Bush:Given today's realities, we can no longer drag our feet on building and deploying a missile defense system; nor can we allow Cold War arms control agreements to restrict America's ability to defend itself and its allies. America's development of missile defenses is a search for security, not a search for advantage. America must build effective missile defenses, based on the best available options, at the earliest possible date.

Our missile defense must be designed to protect all 50 states -- and our friends and allies and deployed forces overseas -- from missile attacks by rogue nations, or accidental launches. To make this possible, we will offer Russia the necessary amendments to the anti-ballistic missile treaty -- an artifact of Cold War confrontation.

Both sides know that we live in a different world from 1972, when the ABM treaty was signed. If Russia refuses the changes we propose, we will give prompt notice, under the provisions of the treaty, that we can no longer be a party to it. If elected president, I will have a solemn obligation to protect the American people and our allies, not to protect arms control agreements signed almost 30 years ago.

Gore: I'm happy to answer this, Michael, because your question highlights the differences between my plan for defending America and the reckless, dangerous plan of my opponent. I think we need to keep investing in the technology to make sure that any system we have actually works. If it doesn't work, it obviously won't protect us from real or potential threats. My opponent says he'll build a massive missile defense system, whether it works or not. That would be a huge waste of taxpayer money.

As for whether the system will disrupt our relations with the rest of the world, I will not allow our system to destabilize our relations with other countries or spark a new arms race. That is why I want to convince the Russians to modify their arms control treaty with us. I'll show Russia and China that our system will not threaten them. My opponent's plan will severely disrupt arms control arrangements and launch a new arms race, damaging America's national security in the years to come.

9. Where do you stand on the concept of separation between church and state? Please include such specifics as:

(For Bush Only) Do you feel that your endorsement of "Jesus Day" in Texas and allowing faith-based groups to administer public funded juvenile justice programs, among others, blurs the church/state divide or is open to judicial review?

Bush: The 1st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution does not exclude the role of religious beliefs in government. It only prohibits the establishment of an official state religion, or the favoring of one religion over another.

(For Gore Only) Both he and his vice presidential nominee have spoken frequently of their faith. Will this faith affect their policy decisions in a pluralistic society with atheists, agnostics, Muslims, Buddhists, etc.? -- Brian R.

Gore: I believe strongly in the separation of church and state, but for too long, national leaders have been trapped in a dead-end debate. Some on the right have said that a specific set of religious values should be imposed, threatening the founders' precious separation of church and state. In contrast, some on the left have said for too long that religious values should play no role in addressing public needs. These are false choices.

America's national identity is not shaped solely by our diverse faith traditions. But we are a people who believe that these traditions contribute to the formation of values with which we agree to live out our common lives together.

Our founders believed deeply in faith. They created the Bill of Rights in large measure to protect its free expression. One reason America is the most religious country on Earth is precisely because of the church-state divide: People who are free to worship as they wish worship more freely.

Our founders also knew history. They could look back on centuries of religious war in Europe that tore nations apart. They resolved that religious war should never tear this nation apart, and the only way to do that was to allow religious freedom.

The history of the United States has proven our founders' wisdom. They believed -- and I believe -- that we can protect against the establishment of religion without infringing in any way on its free exercise. That belief is at the very heart of our Constitution. And we must keep on working to make it a reality in our public life.

10. What proof, figures, statistics that you've studied, comprehended and can cite demonstrate a justification of your shared belief that the death penalty deters crime. -- Julien

Bush: When I was sworn in as governor of Texas, I took an oath to uphold the laws of our state, including the death penalty. My job is to ensure our state's laws are enforced fairly. This is a responsibility I take very seriously because the final determination of innocence and guilt is among the most profound and serious decisions a person can make.

I support the death penalty because I believe it saves lives. I believe that individual states should make every effort to ensure that their criminal justice systems are fair and impartial and that every defendant has full access to the state and federal courts. Any time DNA evidence, in the context of all the evidence, is deemed to be relevant in the guilt or innocence of a person on death row, I believe we need to use it.

Gore: I support the death penalty in the most heinous cases. I think that it has to be administered fairly and with careful attention to things like DNA evidence, which I think should be used in all capital cases.

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