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L.A. not so confidential
A police informer blows the whistle on some old news -- no one has been able to police the LAPD.
By Marc Cooper
[09/28/99]

Let it be me
Wherein the author travels back in time to encounter "Morris" as he brushes up against "Reagan" -- and the rest is "history."
By David Corn
[09/28/99]

Don't mess with Texas
New evidence in the Waco firestorm may have been leaked as a result of a tiff between the FBI and the Texas Rangers.
By Robert Bryce
[09/27/99]

The myth weavers
Three leading leftist figures have been exposed this year as having lied about their backgrounds. Has the failure of their ideology forced them to fictionalize?
By David Horowitz
[09/27/99]

Columbine: We stand behind the story
Although sheriff's officials have downplayed their role in revealing details about the Columbine investigation, no one has challenged a single fact reported.

[09/25/99]

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That thinly veiled attack will no doubt be a centerpiece of McCain's upcoming campaign stops from South Carolina to California, as the senator rides high on the media bounce from Monday's announcement. The message, if effectively conveyed, will transmit the following: McCain deep, Bush shallow. McCain conservative, Bush squishy. McCain Vietnam war hero, Bush rich-boy National Guardsman. McCain bold, Bush lame. McCain open and honest about his sins, Bush obfuscatory.

And in the end, McCain hopes voters will eventually conclude: McCain strong, Bush weak.

Tuesday will bring a two-pronged, double-V attack: veterans and vouchers. McCain heads to South Carolina, where he will appear at a number of events aimed at veterans —- a natural voting block because of McCain's Navy veteran and POW status -- who are said to constitute 30 percent of the Republican primary voting populace in that state.

Also on Tuesday, McCain will rattle his reformist sabre by proposing a three-year targeted school voucher experiment, which he will fund by eliminating government subsidies for the ethanol, sugar and oil-and-gas industries. Bush stopped short of supporting a voucher program in his education speech earlier this month, and has been mum on the sacred subsidies.

On Wednesday, McCain is scheduled to symbolically grab the mantle of the conservative outsider by appearing alongside Nancy Reagan at the Reagan Library in Simi Valley, Calif. There McCain will outline a speech on defense and foreign policy, an area of particular strength for him and of vulnerability for Bush -- who has confused Slovenia and Slovakia, called Kosovars "Kosovarians," and called East Timorese "East Timorians."

To further shore up McCain's conservative bona fides, uber-right-wing media magnate Rupert Murdoch will host a fund-raiser for McCain that evening at his Los Angeles home.

Monday's kickoff speech at Greeley Park was vintage John McCain. Railing against special interests, he took veiled shots at Bush and not-so-veiled ones at both President Bill Clinton and Congress. He rebuffed isolationism, insisting that the United States "must be involved in the destiny of other nations." The 30-minute speech was also -- characteristically -- professionally bold and personally modest. He outlined a few policy priorities including campaign finance reform, a stronger defense, an interventionist military strategy and school vouchers.

But its main theme has been the centerpiece of McCain's entire presidential campaign -- himself, his character and his story.

"I do not announce my candidacy to satisfy my personal ambitions," he said. "My life has already been blessed more than I deserve ... It is because I owe America more than she has ever owed me that I am a candidate."

Surrounded by 500 or so big-shot supporters, New Hampshire veterans and curious townies, McCain didn't bother outlining his compelling bio. He didn't need to. Remnants of the torture he withstood from his captors is written in the slightly awkward way he holds his arms -- a permanent reminder of war injuries. And posters of McCain as a dashing young Navy flyboy -- the same photo featured on the cover of his bestseller "Faith of My Fathers" (soon to be No. 2 on the New York Times bestseller list) -- stood on the side, behind the crowd.

When most politicians wax humble, it couldn't sound less sincere. But McCain constantly reminds his audiences of his shortcomings and flaws, and somehow is able to sound credible. Some of this is attributable to the military code of virtue, which requires self-sacrifice. More than a touch of it stems from his five and a half years in the Hanoi Hilton. No doubt a healthy sampling comes from legitimate feelings of inadequacy in the shadow of his father and grandfather, both of whom were four-star admirals. Some of it is from his legitimate screw-ups, such as his failed first marriage.

And since humility and forthrightness are so rare in Washington, his personality may be McCain's strongest asset -- especially among members of the media, who freely partake in the cult of McCain's iconoclastic personality.

McCain asserted that his sum total life's experience had offered him the gravitas to appreciate the significance of the office he's running for. In what was clearly a slap at front-runner Bush -- who is seen by some critics as perhaps not the deepest pond on the farm -- McCain asserted that the task of national security "requires a commander-in-chief who has the experience to understand and lead a volatile and changing world."

"When it comes time to make the decision to send our young men and women into harm's way, that decision should be made by a leader who knows that such decisions have profound consequences," McCain said. "I'm not afraid of the burden."

Next page | Who's afraid of the big, bad Bush?