've built Mesopotamian ziggurats out of mud in our neighborhood park and repurposed Fisher-Price Little People to serve as the Olympian gods and goddesses. (You can easily acquire plastic figurines of the Egyptian gods, maybe because they're such striking human-animal hybrids, but Greek gods are in short supply.) As we've moved on to India and Hinduism in their kindergarten year, they used one of those plastic Barrels of Monkeys to build the monkey-bridge by which the hero of "The Ramayana" reaches the demon-island of Lanka. They know a lot more about Hindu theology and mythology than I do: "Daddy, Hanuman the Monkey King is really an incarnation of Shiva," Nini informed me the other night, as if it were only common sense.

She also told us recently that the Metropolitan Museum is one of her favorite places in the world -- along with the playground across the street from our house and Storybook Land, a 1950s-era amusement park on the New Jersey shore. Nini and Desmond and their friend Benny were regular visitors in the Met's Greek and Roman wing last spring, and even elicited some smiles from the notoriously grumpy guards. There just can't be that many people who show up there in costume. (Nini goes as Demeter, goddess of the harvest, in a crimson holiday dress and golden sash. Desmond is Hermes, messenger of the gods, in a pair of winged hightop sneakers. Benny gets to be Zeus, complete with painted cardboard thunderbolts.)

Now, look: Our kids aren't geniuses or prodigies, and their understanding of the ancient world based on a year-plus of reading storybooks and going to museums is a miscellaneous highlight reel, extremely vague as to chronology and context: Sue the famous T. rex, woolly mammoths frozen alive, Moses among the bulrushes, a few dozen mythological deities and their stories. As Leslie puts it, "Small children have no preconceptions about ancient history, no notion that it might be dry or remote or inaccessible. They also, however, have no real conception of time -- certainly not of millennia or centuries or even decades ... Teaching ancient history to small children, in my experience, involves not trying to explain historical causation or even spending much time discussing historical change: It's a matter, instead, of making introductions to the marvelous, beautiful and fascinating civilizations of long ago."

I should add that Leslie's also been doing an hour or two every day of more conventional kindergarten stuff. Our kids are fast-improving readers, and they practice handwriting, do art projects, sing the occasional cacophonous round of "Puff the Magic Dragon," and so on. If we do absolutely nothing more than we've done already -- if Leslie packs up the whole project next week, next month or next year and ships Nini and Des off to whatever school will take them (and believe me, we have those days) -- she'll have done something amazing. She'll have implanted in them a ferocious appetite for learning, and the idea that it's full of wondrous discoveries. They have absolutely no idea that some children experience schoolwork as thankless drudgery, or human history as a tedious assortment of facts, dates and dusty objects in vitrines.

After my earlier article, a bunch of people wrote me with variations on the question: Well, OK, tough guy, but how in the hell are you going to teach them calculus? I can promise you that neither Leslie nor I will be teaching them any such thing, and about the only thing to say is that we're well aware that eventually they'll need or want things we cannot provide. There certainly are home-schoolers with an ideological opposition to formal schooling, but that doesn't describe us or most of our peers. On balance it seems unlikely that we'll home-school Nini and Desmond all the way through high school. (Anyway, that decision will end up being as much theirs as ours.)

My perception, at the moment, is that whatever they do and wherever they go down the line, Nini and Desmond will be better off with the tremendous start Leslie has given them. We may be stuck with them for a while -- I suspect they'd be monumentally bored by first grade if we closed down our home-school program next year -- but there are worse problems to have. Right now, I have to go watch the story of how Ganesh got his elephant head (after losing his human one in an unfortunate misunderstanding), acted out by a couple of little kids with toy cars.

Come to school, collect $100!

Should kids be paid for academic performance?

Education is one of those values that just about everyone agrees is a good thing. But how do you keep kids interested in school? Do you make classes more interesting and hire good teachers? Draw up stricter standards to objectively measure "accomplishment" and hold students and teachers accountable for meeting them? How about just paying off the kids that meet your standards, regardless of what those standards might be?

France is the latest country to experiment with providing cash incentives to underachieving students. And according to an article in Time magazine, this "capitalistic and non-egalitarian" idea has not sat well in a country where the public school system "embodies republican values that go back to the French Revolution."

The program is simple: Students at three vocational high schools in the suburbs of Paris will receive "reward payments" up to $15,000 per year for attendance and reaching "performance targets agreed upon by their teachers." These aren't straight cash payments: They can only be redeemed for "school-related projects" such as "a class trip abroad to improve foreign language skills, computer equipment for the classroom or driving lessons to obtain a license."

Sounds like pretty good stuff. But it does raise the question: Wouldn't kids be motivated to do better in school if attending school already included the opportunity to study abroad, work on decent computer equipment, or obtain a driver's license? And should one's opportunity to do so be limited by fellow students' attendance records and achievement? Couldn't one spend the same amount of money to put these programs in place and offer the spots to students who wish to participate and meet the entrance criteria? Doesn't the existence of "special" programs imply that the rest of school is kind of a drag?

Part of the reason vocational students are less motivated, according to Philippe Vrand, president of the Parents of Public Students Group, is because being sent to a vocational school in the first place implies to some students that they have already failed to achieve a place in a more traditional academic program; once there, many end up taking courses they aren't interested in because they can't find a slot in programs they do want. "We should spend this money making sure vocational students who wanted to learn cooking can get into these programs rather than being shunted into car repair because there was no room left," he told Time. "Instead, students are being paid to compensate for [their] boredom."

Considering that the courses many vocational students take will determine their future profession, it seems pretty crucial that they have the option to choose what that profession will be. But the French program is just another example of a worldwide trend of rewarding -- some might say "bribing" -- students to do well in school. And it makes one wonder: If you have to bribe the students, doesn't it already imply that the school system and parents -- people otherwise known as "adults" -- aren't doing enough to keep them interested and focused on their own talents and class work?

The programs are especially catching on here in the United States, and in many cases, the rewards are even more tenuously connected to academic achievement. An article published in USA Today last September rounded up some of the more popular programs, almost all of which involved direct cash incentives and/or fancy consumer items: Fourth- and seventh-graders in New York City can earn up to $500 for improving their scores on state exams; Baltimore offered $110 to students improving their scores; Atlanta paid students $8 an hour to attend an after-school program (the minimum wage was $5.84 an hour); students in seven states -- Arkansas, Alabama, Connecticut, Kentucky, Virginia and Washington -- could earn up to $100 for each passing grade on an Advanced Placement exam through a program funded by Exxon-Mobil; and Sam Scavella, a principal in Macon, Ga., offered iPods, movie tickets, dinner for two, and a chance to win a 26-inch television to students who attend Saturday study sessions.

These programs are popular, in part, because some of them seem to work. The Exxon-Mobil program was modeled on a program adopted in Dallas during the 1995-96 school year, now statewide in Texas, that was linked to a 30 percent improvement in high SAT and ACT scores and an 8 percent rise in college-bound students. Last June, the New York Post reported that two-thirds of the 59 schools participating in the New York City program saw their scores go up from previous years -- some as high as 40 percentage points.

The idea, of course, is to link school achievement to future earnings to kids who educators seem to think might not otherwise make the connection. Scavella, the Georgia principal offering iPods and big-screen TVs, is explicit about this. "If you do well in school, then you can afford a lifestyle that will pay you well," he told USA Today. And Rose Marie Mills, a principal at a New York City school where 90 percent of the students are below the poverty level, told the Post, "When they get the checks, there's that competiveness -- 'Oh, I'm going to get more money than you next time' -- so it's something that excites them."

Sure, going to college is one of the surest ways to boost one's lifetime earnings. And kids who aren't necessarily having that message reinforced by their parents might react well to a little external motivation. But the biggest gap between students at high-performing schools and underperforming schools is much larger than $100, $500 or a big-screen TV. In affluent school districts, academic performance is the competitive battlefield: Taking AP classes means college credit; students compete with their peers for higher SAT scores; and the reward is a place in a competitive school. Replicating that kind of environment costs an awful lot more than an iPod.

In bribing kids to do well in school, educators are following a road well trod by generations of frustrated parents. While I don't begrudge kids a few hundred-dollar checks, I have to say that next to having teachers that will nurture and encourage, say, one kid's obsession with writing, or teach another to build a rocket for a science fair, or help another to get a scholarship to study abroad, it seems pretty paltry.

Keeping kids safe after Columbine -- at what cost?

Under a zero-tolerance policy to prevent school violence, a 6-year-old is kicked out for carrying camping gear

After 10 years of refusing to speak publicly about the Columbine High School massacre, in which her son Dylan and his partner, Eric Harris, killed 13 people and themselves, Susan Klebold has written an essay about it for the forthcoming issue of O, The Oprah Magazine. "I'd had no inkling of the battle Dylan was waging in his mind," Klebold writes, explaining that she could only begin to understand her son's final actions when she recognized the extent of his own death wish. "Once I saw his journals, it was clear to me that Dylan entered the school with the intention of dying there. And so in order to understand what he might have been thinking, I started to learn all I could about suicide."

The opinions of FBI psychologists and psychiatrists who reviewed the evidence suggest that she was right to focus her search for answers on Dylan's self-destructiveness. As "Columbine" author (and former Salon writer) Dave Cullen wrote in Slate on the massacre's fifth anniversary, experts have concluded that Harris was a psychopath -- his "pattern of grandiosity, glibness, contempt, lack of empathy, and superiority read like the bullet points" on a diagnostic test -- but Dylan Klebold was "a more familiar type. He was hotheaded, but depressive and suicidal. He blamed himself for his problems." Which means that although the psychiatrists believe Harris was bound to become a violent criminal, "Klebold, they agree, would never have pulled off Columbine without Harris." If Dylan hadn't befriended a psychopath who focused his rage outward rather than inward, he "might have gotten caught for some petty crime, gotten help in the process, and conceivably could have gone on to live a normal life."

In the 10 years since the massacre, schools and parents have put a great deal of effort into trying to understand what happened and how such violence can be prevented. Recognizing mental illness like Dylan Klebold's and understanding the risk it can pose to others as well as the child himself is certainly one part of the strategy. Stopping the Eric Harrises of the world, however, the ones who simply have no conscience, involves other measures. That's where zero-tolerance policies about weapons in schools and threats of violence come in, and at first glance, they appear quite sensible. We hear the stories about teenagers being expelled and prosecuted for bringing guns to homeroom or writing essays describing their own massacre plots, and in light of what we know about school shooters' behavior prior to their crimes, those reactions don't sound so extreme.

But what about a 6-year-old boy who brings a Cub Scout-approved camping utensil, including a fork, spoon and small knife, to school to eat his lunch? Delaware first-grader Zachary Christie is currently being home-schooled by his mother and facing 45 days in reform school for that transgression of his school district's code of conduct. Says the New York Times, "[S]chool officials had no choice. They had to suspend him because, 'regardless of possessor's intent,' knives are banned." In 2007, the same school district "expelled a seventh-grade girl who had used a utility knife to cut windows out of a paper house for a class project." State law was changed last year to allow schools more discretion in expulsions, after a third-grade girl was expelled for a year because she brought a knife to class to cut her birthday cake. ("The teacher called the principal -- but not before using the knife to cut and serve the cake.") But because the law didn't address suspensions, it left no wiggle room with regard to Zachary's punishment. Or Kyle Herbert's -- the 13-year-old was ordered to reform school after a classmate "dropped a pocket knife in his lap," and is now, like Zachary, being home-schooled by his mother. One wonders what parents are supposed to do if they can't stay home with kids kicked out under the zero-tolerance policy.

Such policies exist for understandable and even admirable reasons: "Education experts say that zero-tolerance policies initially allowed authorities more leeway in punishing students, but were applied in a discriminatory fashion. Many studies indicate that African-Americans were several times more likely to be suspended or expelled than other students for the same offenses." Removing the authorities' discretion undoubtedly seemed an easier way to level the playing field than rooting out racism. Unfortunately, that means little kids get thrown out of school for carrying camping gear or being prepared to share birthday cake. And according to at least one expert, it's not worth it. Ronnie Casella, an associate professor of education at Central Connecticut State University, told The Times, "there is no evidence that zero-tolerance policies make schools safer."

What does, then? "[O]ther programs like peer mediation, student support groups and adult mentorships," according to education experts who spoke with the Times. In the decade since Columbine, "the rate of school-related homicides and nonfatal violence has fallen," alongside an overall decrease in crime. Despite several subsequent school shootings that made national news (and several others that didn't), the evidence suggests that some progress has been made. Susan Klebold's essay in O might be one more step toward understanding what went wrong and how to help kids like her son before they become dangerous. But I can't see how suspending innocent children, forcing their parents to choose between sending them to reform school and staying home with them, is making anyone safer. Giving authorities both greater discretion to enforce school policies and some anti-racism training, on the other hand, might just be an improvement. 

Christian cheerleading controversy: Bring it on!

Jesus gets benched from a Georgia pep squad, but that won't stop them from whooping it up for God Video

"I press on toward the goal to win the prize for which God has called me in Christ Jesus." It may lack the wallop of “De-fense De-fense! Push 'em back! Take 'em down!” but it’s a classic nevertheless. And for nearly a decade, in the small Georgia town of Fort Ogletorpe, the cheerleaders of the Warriors football team have opened their games with that and similar sentiments -- holding banners of Bible verse for players to burst through at the start of their games. 2,4, 6, 8! “Commit to the Lord whatever you do, and your plans will succeed!”

This season, however, is different. Just a few weeks into the new school year, a parent alerted the Catoosa County Schools Superintendent that the Warriors were setting themselves up for a lawsuit, and the county reluctantly pulled the plug. In a press statement, Superintendent Denia Reese said, “The practice of the cheerleaders’ use of banners was in violation of the current state of the law as interpreted by the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. Court of Appeals.”

The Warriors, however, aren’t so named for nothing.

On Tuesday, five hundred locals attended a rally in support of the cheerleaders and their signs. Speaking to the Chattanooga Times Free Press, cheerleader Taylor Guinn said, “I’m sad and I’m angry about it, because we’re being silenced for what we believe in. It was heartbreaking to know that our school system is just conforming to the nonbelievers … our freedom of speech and freedom of religion is being taken away.” 

There was also the inevitable “We Support the LFO Cheerleaders! LET THEM HAVE THEIR SIGNS BACK!" Facebook campaign, which is already over 12,000 members strong. And Fox news glommed on to the “Cheerleaders censored” story, calling it a “20 year tradition” despite the fact that it began earlier this decade. “It’s not fair” cheerleader Courtney told Fox, “that we can’t spread God’s word.”

The ban has found precious few supporters, even among those who enforced it. Superintendent Reese has said, "It broke my heart to have to tell those girls that they could not display that message on the football field. Personally, I appreciate their expression of their Christian values. However, as superintendent, I have the responsibility of protecting the school district from legal action by groups who do not support their beliefs.” Jerry Ransom, the school's principal, summed up his response by saying, "I hate it."  And Fort Oglethorpe Mayor Ronnie Cobb said, “I’m totally against them doing away with it. If it’s offensive to anyone, let them go watch another football game. Nobody’s forced to come there and nobody’s forced to read the signs.” 

True that, but the presence of the signs open up a whole bunch of issues beyond the mere legalities. Would the Warriors be cool with an opposing team charging through a few lines of Koran or, what the hell, the Iliad? Would they welcome an atheistic herkie jumper on the cheer squad? Or instead could this be considered a case of what conservatives so fondly refer to as indoctrination?

The good Lord, of course, is already an oft-invoked fixture of the sporting world. And the school maintains that no other teams have ever complained about the signs. But no one could seriously argue that the Warriors’ “freedom of religion” is being taken away. What they can’t express with the school’s taxpayer funded art supplies and on the school’s field, they can do on their own. In fact the school has gone out of its way to designate a special area outside the stadium for displaying religious signs, and principal Cobb told the press, “We’re encouraging people to bring signs to hold up in the stands.”

On Friday, students took the cue. They showed up for class sporting shirts  emblazoned with Biblical wisdom. And that evening, a sea of red-clad fans took to the stands, holding signs that said, “Warriors for Christ” and “You took HIM off our SIGN but you will never take HIM out of our HEARTS.” They painted Bible verses on their bodies. Front-running Georgia gubernatorial contender John Oxendine was there as well, Tweeting his heart out in support of “the brave cheerleaders” The team, meanwhile, had to settle for charging through a sign that uninspirationally read, “This is Big Red country.”

Though the Warriors may have to settle for drawing spiritual strength from the stands, the fight isn’t over though. There’s a school board meeting on October 13, and a rally is planned outside the Board of Education building. But God may already have forsaken the Warriors. Friday they lost to Ridgeland High School, 34-0.

Forget healthcare, let's worry about teen sex!

Senate Finance Committee votes to fund abstinence-only sex ed, the same day it kills the public option
Salon/iStock

We've all heard about the major disappointment of yesterday's Senate Finance Committee meeting. But the defeat of the public option wasn't the senators' only poor decision of the day. As the Associated Press reports, the committee spent the evening approving a measure to restore $50 million of federal funding to abstinence-only sex education. That's right, folks: These 23 senators think it's more important to devote several million dollars to teaching your children lies than to provide a realistic public alternative to a healthcare hell created by private insurance companies. Are you pissed off yet?

The committee voted 12-11 to support the measure by (who else?) Sen. Orrin Hatch. And guess what? As with the public option, it was Democratic disunity that pushed Hatch's plan through. Two Democrats, Kent Conrad of North Dakota and Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas, voted with all 10 Republicans in favor of the measure. (At least Baucus was on the right side of this one. According to the AP, "Hatch said abstinence education had been shown to work, though Baucus disagreed." Of course, unless by "work" Hatch means "increase the teen birth rate," we know who's got the facts on his side.) 

Luckily, the Senate Finance Committee vote doesn't automatically free up the funds. But it does allow the full Senate, as well as the House, to vote on the measure. And there's a bit of good news here, too: Baucus also introduced an alternate measure that "would make money available for education on contraception and sexually transmitted diseases, among other things, in addition to abstinence," which was approved 14-9. That means the two measures will need to be "reconciled" (although considering that the latter also includes abstinence, it might be difficult for the comprehensive sex ed crowd to compromise further without abandoning their entire agenda) before moving ahead.

What makes Hatch's measure even more ridiculous and dismaying than usual is the news out of Texas this week. According to the Austin American-Statesman, some districts in the conservative state (a longtime leader in the abstinence-only disinformation movement) "are moving from so-called abstinence-only instruction to a more comprehensive sex education curriculum, also called 'abstinence-plus.'" And guess why? Once federal funding for abstinence-only disappeared, districts took a look at teen pregnancy statistics and decided they didn't like what they saw. The American-Statesman includes a particularly shocking figure: "The rate of student pregnancies in Austin high schools has increased 57 percent since the 2005-06 school year." Instances of STDs are on the rise, too. 

So what does Texas teach us? Federal funding -- and the lack thereof -- for abstinence-only sex ed programs really can change states' agendas. While half of states were already refusing Title V abstinence-only funds by the end of the '08-'09 school year, when the program ended, it may take a blow to the pocketbook for others to re-evaluate their curricula. If Hatch's measure does pass, then some states may never get that opportunity.

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