RAMALLAH, West Bank (AP) -- Former Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas' office in this West Bank city used to be so empty of visitors that Abbas himself rarely bothered to show up.

But with Yasser Arafat critically ill in a French hospital, Abbas has suddenly been overwhelmed by Palestinian officials trying to make amends with the former political pariah who might be their next leader.

According to Palestinian officials, Abbas is basking in this resurgence in attention, the latest spike in a tumultuous political career.

Abbas, known as Abu Mazen, is a veteran of the Palestinian national struggle and Arafat's longtime deputy in the Palestine Liberation Organization. When Arafat was pressured to appoint a prime minister last year to take over some of his powers, Abbas was the obvious choice.

The low-key politician, who has joined peace talks with Israel and criticized the Palestinian uprising, inaugurated the "road map" peace plan at a summit in June 2003 with President Bush and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. He also worked to secure a cease-fire agreement with Palestinian militant groups.

But Sharon refused to help Abbas build grassroots support by releasing Palestinian prisoners, and Arafat, jealously guarding his power, repeatedly undermined his prime minister. In September 2003, Abbas resigned in frustration, so angry with Arafat that he refused to speak to his old boss for more than a year.

Scared of drawing Arafat's wrath, top Palestinian leaders shunned Abbas, refusing to meet with him and turning his once-bustling headquarters here into the disconcertingly quiet office of a has-been.

Then Arafat fell ill last month.

Abbas ended his feud with the Palestinian leader, paying his respects in a visit to Arafat's Ramallah compound.

When Arafat left for emergency medical treatment in France on Oct. 29, Abbas and the current prime minister, Ahmed Queria, emerged as joint caretakers, divvying up some of Arafat's powers.

In the past week, top leaders from Arafat's ruling Fatah party have filed into Abbas' headquarters to pay their respects. PLO leaders, Cabinet ministers, security chiefs, even street-level activists have joined the parade of well-wishers -- sometimes dozens a day -- who plead for even the briefest of audiences with Abbas, hoping to win back his affection and preserve their jobs.

"This place was deserted," Mohammed Qablan, 36, who works in the same building, said in amazement. "Now it's full of life."

Abbas' security guards forced the building's other tenants to move their cars out of the underground parking garage to make room for Abbas' guests.

"Now Abu Mazen is handling the most important position in the Palestinian political system, which is the general secretary of the PLO, so it is normal to see all the officials and leaders and even Fatah cadres visiting him," said Ahmed Ghnaim, a member of Fatah Revolutionary Council.

In an apparent effort to further his bid to succeed Arafat, Abbas sent a warm note to Bush last week, congratulating him on his re-election victory.

However, Palestinian officials say some members of Arafat's old guard worry that their relationship with Abbas is beyond repair or that he will reach out to a younger generation of leaders. The old-timers have begun pushing a dark horse candidate in the past few days, Farouk Kaddoumi, a longtime Abbas rival who rejected the peace process with Israel and remained in exile in Tunisia, refusing to live in the West Bank or Gaza.

These officials argue Kaddoumi is ahead of Abbas in the line of succession.

Kaddoumi, who is in France with Arafat, has received authorization in recent days to spend money from the Palestinian national treasury, Palestinian officials said, a move that could boost his bid for power.

Both Kaddoumi's and Abbas' aspirations could be stymied by Palestinian law, which would elevate Parliament speaker Rauhi Fattouh to head the Palestinian Authority in the event of Arafat's death. Fattouh would hold the post for 60 days until an election can be held.

But few believe the Palestinian Authority, which has lost control over some West Bank and Gaza Strip towns, would be able to hold an election that quickly, if at all.