Business

The return of Neil Bush

Even in the Great Recession, the dim bulb of a dynasty manages to cash in on the family name

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The return of Neil BushNeil Bush

As the global economy has tanked in recent years, international companies have sought every advantage they can muster in seeking to score business deals abroad. One tactic, especially favored by big energy firms, is to retain the services of a middleman or “fixer.” These obscure but vital players use clout, brains and wiles to broker deals between industry and third-world leaders, and to generally grease the gears of the global oil and gas trade.

Which on the surface makes it hard to understand why U.S. and foreign firms continue to seek the services of Neil Bush. The son of one president and brother of another, Neil’s political clout has declined since Barack Obama replaced George W. Bush in 2009, and neither brains nor wiles is Neil’s strong suit. Two decades ago, the Washington Post observed that his business ventures had “a history of crashing and burning in spectacular fashion,” and time, alas, seems not to have improved his record.

Neil claims to have 30 years in the energy industry, though at least 10 people from the Texas oil patch I spoke with said they had never heard of him playing any notable role in the energy business. Of the former first sibling, one international oil executive and consultant said, “I can’t imagine anything he could bring to the table.”

Yet Bush, who declined comment for this story, seems to have no trouble staying busy and prosperous. Chinese firms hire him to try to open doors in Africa, and U.S. companies retain him to do the same in Central Asia. Neil is also the founder and CEO of a number of small energy companies — it’s not clear exactly what they do or if he has financial backers — and lives a life of ease and comfort in Houston, where he resides with his second wife in a luxury condo and regularly graces the social pages.

He travels far in search of deals. As the chairman of Houston-based TX Oil, Neil met with Turkmenistan’s crackpot Stalinist dictator, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, in an effort to gain offshore oil concessions in the Caspian Sea. The tightly controlled state media claimed that he brought a letter from former President George H.W. Bush wishing “sound health and successes” to Berdymukhammedov, and thanking him for inviting Neil “to your beautiful country and for receiving him personally despite your heavy work load.”

In November 2010, Neil returned to the country for the Turkmenistan International Oil and Gas Conference, and TX Oil hosted the event’s closing cocktail party. “The oil business is in the Bush family bloodline,” he declared, according to an account in an energy industry publication, Nefte Compass.

TX Oil is still reportedly in the running for Turkmen concessions, alongside brand name competitors like Chevron and ConocoPhillips. Not everyone seems happy about Bush’s potential involvement. “It is the eastern tradition to receive all guests with open arms,” said a story in News Central Asia. “However, as independent observers we would recommend that the government of Turkmenistan should consider carefully before committing to any proposals brought by Neil Bush. For one thing, [his company] is a virtually unknown entity … On top of that, he has a history of questionable business practices.”

Indeed, he does. Neil first distinguished himself when the Silverado Savings and Loan of Denver went belly up in 1988 at a time when his father was finishing a second term as Ronald Reagan’s vice president. While serving on the S & L’s board of directors, Neil voted to approve $100 million in loans to two of his business partners — he somehow neglected to mention the relationships to fellow board members — who both subsequently went bankrupt. This adventure in socialized capitalism cost U.S. taxpayers $1.3 billion.

One of the loan recipients was JNB International, an energy exploration company Neil founded with $100 out of his own pocket, and somewhat larger sums from two Denver real estate moguls. “Tell him Neil Bush called,” he reportedly told a secretary when leaving a message for a Denver oilman during this period. “You know, the vice president’s son.”

The family safety net spared Neil from the full consequences of his misdeeds. In regard to Silverado, federal investigators found “breaches of his fiduciary duties involving multiple conflicts of interest.” The younger Bush was banned from banking and ordered to pay a $50,000 fine at a civil trial, but a Republican fundraiser held on his behalf helped ease the sting of settling that debt.

Neil went on to found a gas-exploration company called Apex Energy with $2.3 million from Bush-family friend Louis Marx Jr. Neil, who put up $3,000 of his money, received $300,000 in salary over the next two years, at which point Apex went broke. Little gas was ever found.

Next up came a brief stint at TransMedia Communications, owned by a cable TV baron who had raised more than $300,000 for George H.W. Bush. Neil’s annual pay was $60,000 and his job description was daunting: “learn the business.” In 1993, two years after the conclusion of the first Gulf War, the emir of Kuwait flew Bush Sr. over on his private plane for a ceremony honoring him for leading the coalition that evicted Saddam Hussein. Neil and former Secretary of State James Baker traveled along to try to arrange a power plant deal for Enron, which never happened.

The post-Silverado years proved dark for Neil, so it was fortunate that another family friend, Jamal Daniel, stepped in to help out. A Syrian-American fixer with substantial interests in the international energy business and beyond, Daniel has close ties to the ruling families in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen.

Daniel, who lives in Houston, was a major donor to the presidential campaigns of both Bush Sr. and Bush Jr., and to the latter’s 1994 Texas gubernatorial campaign. In 2003, after the invasion of Iraq, he and other Bush administration cronies set up New Bridge Strategies LLC to advise companies seeking business in post-Saddam Iraq. The consulting firm didn’t work out so well — probably because few businesses cared to invest in war-torn Iraq — though the Paris-based newsletter Intelligence Online reported in June that Daniel had invested in an oil deal in Iraqi Kurdistan, so the invasion wasn’t a total loss for him. (There is no indication that Neil had any role in the investment.)

Daniel treats Neil like next of kin. Over the years, he has paid for Neil’s family to take a trip to Disneyland Paris and bought Neil and his wife, Sharon, a $380,000 cottage in Maine. Neil also married his second wife, Maria, at Daniel’s Houston mansion.

In return, Neil has occasionally exerted himself. Back in the late-1990s, Daniel made Neil co-chairman of Crest Investment Corporation and paid him $60,000 annually for a few hours of work per week. Separately, Daniel and other Bush Family Friends financially backed Neil’s education company, Ignite! Much of the firm’s business was obtained through sole-source contracts from school districts in Texas. In 2006, his mother donated an undisclosed amount of money to the Bush-Clinton Katrina Fund with specific instructions that it be earmarked to buy Ignite! products for local schools that took in hurricane evacuees.

Yet for all the handouts from the Bush family network, Neil’s ventures still failed to generate much profit. His famously nasty 2003 divorce proceedings with Sharon revealed that he was essentially broke. At the time, a well-placed source told me, he drove a minivan owned by his mother. The proceedings also revealed that on at least three business trips to Asia, women Neil didn’t know came into his hotel room unbidden and had sex with him. The practice, he acknowledged, seemed “very unusual.”

“You don’t think he was picked to be part of all of those business deals because he was so brilliant, do you?” Marshall Davis Brown, Sharon Bush’s attorney, asked when I met him at his Houston office. “He had a big hat but no horse.”

Neil has received relatively little press attention since his divorce, though he has been living well. In February 2005, Mexican magnate Jaime Camil hosted a 50th birthday party for Neil at his estate in Acapulco. The Houston Chronicle reported that two dozen Houstonians flew down for the festivities. “Saturday night, the host-with-the-most pulled out the stops at his expansive villa,” wrote the newspaper’s society columnist. “A lavish fireworks display topped off a night that included a 16-piece mariachi band, dancers from Mexico City’s Ballet Folklorico and gourmet fare.”

The truth is, failure has been very good to Neil. He currently resides in a $1.6 million, six-bedroom, five-bathroom condominium located near Houston’s upscale West Oaks Mall. He has in recent years set up at least 10 firms in Houston and Austin, according to incorporation records filed with the Texas secretary of state’s office. His companies have generic names like GCC Source Point, Global XS2, BTZ Holdings and ATX Oil, and it’s hard to find out much about them since they are registered as limited liability companies (and hence little public disclosure is required), mostly don’t have websites and almost never turn up in news accounts. If he has consummated any deals through these firms, they were probably not big.

One of Neil’s firms is registered at an address that doesn’t exist and several are registered at his condo, including a firm called Nexus Energy, which actually operates from (or at least has an office at) an oil firm headed by his current wife’s ex-husband, Robert Andrews. Neil established Nexus in late 2008 “to pursue business opportunities both overseas and in the United States,” according to a corporate profile it has distributed. “[Neil has] cultivated many relationships among private business people and large energy related enterprises in Asia and the Middle East. Nexus seeks to leverage these relationships to act on behalf of a client or partner company.” In November 2009, Neil represented Nexus at an energy conference in New Orleans, at which Karl Rove tagged along.

Firms from China regularly retain Neil, which isn’t surprising given the deep ties his family has there. Bush Sr. was appointed as U.S. liaison in Beijing under President Gerald Ford, and during his presidency sought greatly expanded trade with Beijing while downplaying human rights concerns. George W. Bush also forged a close relationship with China, and Neil’s deceased uncle, Prescott Bush Jr., was a close friend of former premier Jiang Zemin and did a good deal of business there.

In March of this year, Bush Sr., wife Barbara and Neil had dinner at the residence of the Chinese consul general in Houston. The Chinese government expressed hope in a written statement that the Bushes would “continue playing an important role in making contributions to … the friendship between the two peoples.” For their part the Bush family said the visit felt “like home,” and expressed special pleasure at being served “their favorite Beijing Roasted Duck.” The consul general and the Bushes also “exchanged views on China-U.S. relations … and other issues of their common interest.”

These sorts of ties have surely contributed to Neil’s list of Chinese clients, mainly companies seeking natural resource deals in Africa, including Shougang Holdings, a state-owned steel giant. In 2009, Neil led a delegation of the company’s officials to Liberia, where Shougang was seeking an iron ore mining concession. The Neil connection didn’t help: An Israeli firm ultimately won out.

The same year Neil traveled to Ghana with executives from oil giant Sinopec, the world’s seventh largest firm and a major competitor of U.S. companies. Neil managed to get meetings with top local political leaders. A source familiar with Bush’s efforts said that he opened doors in Ghana with the help of his friend Chris Wilmot, a businessman originally from Ghana who now lives in Houston. “Chris has the ties in Ghana that go all the way to the top,” this person told me. “Neil was riding on his coattails over there.” To no avail. Neil’s clients didn’t get the deal they were angling for.

On a weekday morning, I stopped by TX Oil’s headquarters in a bland office building on Westheimer Road in Houston. New Age music played from a Bose system in the reception area, which was decorated with a cowboy painting, an aquarium and a leather sofa. The office wasn’t bristling with activity, and the secretary told me no one would be available to talk to me about TX Oil.

“Is there a brochure or any information you can give me?” I asked.

“Not yet,” she replied with a cool smile.

Why do companies keep hiring Neil? It can’t be for his business acumen. More likely, his employers write checks out of friendship, loyalty and interest in currying favor with his family’s business and political network. In a reflection of the declining value of the Bush family name in the age of Obama, Neil does not seem to command the fees he once did.

In 2002, he received payments of $2 million in stock and $10,000 per board meeting from Grace Semiconductor — a firm backed by the son of Jiang Zemin — even though he knew nothing at all about semiconductors. Last December he was named a director of China Timber Resources Group, which has forest resources in Guyana and China. Neil’s director’s fee is a mere $1,200 a month, which the company said “was determined with reference to his experience, scope of work, level of involvement, seniority as well as the prevailing market conditions.” Ouch.

It’s getting tougher to be a fixer who can’t fix much.

Ken Silverstein is an Open Society Institute fellow and contributing editor to Harper’s magazine.

Ken Silverstein is a contributing editor at Harper’s magazine and an Open Society fellow. Research support for this article was provided by The Investigative Fund at The Nation Institute.

The rich aren’t like you and me

"Executive excess" is on the rise, and how are big corporations responding? By covering it up, of course

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The rich aren't like you and me

Washington, D.C., is a Potemkin village of alabaster and marble where the perpetually stalled and broken escalators of the city’s subway system are a perfect metaphor for the government’s inability to generate positive, upward movement. Yet with all the calumnies that are committed on an hourly basis behind the facade of our nation’s capitol, what had local media there outraged a few days ago? Lemonade.

Seems a TV news cameraman caught a county inspector in an affluent Washington suburb trying to shut down a kid’s lemonade stand just outside the Congressional Country Club during the recent US Open. And if that wasn’t bad enough, he slapped the enterprising tikes – who were raising money to fight pediatric cancer — with a $500 fine.

As the June 18 Washington Post reported, for a while it seemed “the all-American rite of passage might instead become a master class in government overreach,” yet public anger was so immediate and vociferous the fine was quickly revoked and the youngsters permitted to reopen down a side street a few yards away.

But these weren’t your garden variety, neighborhood moppets, selling drinks from Mom’s Tupperware pitcher on a card table near the sidewalk. For one, thing, according to the Post, “There was a tent for shade, five plastic coolers, and a couple of industrial steel ones packed with ice and cans of Coke and Diet Coke. For the fundraiser, the kids’ parents had also secured cases of bottled lemonade wholesale…”

For another, among those helping out and defending their boys and girls were the former head of Lockheed Martin and the Red Cross and members of the Marriott family. “When something’s right you stand up for your beliefs,” Carrie Marriott, wife of the hotel heir, said. “That’s what America’s about. It’s about free enterprise. It’s about taking an idea, making it happen, and making it successful.”

Coincidentally, the very next day, the Post reported that total compensation was up an average of more than 20 percent last year for the Washington area’s highest paid executives. Among them, Ms. Marriott’s father-in-law, J. Willard Marriott, Jr., who in 2010 earned nearly $10 million. The report was part of the newspaper’s investigation of so-called “breakaway wealth” among the nation’s richest.

“The evolution of executive grandeur — from very comfortable to jet setting — reflects one of the primary reasons that the gap between those with the highest incomes and everyone else is widening,” according to the Post. “For years, statistics have depicted growing income disparity in the United States, and it has reached levels not seen since the Great Depression. In 2008, the last year for which data are available, for example, the top 0.1 percent of earners took in more than 10 percent of the personal income in the United States, including capital gains, and the top 1 percent took in more than 20 percent…

“Other recent research, moreover, indicates that executive compensation at the nation’s largest firms has roughly quadrupled in real terms since the 1970s, even as pay for 90 percent of America has stalled.”

The reasons? “Defenders of executive pay argue, among other things, that the rising compensation is deserved because firms are larger today. Moreover, this group says, more packages today are based on stock and options, which pay more when the chief executive is successful.

“Critics, on other hand, argue that executive salaries have jumped because corporate boards were simply too generous, or more broadly, because greed became more socially acceptable.”

The enormity of this increase in executive compensation is reinforced by a new study that examines the proxy statements and financial filings of the companies that make up the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index. Issued by the independent research firm R.G. Associates and titled “S. & P. 500 Executive Pay: Bigger Than… Whatever You Think It is,” the report finds that among the 483 companies they were able to analyze, the pay of 2591 executives was up 13.9 percent in 2010. Total, before taxes: $14.3 billion, almost equal to the GDP of Tajikistan, population: more than seven million.

At 158 of the companies, more was paid to those in charge than was shelled out for outside audit fees. And 32 of them paid more in top salaries than they paid in corporate income taxes.

As it turns out, this is not a uniquely American phenomenon. Despite the ongoing, international financial malaise, the British newspaper The Guardian notes that, “The globe’s richest have now recouped the losses they suffered after the 2008 banking crisis. They are richer than ever, and there are more of them – nearly 11 million – than before the recession struck.”

The annual wealth report by Merrill Lynch and Capgemini finds that the assets of these so-called “high net worth individuals” reached $42.7 trillion in 2010, a rise of nearly ten percent from the previous year at a time when, as The Guardian observed, “austerity budgets were implemented by many governments in the developed world.”

More than half of the world’s richest live in Japan, Germany and here in the United States. The annual “Executive Excess” survey from the progressive Institute for Policy Studies last September found that back in the seventies, only a handful of top American executives earned more than thirty times what their workers made. In 2009, “CEO’s of major US corporations averaged 263 times the average compensation of American workers.” And a USA Today analysis earlier this year found that while median CEO pay jumped 27% last year, workers in private industry saw their salaries grow by just 2.1 percent.

So how are many of those corporations addressing this gross inequity? By trying to cover it up.

Last year’s Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation requires publicly traded companies to report the median of annual total compensation for workers, the total compensation of the CEO, and the ratio between the two. Big business has lobbied loudly against the reporting requirement, and on Wednesday, the House Financial Services Committee voted 33-21 to repeal it.

The bill to repeal is sponsored by rookie Congresswoman Nan Hayworth (R-NY), whose official biography cites “reducing regulatory burdens on businesses” as one of her top priorities. Among her leading 2010 campaign contributors: leveraged buyout specialists Vestar Capital Partners, distressed debt investors Elliott Management and financial services giant Credit Suisse. Not to mention the anti-taxation Club for Growth.

Ernest Hemingway claimed that when F. Scott Fitzgerald once said to him, “The rich are different from you and me,” he archly replied, “Yes, they have more money.” Whether it’s true or not, the Hemingway in the story got it wrong. The rich not only have more money, they have more power, more clout — and more to hide.

 

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Michael Winship is senior writing fellow at Demos and a senior writer of the new series, Moyers & Company, airing on public television.

Why designers need a mix of clients

Leaning too heavily on a single customer puts you at risk. Here's how diversifying will help your business

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Why designers need a mix of clients


Always try to diversify your client base...

No single client should account for more than 25 percent of a studio’s business. When it happens — and it will! — immediately draw up a list of new potential clients to call.

Here’s a brief personal story that explains why.

In the late ’90s, I worked at a design studio that had a major telecommunications client. More than 50 percent of our monthly billings were derived from creating logos and names for new product launches, helping to brainstorm print ads and direct mailers, and otherwise serving as a creative sounding board. There was no retainer agreement, only new projects that were opened with a rough time estimate and hourly rate.

It was creative nirvana. You could spend as little or as much time as you wanted on a project, as long as you had a range of thinking in your comps. Our clients trusted us, and we trusted them.

My wife and I had been discussing moving to Seattle for some time, and the final decision to make the move was difficult — mainly because this firm was such a great place to work. But I gave my notice, my wife and I packed up our place and hopped in our car for a month-long cross-country jaunt. One morning in Chicago, while lolling at my sister-in-law’s kitchen table eating some oatmeal, I saw in the newspaper that my client’s company had misstated earnings across all of their financial statements and were going to declare Chapter 11 bankruptcy. The project work from that client would bleed away from my former employer.

So, it’s easy to be optimistic about what you can control in your designer/client relationship. You can inform them and provide insight. You can educate them regarding their options, both strategic and tactical. You can even be Chief Design Officer and sit at the big polished mahogany table powering up your big presentation on how you’ll optimize their customer experience and rethink their brand and make amazing new products that will bring in billions. You can make your direct design clients happy, and show success with every project that you do. But you can’t fully control their business decisions beyond what you design, or volatile business conditions that may lead to their demise.

This is why you need to diversify the mix of clients that you choose to work with. Diversification helps to reduce the level of vulnerability you take on from your client accounts as a business owner. Would you put all of your money in one outperforming stock, assuming that in two or three years it will continue to increase in value? As the legally mandated disclaimer says on any investment vehicle: Past performance is no guarantee of future results.

Here’s a few reasons why diversification will be critical for your design business:

Diversification will allow you to sustain the loss of a client while protecting your studio overhead.

If you hire a dozen people to service a client that provides a high percentage of your revenue, when that client dematerializes, so do all those jobs. (This can be common practice at large agencies that seek retainer relationships.) This is a weak business model for a small firm and can’t be sustained without risking the collapse of the entire business.

Diversification protects you from cash-flow fluctuations due to client policies in accounts payable.

If you aren’t asking for payment upfront for each design phase, and instead offering credit and Net 15/30/45 billing, you may have lived through this problem with your largest clients. If a client needs to choke down on their accounts payable, it’s your credit on the line, and asking for interest on the late payment won’t make up for your scramble to assess the impact to your business’s cash-flow.

Diversification protects you from being in a poor negotiating position due to being beholden to one benefactor.

When a client knows that you are dependent on their business, it can cause price negotiations that risk diluting the agency’s profit margin. Every agency I’ve worked at that had a lopsided client portfolio has suffered at one point due to this.

Diversifying your client base will make for a more compelling portfolio.

The benefit of a diverse portfolio is that it demonstrates your curiosity, your range of skills in various domains of design, and the desirability of your services. If you want to be the designer whose portfolio contains work samples from only one business type or industry category, go right ahead. But chances are there are only so many similar clients you’ll be able to find.

Even when you become frighteningly busy due to the work on your plate, continue to call prospective clients and new business leads. Continue your networking. If you close down and focus all your attention on making your sole client happy, in the short term you may profit — but your risk of harming your business in the long term will only increase.

Then again, it’s only when the rug is pulled out from under you that you can gain a new perspective … when you’re lying on the floor.

Copyright F+W Media Inc. 2011.

Salon is proud to feature content from Imprint, the fastest-growing design community on the web. Brought to you by Print magazine, America’s oldest and most trusted design voice, Imprint features some of the biggest names in the industry covering visual culture from every angle. Imprint advances and expands the design conversation, providing fresh daily content to the community (and now to salon.com!), sparking conversation, competition, criticism, and passion among its members.

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Saab runs out of cash to pay wages

Spokesman insists that the car maker is not headed for bankruptcy

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Saab runs out of cash to pay wagesSaab Automobile's production plant in Trollhattan, south west Sweden Thursday May 12, 2011. Struggling car maker Saab Automobile faced renewed uncertainty Thursday as the financing deal with China's Hawtai Motor Group fell apart, raising fresh concerns about the company's future. (AP Photo/Thomas Johansson) SWEDEN OUT(Credit: AP)

Saab’s owner said Thursday it doesn’t have the money to pay employees’ wages, deepening the financial crisis that is pushing the struggling Swedish brand ever closer to ruin.

Dutch owner Swedish Automobile, previously known as Spyker Cars, has courted Chinese and Russian investors and put the Saab factory up for sale in its attempts to revive the brand it took over from General Motors Co. last year.

But after months of production stoppages and problems with paying suppliers, Saab said the situation is so dire that it won’t be able to pay its 3,700 employees, adding to doubts over how long the brand can survive.

“I do not see a future for the car maker in the current position,” said Ferdinand Dudenhoeffer, an auto analyst at the University of Duisburg-Essen.

Analysts have sounded the death knell for Saab several times since Spyker, a small luxury sports car maker, bought it from GM last year for $74 million in cash plus $326 million worth of preferred shares. Skeptics questioned how Spyker and its smooth-talking CEO Victor Muller could turn around a car maker that posted loss after loss during GM’s ownership.

But every time the company appeared to be on the edge of bankruptcy, Muller came up with a new lifeline. His latest move was lining up two Chinese investors — Zhejiang Youngman Lotus Automobile Co. and Pang Da Automobile Trade Co. — in a deal to make and distribute Saab in China. The deal has not yet been approved by Chinese authorities.

Saab spokesman Eric Geers insisted Thursday that the car maker is not headed for bankruptcy.

“We’re saying that we don’t have funding to pay out salaries, but we’re working day and night to find a solution,” he said. “We’re assuming we’ll find a solution.”

Swedish Automobile, formerly Spyker, said it is currently in talks with various parties to solve the financial difficulties, but warned that there can be “no assurance that these discussions will be successful, or that the necessary funding will be obtained.”

The car factory in Trollhattan, in southwestern Sweden, has been plagued by production stoppages since March as Saab has struggled to pay suppliers for parts. Saab spokeswoman Gunilla Gustavs said production would be down at least until July 4.

Muller has sought to raise money with a plan to sell Saab’s property — including the factory — and leasing it back. Russian investor Vladimir Antonov was lined up as a potential buyer, but hasn’t received the necessary approval from the European Investment Bank, which last year gave Saab a euro400 million loan, that has since been reduced to euro280 million.

The Swedish Debt Office, which also must approve such a plan, hasn’t receive any applications from other potential buyers, spokeswoman Linda Sjoblom said.

Hakan Skott, a local union boss in Trollhattan, said the situation “is creating a lot of worries and there are thousands of questions about what will happen now.”

——

Malin Rising in Stockholm contributed to this report.

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When liberal groups promote corporate mergers

GLAAD, the NAACP and others have taken big money from AT&T. Is it OK for them to endorse the AT&T-T-Mobile merger?

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When liberal groups promote corporate mergersAT&T's corporate HQ in Dallas

Politico reported Friday morning that a number of liberal advocacy groups lending support to AT&T’s acquisition of T-Mobile have “no obvious interest in telecom deals — except that they’ve received big piles of AT&T’s cash.”

“In recent weeks, the NAACP, the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation [GLAAD] and the National Education Association have each issued public statements in support of the deal,” Politico’s Eliza Krigman wrote, noting that all these groups had received considerable sums from AT&T (the NAACP, for example received $1 million from the telecom giant in 2009).

A few questions certainly need addressing here: First, why would the opinions of advocacy groups matter in a large corporate merger? And second, do these advocacy groups have any credibility when the merger involves a company that has provided them with financial support?

In terms of the first question, Politico suggests that AT&T wants the groups involved because the merger approval process is inherently political:

AT&T is working hard to win approval of the deal from the FCC and the Department of Justice. It’s not supposed to be a political process, but with Democrats — inherently skeptical of big corporate mergers — in control of both agencies, the company isn’t taking any chances.

The issue of the credibility of these advocacy groups is more complicated.

GLAAD officials argue that they have already demonstrated their independence from AT&T by standing up to the telecom giant on net neutrality and decrying AT&T’s decision to advertise on a Spanish language show many consider highly homophobic. (AT&T subsequently ended that advertising deal.)  Jarrett Barrios, GLAAD’s president, noted that a number of other LGBT  advocacy groups have also spoken out for the merger and asserted:

For GLAAD, it’s about the results of the merger — an increase in phone functionality and speed. With better phone functionality, more people will be able to engage in social media and online LGBT advocacy…

…The proposed AT&T / T-Mobile merger has significant impact for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender workers. AT&T is a union business with a good record on LGBT issues. In contrast, call center workers at T-Mobile have been fighting to form a union, but T-Mobile has been aggressively trying to stop them.

Similarly, the NAACP sees its support of the AT&T deal as consistent with its previous engagements with the telecommunications industry.

Speaking to Salon on Friday, Hilary Shelton, the director of the NAACP’s Washington bureau, said that his organization has a history of weighing in on the telecom business. He noted that the AT&T acquisition was not the first merger to gain NAACP support: The group also advocated for the Comcast-NBC merger (after both corporations made a diversity pledge) and wrote to the FCC supporting the Sirius-XM satellite radio merger.

NAACP endorsements of corporate mergers, he said, are predicated on a number of factors relating to diversity (how people of color are treated in the boardroom; hiring; wages; partnership with local communities; and more). Every year, the NAACP produces a “report card” evaluating how certain companies fare in their treatment of racial minorities. One of the five industries evaluated is telecommunications.

“T-Mobile has never done quite as well as AT&T,” said Shelton. “They failed on the industry report card last cycle. Whereas AT&T is consistently among the top two.” He added that while AT&T is unionized, T-Mobile is not (which is why unions such as the massive AFL-CIO say they too have endorsed the acquisition).

There is a strong argument to be made that the NAACP’s work on behalf of black employment has merged into an all-too-cozy relationship with its corporate supporters. Indeed, as Salon’s Glenn Greenwald tweeted earlier today, “What’s the point of an advocacy group if their positions can be purchased?”

But such an argument could set up a difficult Catch-22 for the advocacy groups: Should the NAACP, or GLAAD, or the numerous other organizations involved here, be precluded from weighing in on specific industry issues involving a company that actively uses funds to promote racial or gender equality, or workers’ rights, through these advocacy groups?

Nonetheless, there is clearly a risk: Once money is involved, it’s hard to know when there’s an actual conflict of interest, and when there’s only the appearance of one.

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Natasha Lennard covers the Occupy movement for Salon. A British-born, Brooklyn-based journalist, she has been covering Occupy Wall Street since before the first sleeping bag was unrolled in Zuccotti Park. One of the first journalists arrested at an Occupy action, she has managed to enrage Andrew Breitbart, Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck. You can follow her on Twitter (@natashalennard), and email her any Occupy updates/videos/ideas to natasha.lennard@gmail.com

LinkedIn stock surges on market debut

Company is first major American social network to go public; stock opened at $83 a share

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LinkedIn stock surges on market debutFILE - In this May 9, 2011 file photo, LinkedIn Corp., the professional networking Web site, displays its logo outside of headquarters in Mountain View, Calif. LinkedIn jacked up the price it's asking for shares of its initial public offering by 30 percent Tuesday, May 17, 2011. (AP Photo/Paul Sakuma, file)(Credit: AP)

LinkedIn’s stock is surging in its market debut, opening at $83 because of huge investor demand. The stock is up about 90 percent at $85 in its first minutes on the New York Stock Exchange.

LinkedIn Corp. priced its initial public offering at $45 per share, about a third above the initial range of $32 to $35 per share.

The Mountain View, Calif., company is the first major U.S. social networking company to go public. It had raised $353 million Wednesday night in an initial public offering that valued it at $4.3 billion. That’s the largest valuation for a U.S. Internet company since Google went public in 2004.

The company’s service helps businesses find new employees and promotes networking among the more than 102 million people that have set up profiles.

(This version corrects opening price.)

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