California

The Rat Bite

A welfare mother's tragicomic tale of life in the system.

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In 1970 I was twenty-five years old, exactly half the age I am now. I had no husband, no job, no marketable skills or social graces, little formal education, no money, and no place to live. I had two small second-generation welfare brats, ages two and four. Fortunately, I had a friend named Adeline, who helped me set up house in Berkeley, which was a good place for small children and refugees from New York City.

When the children were a few years older and enrolled full-time in school, I decided to enroll myself and attempt to secure that prize at the end of the rainbow: a high school diploma. Not that I hadn’t figured out along with most of my male counterparts including the ex-father of the children that you can’t support a family on a minimum-wage job, but I had hope: that insidious poison which encourages one to Do The Best You Can With What You Have And Surely Something Good Will Happen Eventually Maybe.
And maybe eventually something good would happen; maybe by the time the children needed separate rooms you would have achieved the means to provide them. Maybe by the time they’re ready for college you’ll be able to send them.

But there are all these built-in cutoff points which They’ve provided to tip the scales against you every time you try to take a step toward that magical point of balance where everything works. And you know they’re there, and you may even know where they are, but you think that by the time you reach that point (the point where the children need bus fare and lunch money every day and have to buy their own schoolbooks, for instance) you will have figured out how to provide the extras. And then They cut you off.

They will pay to send you to vocational training, but They will not pay for child care while you go. They will help you find a job, but the job will neither provide nor pay enough for you to provide child care. And then the “taxpayers” vote in an initiative which assures that persons with incomes as low as yours will never be able to afford decent housing in California. Which was supposed to encourage landlords to lower the rent. My landlord doubled the rent. We went on to live in basements, attics, and finally a junked trailer in someone’s backyard.

And while you’re trying to deal with this the children get older. They need more stuff. They’re supposed to go to high school. They get part-time jobs that they hate where the paycheck is deducted from the welfare check. They want nice clothes and sports equipment and stereos. Cars. Their own phones. They’re ashamed to have their friends visit. The list of things you can’t provide for them gets longer. You can’t pay the bills. The rent goes up and up. They hate you. You have failed in life. You are a failure as a parent and a human being. You can’t figure out how to go on. You might as well die. And then They cut you off.

But your life is not a failure, you must remind yourself. It is merely the logical extension of having been born poor.

- – - – - – - – - -

There are advantages, at times, to not being a Real Person. You may have to spend a lot of time looking for them and figuring out how to use them, but they’re there. Sometimes you can walk through walls, fit into places where Real People can’t fit, go places where Real People don’t believe you can go. Sometimes you can fly. But you have to do a lot of crawling first, a lot.

I’d been working on my application to a four-year college. A Real College. If I made it I’d be the first in my immediate family. It’s harder that way, having no one who has gone before to help you find the way.

My older child had chosen to go to a community college in another city. He worked weekends, lived with me, and needed eight dollars a day just for bus fare. My younger child, Jessy in this story, was in the middle of her High School Crisis. We’d moved from her former school district, and the former school wouldn’t allow her to continue there. She dropped out. I dragged her to the new school she’d been assigned to.

A bleak, dirty brick building rising in the middle of a vast trash-covered concrete yard, surrounded by razor wire.

“I’m not going,” she said after one look.

“I guess not,” I agreed.

- – - – - – - – - -

The next step was, of course, a cutoff. Welfare finds out that you’re in the midst of a college application, already struggling to send one kid to college, having a mid-teen educational running battle with the other kid, and what do they do. Cut off your check, what else?

- – - – - – - – - -

It goes something like this: “We have received information indicating that your minor child Blahblah is no longer attending school and blahblahblah, informing you that in order for you to continue to receive your grant this child must attend daily meetings of the Work Help Incentive Program (WHIP) and actively participate in finding employment within three (3) weeks so that we may discontinue your grant and blahblah.”

These “workfare” programs do not find you a job. They do not train you for one. They give you “counselling” and a list of minimum-wage jobs you can apply for. Mainly, you get to sit around in a large plastic waiting room full of screaming brats all day, same scenario as any other welfare-inspired enterprise. If you don’t go, they kick your family off welfare. If you do go and don’t get a job, your family gets the boot. If you attend and you do find work, same thing. The only function I could attribute to this particular program was to get families kicked off welfare. The office was not even accessible to public transportation, except after a long walk through a bad neighborhood.

“I’m not going,” said Jessy.

“I guess not,” I agreed.

Fortunately, at about this same time, my daughter got bitten by a rat.

- – - – - – - – - -

The family’s assortment of pets included, at this time, several snakes, a tarantula, some chameleons, goldfish, guinea pigs, and two big rats named Jack Mack and Rad Boy. Jessy had let the rats out for exercise one day and for some unknown reason they decided to stage a fight to the death. While she was breaking this up, Jack Mack bit Jessy right through the knuckle of her right hand.

I took her to Childrens’ Hospital, where she was admitted for tendon damage and possible infection, the hand wrapped in a huge ball of gauze and suspended from an overhead fixture.

“Very Dr. Seuss,” she remarked, flying on drugs, obviously referring to the apparatus.

- – - – - – - – - -

Thus immobilized, Jessy missed her day at WHIP and I received notice that my welfare grant was to be terminated. However, we could if we wished schedule a “fair hearing,” which I requested immediately. It was scheduled to take place in three weeks at Welfare HQ.

Due to fear, I had never requested a “hearing” before. I spent the three weeks quaking with terror. Jessy came with me to the meeting, her long-healed hand heavily bandaged and helplessly suspended in a sling.

The hearings are held in a small plastic office. I had expected a looming courtroom presided over by a Mad Queen.

They provide you with a sort of lawyer, which They call a client advocate, to defend your “rights.”

The Defense advocate assigned to me is young, skinny, serious and Jewish. The Prosecutor is old, skinny, severe, and WASPy.

PROSECUTOR: “We have a report from Mrs. So-and-so from the Work Help Incentive Program, which states that your daughter, Jessica, failed to report to her scheduled appointment at the Work Incentive Bureau and this therefore renders yourself ineligible to receive further aid from the County of Alameda, State of California, United States of America, City of Oakland, for your daughter Jessica Morris, age fifteen, who is judged to be uncooperative with the rules of said County, State, and etc., and is therefore a burden on the System, undeserving of the support of said County and State and Country, and the taxpayers of this Country, and we therefore have terminated your AFDC check, and rightly so.”

THE DEFENSE (rummaging through a huge stack of papers — my AFDC file): “Mrs. Ashby, it is your right to present an objection to the County’s allegations … uh … if you have an excuse, let’s hear it.”

ME (terrified and trembling): “Uh … I called Mrs. So-and-so at the WHIP? Excuse me … the Work Incentive? Program? Office?” (Involuntarily, I start crying) “And I told her that Jessy couldn’t come to the Program that day … because she was in the hospital? I did call! I called them!”

THE DEFENSE (rummaging): “Yes, there seems to have been a note made of that.” Vibrating with tension or energy or hysteria, maybe all three, she thrusts a barely legible copy of a form on pink onionskin paper at The Prosecutor.

Prosecutor squints at the form, frowning. “Yes, I see. But this” (waving the form at The Defense) “Is not proof that the Daughter–” Jessy’s head snaps up; she looks around at the participants in this farce (The Daughter?? Are they referring to Me???) “That The Daughter was actually hospitalized … this –” (waving form) “only states that a phone call was received by Mrs. So-and-so at the WHIP — excuse me — the Work Help Incentive Program Office on this date …”

I rummage through my own stack of papers and pull out the form I signed when Jessy was released from the hospital. I hand it to The Prosecutor.

PROSECUTOR: “Hmmmm …” She focuses an evil eye on Jessy, who has not said a word. Who has been keeping her right arm in the sling, inert, the sling which she hasn’t worn since she was discharged from the hospital two weeks before. Who, from time to time, evinces a tiny grimace of pain. Who knows perfectly well that the family can’t survive without this AFDC check, negligible as it is, and that without the AFDC coverage she will have no access to medical care, and the rent will not get paid, and bus fare will not be available, and that she is too young to get a legitimate job and too uneducated to get a good job and Mom is already trying to support a houseful of people (including Dudley who has been laid off for a year) who are all liable to wind up homeless in the street. Yet, she feels that she must speak honestly and truthfully.

“Well,” Jessy begins, cheerfully, “What happened was that I got in the hospital because I got bit by this rat. I didn’t mean to get bit, it just happened. And it hurt a lot, and it swelled up and made me sick. There was this rat, right?”

The Prosecutor and The Defense are both staring at Jessy, as if hypnotized.

JESSY (brightly): “This rat bit me right on the hand. On the right hand, and I’m right handed, so it was a real bummer. So I couldn’t use my hand and it was all red and swollen up. This rat bit me right on the knuckle, and the doctor said that the fluid from the tendon was leaking out, because the rat bit right through the tendon. It was real ugly, and it hurt a lot. The rat didn’t mean to do it, but he was fighting with this other rat, and I was trying to stop them from fighting. Right? The other rat’s name was Rad Boy. It wasn’t his fault, I mean, he didn’t start the fight. Who started it was Jack Mack. The rat, I mean. Jack Mack bit me. I knew he didn’t really mean to. He was trying to bite Rad Boy. He bit me in the hand, because he thought my hand was Rad Boy, my right hand, right, and they were fighting. I don’t know why they were fighting. But they were having this terrible fight, right? And I thought they were really gonna hurt each other. So I’m in the Emergency Room, and this doctor was sticking this needle in my arm. Right in my bloodstream! So I passed out. I just got real dizzy and thirsty, because the doctor was sticking this needle in my bloodstream. But she was a real nice doctor. She said she didn’t mean to hurt me, but it was for my own good. So then I woke up, in the Emergency Room, and the doctor asked me What Happened? So I said that a rat bit me. But he didn’t mean to. So they put all these blankets on me. And they asked Are You In Pain? And I said What Do You Think??? I got bit by a rat! And they said they were gonna put all this medicine in my arm. And I was supposed to go to the WHIP — sorry — the Work Intensive thing? But I was in the hospital with needles …”

“Your AFDC grant will not be discontinued!” states The Prosecutor, loudly. “This hearing is concluded. You may go now.”

JESSY: “So there were all these needles in my arm. And they put this big, big bandage on, and they hung my arm from this stick over the bed, up in the air. But then I couldn’t eat, like, I couldn’t hold the fork with my left hand. Because I’m right-handed. Right? And I couldn’t call the office with my left hand. I mean, I couldn’t do anything because I’m right-handed. And my mom came and washed my hair for me. I mean, I couldn’t even wash my hair!! I really looked terrible …”

I take Jessy’s elbow and steer her out of the office. As we leave the building, Jessy says “Hey, I did good, huh, Mom.”

“You were great,” I tell my daughter “Great!”

Sometimes you can walk on water.

Poverty is boring

Aggie Max, author of "The Last Resort: Scenes from a Transient Hotel," says it's not just the lack of money that makes escape nearly impossible it's the culture of poverty.

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Aggie Max grew up on welfare, ran away from home at the age of 16, had her first child at 21 and was a welfare mother and bag lady before she collected her experiences in a memoir, “The Last Resort: Scenes From a Transient Hotel.” In this darkly humorous and painfully honest collection of essays, Max is as forthcoming about her own shortcomings as she is critical of the crippling machinery of public “assistance” in the United States. In the first of three tales from her book, Max, who writes under a pseudonym, recalls how a rat bite saved the family income. The other stories will appear in “Salon” in coming weeks.

If you’re born into welfare, says Max, it is not just financial status or education but the whole culture of poverty that makes it nearly impossible to escape to a better life. While the “haves” have a standard set of milestones on the way to adulthood — first date, first kiss, first car, first job, first credit card — the “have nots” have their own coming-of-age rituals: “First cigarette, first drink, first joint, first ‘sexual encounter,’ first crime, first arrest, first shot (first intravenous and first subcutaneous ‘skin-pop’ usually count as separate milestones), and by the time you hit the Big One, your First Welfare Check, you’re probably in the game forever.”

Max was born in 1945 into what she calls “one of the first families in America to go on welfare.” With her parents, a teacher and journalist who were “notorious” communists during the McCarthy era, she lived a nomadic life, bouncing between low-income projects in Manhattan. “We moved around 10 times within the same 10 blocks,” she said in a recent interview. “It’s what poor people do. You don’t have a car, you just have maybe a baby carriage, and you put all of your crap in there and you move down a block.”

Though taught to read by her mother before she started kindergarten, Max dropped out of high school and ran away from home as a teenager. She ended up in housing projects, “derelict” hotels and homeless in the streets of Los Angeles, San Francisco and Washington, D.C. Throughout her chaotic life, she found the public library a sanctuary and writing one of the few links to sanity.

While raising two children on welfare and working at “many insignificant jobs too numerous and stupid to mention,” Max returned to school, received her high school diploma at the age of 30 and then, after 10 years of attending various community colleges, she enrolled at Mills College in Oakland, Calif.

“One of the reasons I went to Mills was that they had housing and here I was, with two teenagers, being evicted again,” she laughs.

After earning a bachelor’s degree in English, Max was
awarded a scholarship to the prestigious master’s program in creative writing at Mills, where she began a journal about her life. She was forced to drop out two credits short of receiving her master’s degree when she was hospitalized for pneumonia.

With no marketable skills and again on the verge of eviction from student housing, Max was back at ground zero, and she resumed life in transient hotels while she continued to write. Her work drew notice from an English professor at Mills, who took it to Chronicle Books. Chronicle published “Last Resort” in May.

Though Max’s book is filled with rage and frustration, in person she is quiet and easygoing, with a wry and self-deprecating sense of humor. She now lives in an apartment in Berkeley that is filled with the paintings she did as an undergraduate art major. Max no longer receives welfare but is on disability for chronic asthma. Her son is a filmmaker and her daughter (whom she describes as the “only person in my family who actually likes people”) is trained as an emergency medical technician and has worked for the Red Cross as a CPR instructor. Max recently completed work on her parents’ memoirs, which will be published later this year. Her mother, now 88, has been singing for 60 years with Pete Seeger under the stage name Sis Cunningham.

As someone who has finally managed, in her 50s, to escape poverty, Max says she is happy — tentatively. “I always feel things could change cataclysmically overnight,” she says. “I guess I’ll never escape that.”

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Mon dieu, dude!

Ennui, torpor, and an astonishing lack of joie de vivre. What France needs is a good dose of Left Coast wisdom.

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woe is France. Lord knows it’s an obliging target, with its vast national self-regard, its deaf ear for popular culture, its bloviating intellectuals. Any country that has foisted both Jacques Derrida and Plastic Bertrand on an unsuspecting world clearly has a lot to answer for.

But really. Recent events have been hard on the poor Gauls. Their economy is stalling, unemployment rates are rising, Brigitte Bardot has become a right-wing animal nut. And, last week, the crowning indignity: news stories in two of America’s leading newspapers advising the French to start acting more like … Californians.

Writing in the Los Angeles Times, James Flanigan noted with a certain pride that Europeans in general, and the French in particular, are coming to regard California as a role model for future economic expansion. “Where once there was scorn for the U.S. economy, now there is widespread admiration for its job-creating ability,” Flanigan wrote. “And there is special regard for California.” Indeed, Jean-Francois Theodore, chairman of the Paris stock exchange, is already looking to adapt the Golden State’s high-tech investment structure to France’s struggling venture-capital market, telling Flanigan of his admiration for the “entrepreneurs and high-tech companies” that shape California’s business sensibility.

But this was nothing compared with what was to come. In a remarkable Page 1 story last Wednesday, the New York Times turned correspondent Roger Cohen loose on the “risk-averse” European power. Cohen’s massive piece, nestled under a dispiriting headline (“For France, Sagging Self-Image and Esprit”), attempted to demonstrate the myriad ways that the French have greeted the new global information age with “torpor … doubt and introspection.”

One could plausibly counter that these qualities are France’s leading exports, and therefore precisely the country’s prime contribution to the New World Order. But that’s neither here nor there: The implicit lesson of Cohen’s piece is that the sagging French, if they are to survive with even the least bit of esprit left, need to follow the lead of Parisian software entrepreneur Bernard Liautaud, “dump(ing) French habits” to “do things the California way.”

Unfortunately, Cohen notes glumly, “France tends to see its economy and very identity threatened by innovation,” and its national funk “provides a perfect feeding ground for peddlers of xenophobia like (Jean-Marie Le Pen’s) National Front Party.”

Similarly damning is the country’s suspicion of the Internet in particular and high technology in general. President Jacques Chirac has denounced the Internet as “an Anglo-Saxon network,” Cohen reports with a shudder. France’s own computer network, Minitel, is increasingly out of step with the world, and only 1 percent of French homes are connected to the real Net. Admittedly, there have been signs of a techno-thaw. Chirac recently had his first, much-publicized encounter with a computer mouse — which seemed to go well, despite its obvious, painful associations with EuroDisney.

But there’s an even bigger problem. The French are still saddled with a distinctly Second Wave welfare state. What’s more, Cohen reports, they like it: France “increasingly seems to equate its welfare state with its very identity.” This quaint fancy stands in the way of France accepting the bracing California creed: “Promote a share-holding culture. Think global. Think marketing. Reduce taxes.”

This drill-sergeant approach to market reform seems just a bit much — especially if you compare the recent political history of California to Cohen’s account of the French malaise. California isn’t only a high-tech heaven — it’s also a cutting-edge leader of the New Intolerance Age. Consider Propositions 187 and 209, which eviscerate public services for immigrants and outlaw affirmative action. And Los Angeles isn’t exactly brimming with ethnic and racial good will. Indeed, one suspects that Le Pen could broaden his political base rather effectively in the Golden State if he were to find the right political consultant.

California is hardly a vast, undifferentiated info-cornucopia. Rather, it’s a two-tier study in economic polarization. The state’s working poor are disproportionately black and Hispanic, sinking steadily out of reach of the gleaming prosperity that reporters seem to think simply pours out of any Californian VDT screen at the push of a button.

And it’s not as if the French are strangers to globalization and market reforms. Cohen notes the French’s snotty cultural repugnance for a unified European currency, but never mentions the more immediate reasons that the French might be hostile to the consolidation of the European bloc of the new global economy. In 1995 Prime Minister Alain Juppi tried to force-feed a host of social-service rollbacks to French citizens and labor-contract cuts to transportation workers, justifying them as measures required by the Maastricht Treaty of unification, which stipulates that signatory nations must have balanced budgets by 1999. Somehow, the affected parties managed to shake off their torpor long enough to stage a series of strikes that paralyzed the country.

Nor does Cohen mention that France’s dismal 13 percent unemployment rate (“more than double the rate of the United States,” he intones grimly) is nearly identical to Germany’s — despite Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s market-happy embrace of the European Union and the Germans’ inveterate passion for all things technological. Then there’s England, where the Conservative Major government is desperately keen on Maastricht and all it implies — and is all but certain to fall to the country’s first Labour majority in 18 years. Spain, meanwhile, is on track to meet its Maastricht deadline, but despite this concession to the global economy, its unemployment rate is a hardly inspiring 22 percent.

Perhaps France’s defenders of the welfare state are not quite as “Out of Touch and Out of Ideas” as the Times would like us to think. The French are far from the only Europeans to question whether the shiny bounty of high-tech globalization will usher in a millennial era of commerce, information and social peace. Nor is it exactly the case, as Cohen argues, that “rapid technological innovation, radical strategic shifts, the Internet and the global market have contributed to an optimistic mood in the United States.” Someone should tell the Times about not-altogether-immigrant-friendly politicians Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot. And come to think of it, didn’t some big newspaper run a two-week series on corporate downsizing not that long ago?

The logic of the global market creates at least as much fragmentation and instability as it does opportunity. Economic borders and national “identity,” no matter how parochial their defenders, have become powerful forces of social consolation amid the chronic upheavals and shifting migratory patterns of global industries and financial markets. As beguiling as it may be to blame such impulses on the benighted cultural quirks of the French, doing so makes about as much sense as Le Pen’s own hate-filled campaign to demonize Algerian immigrants.

Not that I’m totally down on this California thing. (Having lived some years in the Golden State before fleeing to the East, I’m a sort of Californian export myself.) But couldn’t we work out a cultural exchange instead? It would do the world all sorts of good to quarantine Jean Baudrillard in, say, Bakersfield. And I’d dearly love to see Michael Eisner sent to the home of EuroDisney, where he’d undoubtedly come in for the kind of culture-wide scorn — and high tax bracket — he so richly deserves. There’s only one non-negotiable demand: Plastic Bertrand stays right where he is.

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