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THE HENRY
HYDE AFFAIR

Hyde lied, says former lover
By David Talbot
"Long-term relationship" ended at least two and a half years after Hyde claimed it did, charges Cherie Soskin

Editorial
Salon's declaration of independence

Political firestorm erupts against Salon
By Harry Jaffe
Republicans charge that White House was behind story and call for FBI investigation

"This hypocrite broke up my family"
By David Talbot
The secret affair of Henry Hyde, the man who will sit in judgment on President Clinton

Editorial
Why we ran the Henry Hyde story

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The full text of The Starr Report and The White House Rebuttal


T A B L E+T A L K

All semen-stained dresses, all the time. Delve into "Zippergate" in the Politics area of Table Talk


R E C E N T L Y

Loyal to the end
By Jessica Seigel
Susan McDougal, on trial in California on non-Whitewater offenses, feels vindicated
(09/18/98)

Lives of the Republicans, Part Two
By David Neiwert
The strange case of Helen Chenoweth shows that playing the sex card against the Democrats as a political strategy can be, in Idaho parlance, as "dumb as a mud fence"
(09/16/98)

White House adjusts its game plan
By Jonathan Broder
White House switches tactics
(09/14/98)

Where's Whitewater?
By Jonathan Broder
The independent counsel seems to have forgotten something on his way to the impeachment party
(09/11/98)

The voyeur general's report to Congress
By Gary Kamiya
Once its Peeping-Tom shock wears off, the Starr report is nothing more than an extreme close-up of what we already knew
(09/11/98)

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A man for all seasons

---------------Russia's former KGB chief dishes the truth about
---------------new Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov.

News

BY JEFF STEIN

With his stocky shoulders and hooded eyes, Oleg Kalugin still looks every inch the Russian spy he was for 32 years. Indeed, Kalugin eventually rose to the top of the KGB as head of its First Directorate, responsible for planting spies and creating havoc in the United States. He now lives in the United States.

One of Kalugin's lifelong comrades in espionage was Yevgeny Primakov, whom Boris Yeltsin named as prime minister last week to defuse an explosive showdown with the Communists. In 1991, Primakov was head of Russia's new Foreign Intelligence Directorate, and later, foreign minister.

Salon correspondent Jeff Stein debriefed Kalugin on his old friend Primakov and what's likely to happen in the crisis in the Kremlin.

You've known Primakov since the 1950s. What's he like?

Primakov is a man for all seasons. He has a knack of making friends. He's not a fanatic about anything. Let me tell you a story: Several years ago we met at a restaurant in Moscow. The chief of KGB intelligence in Jordan was with us. We were talking about the Israeli-Arab conflict, and this man was very anti-Israeli, which was all right at the time because it was 1989 and that was the Soviet policy. But Primakov, who is a specialist in Oriental Studies, and who had served for years in the Middle East, where he and the KGB helped the Palestine Liberation Front become what they are today, patiently, meticulously, very quietly made the argument that Israel has the right to exist, it's a historic fact, and if we try to eliminate or destroy Israel, we'd have to deal with the United States and maybe nuclear war. I was amazed at his patience. He was not afraid of speaking his mind.

So he will try to compromise, try to look for solutions rather than alienate someone. That's what makes him a flexible, easy-to-deal-with politician. This is why even Madeleine Albright found him extremely friendly and capable of concessions if necessary, within his notions and ideals and Russian interests, of course.

How long will Primakov's appointment diffuse the crisis?

For maybe two or three months. The economic problems will remain as they were.

What can we expect from his economic policies?

The Primakov way looks to be more Soviet-style. More discipline, more state control, more government interference. This we're already familiar with, so I do not believe his recipe for economic recovery will work. As soon as people find out his solutions aren't working, he'll probably be dumped again for somebody else.

Are the mass demonstrations and strikes planned for Oct. 7 still going forward?

Yes. They will not be as massive and violent as predicted, because the parliamentary opposition has pledged to work with the government. Now they will be anti-Yeltsin, and a demand for his immediate resignation. The thrust will be personal, against Yeltsin.

Will the Russian military ever move on Yeltsin?

If there is a spark, some major conflict between civilians and, say, the Interior Ministry troops, which guard public order, the military will certainly side with the civilians, not the militia or police. I absolutely have no doubt of it.

What makes you so sure?

It's already happening on a small scale. Three weeks ago in a small town 150 miles from Moscow a captain in a military unit hijacked a tank, put it on the square with a poster on top, with the message: "Give us back our salaries." The civilians gathered around the tanks and applauded and cheered and expressed all sorts of support for this young captain. His superiors were appalled, and called Moscow for instructions. They said, "Well, send other tanks to get him back." They sent a few tanks, but the civilians blocked the road, and the tanks stopped. This is an individual case, but can you imagine 10 tanks, or an entire regiment, going out in the street and protesting and supported by the civilians? I am confident, I am certain, the military will never raise its arms against the civilians, even in the worst imaginable situation.

I thought the loyalty of Kremlin guards was unshakable.

There are a couple of divisions around Moscow, crack troops like the [Felix] Dzerzhinski Unit, which are considered loyalist and are supposed to defend the Kremlin if something happens. But because the military men have their own solidarity, the Interior Ministry troops are infected. They are not happy either. Just because they are elite troops doesn't mean they will defend the government. Their loyalty is very doubtful. The bottom line is that they will side with the other armed forces. When the chips are down, I think they will not defend the Kremlin.

But by civilian standards, isn't the Russian army well off?

No, not really. There's no money, no new technology, no spare parts, no housing, no anything -- just to mention a few things. Desertions have become a major headache. One-fifth of the recruits just flee -- 40,000 people annually. Soldiers in uniform are begging in the streets. Officers are committing suicide in great numbers -- their families are falling apart because they cannot feed them. All this accumulates to an explosive force. It's a serious situation.

What about the loyalty of the federal security agents, the old KGB?

Generally, people in the security services are just as unhappy as people in the military these days, but for somewhat different reasons. While they are more or less paid regularly, they hate what's happened in Russia. They hate the market economy, they hate the so-called New Russians, because the security service is supposed to fight economic crime, and they know that economic crimes are a direct result of the New Russians' cheating, corruption and theft.

And the foxes are running the chicken coop?

Exactly, exactly. And because the agents cannot cope with one of their main missions, to fight economic crime, they hate the establishment, they hate Yeltsin, they hate whomever has brought this plague on Russia. So they cannot be trusted, and they will not fight to defend the Kremlin, and actually they are not capable of fighting, because some of the military units they used to have have been taken away.

Are nuclear weapons secure?

Let me quote former Defense Minister Igor Rodionov, who said early in 1997, "Russia might soon reach the threshold beyond which its rockets and nuclear systems cannot be controlled." That was 18 months ago. He was the Defense Minister.

Do you think that's true, or just a public threat to exact payment to his men?

I think it's both. In Chechnya, the weapons the rebels used were all Russian weapons -- the troops sold them to them. Any sergeant who has something to sell will do it. Missiles are more difficult to handle, but some components can be easily stolen and sold to whomever is willing to buy.

In Russia, anything is possible. Whoever protects, controls and defends military installations, warehouses, laboratories are all with people who, simply to survive, have to steal.

When I was in Moscow three years ago, I was offered helicopters and MiGs to sell abroad. I asked, where did you get them? And they said, "That's none of your business, that's not for you to worry about. Find us a buyer." That was three years ago. You can imagine what it's like now.

Is that how Russian nuclear technology is getting to Iran?

We hear all the denials of the Russian government that there were no violations of any rules established between the United States and Russia to not sell something that would bolster the defenses or capabilities of rogue states like Iran. But again, all these claims should be taken with a grain of salt, because how could you verify them? We have a sufficient number of examples that this did happen.

N E X T+P A G E+| Are we at a point of chaos?







PHOTO: AP/WIDE WORLD



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