That is why, inevitably, the ancient question of what constitutes a "just war" has reappeared in modern paraphrase, as what makes a war "progressive." Blair tells us that he and the other NATO leaders -- a "new generation" who "hail from the progressive side of politics" -- are "fighting not for territory but for values," for a "new internationalism where the brutal repression of whole ethnic groups will no longer be tolerated."

Those are fine objectives I happen to share, although I believe the utopian rhetoric should be tempered with a stronger dose of pragmatism. I also agree that much of the carping about NATO policy toward Yugoslavia has been wrong. If there is such a thing as progressive war-making, it must be preceded by every possible diplomatic approach to the avoidance of war. It must be accompanied by the informed consent of the nations whose children and resources may be lost. It must be conducted with the maximum feasible regard for sparing innocent lives, including those of soldiers in the field.

All these preconditions tend to place at an initial disadvantage any democracy fighting against a dictatorship, but in the long run they make the democracies stronger. When those preconditions are absent, as in Vietnam, defeat will be more likely, and more likely deserved.

Action against Milosevic was necessary for reasons that go well beyond humanitarian interest in the fate of Kosovo. The Western allies needed to draw a line against a destablizing force in Central Europe and to demonstrate to tyrants and demagogues elsewhere that their ambitions may too encounter fierce resistance.

For Blair's more laudable ambitions to succeed, his new generation will have to develop a military and diplomatic competence that matches the level of its political skills. Meanwhile let's hope the progressive war-makers have learned the real lessons of Vietnam -- because Kosovo is certainly not the last place where they will have to deploy force to defend humanity.
salon.com | April 20, 1999

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