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Rumors of peace | page 1, 2
Serbian hard-liner Vojislav Seselj, in his Tuesday interview with the Belgrade
paper Blic, laid out strikingly similar terms: "There won't be any
concessions with regard to our state sovereignty and territorial integrity.
No member of our public is opposed to the option of giving maximum autonomy
to the Albanian national minority. But any detachment (of Kosovo) from
Serbia is out of the question. Second, we're prepared to accept a U.N.
observer [or] verifying mission ... But it must be a civilian mission. Any peaceful
solution without a clause providing for total compensation for the damage
suffered by Yugoslavia in this war is unthinkable. We'll certainly succeed
in getting part of the damages." Seselj then noted that Milosevic would be unlikely to simply agree to the
terms he rejected in Rambouillet, France -- before three months of NATO airstrikes devastated much of the Serbian infrastructure. And he asked a
rhetorical question that NATO member countries and Kosovar Albanian
deportees could just as easily be asking themselves: "Why did we go to war
and suffer this enormous damage? To accept something we'd rejected before
the outbreak of war? That is out of the question." But in fact, by pulling into negotiations a NATO reluctant to deploy ground
troops to Kosovo without a peace agreement, a NATO losing its confidence
that it can achieve victory from the air alone, a NATO preoccupied with
providing life support for almost a million Kosovar refugees, Milosevic may
in fact get more for Serbia than he would have if he had signed the
Rambouillet peace agreement back in March. In addition, he has forced NATO
and Russia to identify the "basic minimum" upon which both could agree --
not a NATO force, but merely an "international" force. And the legal status of Kosovo itself has not been seriously questioned. The international community is still united behind the idea of autonomy, but not independence, for Kosovo. Concretely, that means Milosevic may get better terms than were on
the table at Rambouillet: U.N. troops, instead of an international force
led by NATO, which is widely considered more intimidating; and a promise by
international powers to pay billions to rebuild Serbia --
the country NATO has just spent billions of dollars destroying. And political analyst Bratislav Grubacic says Milosevic has gotten himself
and Serbian nationalists something more: a Kosovo that will never have as many
Albanians as it did before the war. "Serbian authorities do not expect that most of the Kosovo Albanians will
ever come back," Grubacic says. "Those who do not have Serbian identity
papers anymore won't come back. Those who sympathized with the Kosovo
Liberation Army probably won't come back. Authorities and analysts believe
that not more than half of the Kosovo Albanians will return." And no one
yet knows how many ethnic Albanians have been killed by Serbian forces
during the war. After pausing on his mobile phone in Belgrade, Grubacic adds: "Milosevic has
succeeded in creating a new ethnic balance in Serbia."
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