War Room

House progressives prepare to fight Senate

The Congressional Progressive Caucus says a conference committee on healthcare reform is a must

Selling the Senate's compromise on healthcare reform to progressives in the Senate is going to be hard enough. Selling it to progressives in the House may be downright impossible.

Which is why Rep. Raúl Grijalva, D-Ariz., the co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, is warning Democratic leaders not to even try, despite rumors that the House may just take up whatever the Senate passes in an attempt to cut the painstaking legislative process short. "If we're just voting on the Senate bill, then obviously much of what we fought for [in the House]... will disappear," Grijalva told Salon Thursday afternoon. "That's going to make it very difficult for many of us to support what is in the Senate [bill] right now. If we were being asked to vote on what I've heard, I couldn't support it."

What the Senate bill will wind up looking like is the subject of a lot of speculation and not much actual informed discussion on Capitol Hill and around Washington right now. Senate leaders are trying to keep the specifics of the compromise plan they've got under wraps, in part so the Congressional Budget Office doesn't publicize its cost estimates for different versions of the compromise until Democrats have a chance to see the estimates and adjust the plans accordingly. Which means Grijalva is, like many of his colleagues in the Senate as well as the House, reacting to only the broad outlines of a plan.

Still, there are enough differences between the House bill and what the Senate has already essentially agreed to that liberals are troubled. Ignore the thorniest question, what to do with the public option; that still leaves a slew of other issues, from the Senate's plan to tax expensive healthcare benefits to pay for expanding coverage to the House's more generous expansion of Medicaid eligibility to poor people.

The public option, though, tops the list. Grijalva said he didn't think much of the reported deal to remove it from the Senate bill, though he doesn't mind the plan to let uninsured people between the ages of 55 and 64 buy into Medicare -- as long as their premiums are affordable and the move doesn't jeopardize the system's already precarious finances. If the Senate is hung up on the name, though, progressives don't care what a public plan is called. "Call it what you want to call it," he said. "If it provides that coverage and that intent, it has some public oversight and owernship to it, then we're in favor."

But even though the details aren't set yet, progressives are preparing to defend their goals. Liberal Democrats have been meeting frequently with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (though Grijalva says they don't hear from the White House much), and they'll keep the pressure on. "People are reluctant, at this point, to say 'I'm going to draw this line in the sand and say if this isn't in, then I'm out,' because there's no details," Grijalva said. "We keep hearing, 'Wait till it gets fleshed out.' You need to plan for the worst-case scenario here; given past performance by the Senate, you gotta plan on the worst-case scenario."

Rick Warren comes out against Uganda's anti-gay bill

The pastor had been pressured to make a statement on legislation that could lead to the death penalty for gays Video

Rick Warren -- the pastor whose participation in President Obama's inauguration outraged liberals -- has, over the past month, found himself at the center of a controversy again. This time, he's in hot water over proposed anti-gay legislation in Uganda.

For weeks, Warren, a stalwart opponent of gay rights in this country, has refused to comment on a bill under consideration in Uganda that, if passed, would make homosexual acts punishable by life imprisonment or even death in some cases. (Salon's Mark Benjamin appeared on the "Rachel Maddow Show" recently to discuss an American whose program was an inspiration for the measure; you can watch that here.) The pastor has been under particular pressure to issue a statement condemning the legislation because of his affiliation with Martin Ssempa, a Ugandan minister who has repeatedly spoken at Warren's Saddleback church and who has unequivocally endorsed the bill. When other American Christian leaders from across the ideological spectrum issued a statement denouncing the proposed law, however, Warren declined to join them.

After coming under considerable fire for this, even from his fellow evangelicals, the pastor finally broke down Wednesday and released a video statement in which he came out against the legislation.

In the statement, Warren did admit that the potential law is "unjust, extreme and un-Christian toward homosexuals." But, lest people interpret his stance against killing gay people as some sort of support for homosexuality, Warren also took the opportunity to reiterate his view that being gay is a sin, telling viewers, "we can never deny or water down what God's Word clearly teaches about sexuality."

Did Pelosi just ditch the public option?

The House Speaker seems to back away from a firm position she'd previously staked on the issue

Back in August, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said, "There's no way I can pass a bill in the House of Representatives without a public option. Unless someone comes up with a better idea, that's how we're going forth in the House."

On Thursday, though, Pelosi appeared to back away from that position, dropping the part about not being able to pass a bill without a public option and inching towards supporting the deal that Senate Democrats worked out earlier this week.

"Well, what I said -- it is a two-part statement that quotes what the President has said. We believe, we in the House believe that the public option is the best way to hold insurance companies honest -- to keep them honest and also to increase competition. If there is a better way, put it on the table," Pelosi said at her weekly press conference, in response to a question about her August comments.

"As soon as we see something in writing from the Senate, we will be able to make a judgment about that. But our standards are that we have affordability for the middle class, security for our seniors, closing the donut hole and sustaining the solvency of Medicare. Responsibility to our children, so not one dime is added to the deficit. And accountability of insurance companies. We will take a measure of that bill in those regards."

These comments are being portrayed as Pelosi outright abandoning the public option. Clearly, she wasn't quite that definitive. But she's certainly leaving the door open to the Senate deal, and -- especially given these remarks -- it wouldn't be at all surprising to see her come out in support of it fairly soon. If the agreement is the only way any bill passes the Senate, it's not like she has much choice in the matter.

Steele memo: Yes, GOP's trying to stall healthcare reform

The RNC chair makes his party's new rhetorical strategy official

Just over six months ago, pollster Frank Luntz had some advice for his Republican colleagues, advice he desperately wanted them to take: "You simply MUST be vocally and passionately on the side of REFORM... If the dynamic becomes 'President Obama is on the side of reform and Republicans are against it,' then the battle is lost and every word in this document is useless."

Things are different now. Republicans think, and rightly so, that they're in a much stronger position on healthcare than they were when Luntz penned the memo that contained those words of wisdom. So their rhetorical strategy has shifted, and now it's at the point when top Republicans have no problem admitting to exactly the dynamic that Luntz warned against.

In a memo of his own, published Thursday, Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Steele wrote:

I urge everyone to spend every bit of capital and energy you have to stop this health care reform. The Democrats have accused us of trying to delay, stall, slow down, and stop this bill. They are right. We do want to delay, stall, slow down, and ultimately stop them from experimenting on our nation’s health care. And guess what, so do a majority of Americans.

Steele's often off message, but not this time. With polls trending away from President Obama, and having seen the anger on display at the town halls this summer, the GOP's content to let everyone know their plan.

That doesn't mean Democrats won't try to make them pay for it. In a statement, Democratic National Committee Press Secretary Hari Sevugan said:

With this memo and Senator Judd Gregg's obstruction manual, Republicans have laid their cards on the table and made explicit that their intention, their singular goal, is obstructing the President's agenda for the sake of politics no matter how high the price for the American people. They've made the choice crystal clear for voters -- while Democrats are working to get things done for the benefit of the American people, Republicans are obstructing progress for the benefit of themselves and their special interest allies. If they think that's a winning proposition, they are in for a world of hurt.

DeMint: GOP leadership "has gone to the left"

The senator from South Carolina has a diagnosis for the problems in the Republican Party

Most people wouldn't say that the problem with today's Republican Party is that it's too liberal. Not Sen. Jim DeMint, R-S.C.

No, according to DeMint, "The problem here in the Republican Party is not that our base has gone to the right. The problem in the Republican Party is that the leadership has gone to the left and the tea parties and the Republicans out across the country are right there where American principles have always been."

That's what the senator said in a recent interview with the Christian Broadcasting Network's David Brody. He added, "I’m trying to pull the party back to the mainstream of where America really is.”

DeMint also told Brody that one of the reasons he's gotten involved in endorsing conservative candidates this year is, "I need some new Republicans, people who believe in constitutional government, a balanced budget and liberty and so I’m out across the country recruiting new Republicans who I think if they get here will not only challenge the institutions of government but be willing to even challenge the Republican Party and our leadership if they feel like we’re going in the wrong direction."

Obama accepts Nobel, defends war

"The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it," the president says in accepting his award
AP

President Obama faced a difficult task as he accepted his Nobel Peace Prize Thursday. He did have to actually accept the award, but at the same time he needed to acknowledge that only a minority of his own people -- about 25 percent, according to one poll -- think he deserves it. Even more important, he had to acknowledge and somehow defend the fact that he's the commander-in-chief of a country currently engaged in two wars, one of which he just decided to escalate.

A lesser speaker, or someone without the quality speechwriting team Obama has assembled, could never have pulled all of this at once. And the president will certainly get criticism from both left and right for having even tried it.

Still, somehow Obama accomplished what he set out to do.

"Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize -- Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela -- my accomplishments are slight," Obama said at the beginning of his address.

"And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I." (These quotes are all taken from the address as prepared for delivery.)

From there, Obama went on through just war theory and the development of international organizations like the United Nations after World War II, organizations intended to prevent future wars.

"A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale," Obama said before admitting, "I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war."

Obama acknowledged the debt he personally owes to those who espoused theories of non-violence and won their own Nobel Peace Prizes for it: "As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life’s work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King."

In a striking juxtaposition, though, Obama moved from praising Gandhi and King to defending the fact that he's currently prosecuting two wars.

"As a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone," Obama said. "I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism -- it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason."

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