Only the attacks of Sept. 11 gave Rove, Bush and Cheney an atmosphere in which such theories could thrive through the exploitation of fear. Rove became the public exponent of using terror as a political instrument to demonize the Democrats as unreliably soft. Just before the 2002 midterm elections swept by Republicans, Rove held forth on the coming realignment. "Something is going on out there," Rove said. "Something else more fundamental ... But we will only know it retrospectively. In two years or four years or six years, [we may] look back and say the dam began to break in 2002."
After the Republican victories in 2002, an enraptured press corps celebrated Rove. "Let me disclose my own bias in this matter. I like Karl Rove," wrote David Broder, the lead political columnist for the Washington Post, on May 18, 2003. "In the days when he was operating from Austin, we had many long and rewarding conversations. I have eaten quail at his table and admired the splendid Hill Country landscape from the porch of the historic cabin Karl and his wife Darby found miles away and had carted to its present site on their land."
The 2004 election should have been a foregone conclusion, and perhaps it was, based on the momentum from 9/11. Rejecting Bush at that early point, a year after the invasion of Iraq, would have been an extraordinary repudiation not only of him but of the public's recent and continuing support before it had come to the conclusion that his policies had been given a full chance and were not working. The 2004 election also took place before the further radicalization of policy and politics that was to occur in its immediate aftermath -- the Terri Schiavo case, "the last throes" in Iraq and Hurricane Katrina. Bush and Rove also faced a flawed Democratic candidate and campaign that steadfastly refused to respond to the early smears of Sen. John Kerry's heroic war record, declined to offer any critique of the administration at the Democratic National Convention, and was tentative and inarticulate on issues concerning the Iraq war. And yet Bush still barely eked out a victory, dependent ultimately on slim margins in swing states reinforced by initiatives against gay marriage.
At the St. Regis Hotel, just blocks from the White House, a week after the election, the panjandrums of the Washington press corps hailed Rove at a lunch held by the Christian Science Monitor. "When Rove entered the room, everyone stood up to congratulate him and shake his hand," reports Joshua Green in the September issue of the Atlantic.
Once again, Bush and Rove plunged forward. "I earned capital in the campaign, political capital, and now I intend to spend it," Bush proclaimed. "It is my style." Bush's first proposal of the second term, politically devised by Rove, was to privatize the great achievement of the New Deal -- Social Security. But it never even reached a single congressional hearing room. Soon the winds and water of Katrina washed away the façade. Bush named Rove reconstruction czar for New Orleans. He did little except for the permanent removal of about a quarter million black voters who held the political balance of power in Louisiana.
As the aftereffects of fear from 9/11 receded, Rove's strategy of using terror as the main political weapon against Democrats dulled. Rove himself was engulfed in the investigation into the White House's outing of a covert CIA operative, Valerie Plame Wilson, in order to damage her husband, ambassador Joseph Wilson, for having revealed that the rationale for the invasion of Iraq was based on bogus claims about Saddam Hussein. Rove escaped indictment for perjury and obstruction of justice only by the skin of his teeth, amending his grand jury testimony at the last minute after a helpful journalist at Time magazine told his lawyer that Matthew Cooper, a correspondent there, had evidence of Rove's involvement.
On the eve of the 2006 midterm elections, the press corps continued to salute Rove's genius. "The emphasis, for those who want to understand the world, should be on 'genius' and not 'evil' (as in Rove is an 'evil genius')," wrote Mark Halperin, then political editor of ABC News, in Slate. He went on: "People who live in Bethesda, Chevy Chase, and Manhattan should understand that in much of red America, Rove is beloved and respected, and they should ask themselves why that is."
After the Republicans lost Congress, Rove blamed the disaster on one wayward homosexual Republican member, Rep. Mark Foley of Florida, not on the administration's policies. Still treated as an oracle, Rove was invited to the Aspen Institute's Idea Festival two years in a row. On July 9, he told the assembled eminences, intellectuals and corporate executives that conditions were fine in the Guantánamo prison camp for detainees. "Our principal health problem down there is gain of weight, we feed them so well," he said. Next, he predicted that the Iraq war would not be a defining issue in the 2008 presidential campaign. "I think it's likely not to be the dominant issue because I think, because of my assumptions about where it is -- where it is likely to be."
Perhaps Rove quit because he wishes to cash out, securing corporate contracts, lecture fees and a book advance, as the sun begins to set on the Republican White House. Perhaps he will act as an unofficial go-between for Bush and advisor to the Republican candidate in 2008. Whatever his gambits, he will remain protected by executive privilege for the duration and beyond. "We've been friends for a long time, and we're still going to be friends," Bush said as he hugged Rove. "I would call Karl Rove a dear friend."
We now take leave of the "Architect," "Turdblossom," and the "Mayberry Machiavelli," his grand experiment in political realignment collapsed, and remember him as he wants to be remembered, rapping onstage as MC Rove at the 2007 Radio and Television Correspondents Association dinner as members of the Washington press corps bopped and shimmied as his backup dancers.
About the writer
Sidney Blumenthal, a former assistant and senior advisor to President Clinton, writes a column for Salon and the Guardian of London. His new book is titled "How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime." He is a senior fellow at the New York University Center on Law and Security.
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