Communism

A Notorious Life

Dwight Garner interviews Doris Lessing, author of 'The Golden Notebook,' and the new memoir, 'Walking in the Shade.'

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doris Lessing’s two volumes of autobiography — “Under My Skin” (1995) and “Walking in the Shade” (published this fall) — are striking exceptions to the rule that even extraordinary novelists tend to lead rather ordinary lives. It’s impossible to read these books (a third installment is planned) without feeling the rude, healthy glow of a life fully lived.

Both books are full of Lessing’s shrewd, no-nonsense language and observations. “Under My Skin” evoked her bumptious childhood in Southern Rhodesia (she was the child of British parents) as well as her two failed marriages, her burgeoning political awareness and her growing sense that she would have to abandon the comfortable arc of her life in order to become a writer. “Walking in the Shade” picks up Lessing in 1949, when she moved to London with her young son shortly after the publication of her first novel, “The Grass is Singing,” and follows her through 1962.
In “Walking in the Shade,” we witness Lessing flexing her muscles, displaying the restless intellect that would become the hallmark of her literary career. Few are the writers whose work has been as influential, and as difficult to pin down. Lessing’s work includes “The Grass is Singing,” a critique of racial politics in Rhodesia; that novel was followed, over the course of 17 years, by the five autobiographical novels in her “Children of Violence” series, including “Martha Quest” and “The Four-Gated City.” In 1962, Lessing published “The Golden Notebook,” her most famous, controversial and stylistically daring novel, which influenced a generation of female readers and writers. Lessing has also ventured into science fiction in a series called “Canopus in Argos: Archives.” Her more recent work includes “The Good Terrorist” (1986), a satire about romantic politics, and “Love, Again” (1996) about, among other things, the possibilities of romance and love at an advanced age.

Writing may be a solitary occupation, but “Walking in the Shade” makes it clear that Lessing found time for other things. The book is one of the best accounts yet of how communism dominated the intellectual life of the time, and Lessing often found herself in the political forefront. But this supple memoir is also full of more personal preoccupations. Lessing evokes the feel of drab, gray postwar London; she also captures what it was like to be a single parent in the 1940s and 1950s. The book is crammed with friends and lovers (many of them well-known), and it is an elegy to an almost forgotten time — the beginning of the sexual revolution, when almost everyone drank too much, smoked too much and had perhaps just a bit too much sex.

Lessing spoke with Salon in New York, where she was promoting “Walking in the Shade.” Now 79, Lessing remains vigorous — with her center-parted hair that’s pulled back into a bun and her steely eyes, she seems like a tightly wound earth mother. Among the many subjects she spoke about were the current state of publishing, the trouble with feminism, the death of Princess Diana and how a generation fell out of love with communism.

When you move to London from Southern Rhodesia, at the beginning of this book, it is 1949. You’re not only a single mother but a woman who has been twice married and divorced. Was there a social stigma attached to these things?

The term “single parent” had not yet been coined, but there were other single parents around. We didn’t know we were peculiar. I was already an oddball, in any event, beginning in Southern Rhodesia. Not because of my marriages, but because I was a Kaffir-lover and a Red. A Kaffir-lover being a million times worse than being a Red in that society. I was very disliked for that reason. The few of us who had those views were hated and ostracized.

Uncle Joe [Stalin] was very much a favorite amongst us. It was OK, us being Reds during the war, because we were all on the same side. But then the Cold War started. Almost overnight we became enemies of people who were close friends — they crossed the street to avoid us. When I came to England, it was very down because of the war. Everybody I met had just come back from some fighting front or had been through the war. It was a pretty grim scene, really. London was unpainted and gray and flat. The coffee was undrinkable. The food was unspeakable. And the clothes were ghastly. I was very excited to be there for cultural reasons. But the war had created a frame of mind which now is very hard to put yourself back into. Nobody cared about having any money, because nobody had any money. You didn’t think about it particularly. And what is now common — defining yourself by what you wore or what you owned or what you ate — that absolutely would be considered vulgar in the extreme.

You write somewhere that you had a particularly hard time conveying two things — one, the atmosphere of the Cold War, and two, how different the publishing scene was.

These are the two most difficult things, I think.

Why the Cold War?

It permeated everything. There was a perpetual war-fear. I was reminded of it the other day when a man, now middle-aged, said, “Do you realize that my entire childhood and the childhood of all us children was terror of the bomb?” It was a very poisonous atmosphere, very paranoid. It meant that everyone’s reactions were extreme. Either for or against.

Capitalism was dead. It was done and finished. And the future was socialist or communist. We were going to have justice, equality, fair pay for women, cripples, blacks — everything, in a very short time. This nonsense was believed by extremely intelligent people. That’s what interests me.

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You call these beliefs a kind of mass hypnosis.

I call it mass psychopathology. Because what we believed was rubbish. It had absolutely nothing to do with what was going on in the world.

But it was such a heady kind of belief, wasn’t it? Was it truly all rubbish?

Look, most of it was rubbish. But it had an enormous emotional charge behind it, which meant that people could achieve more if they believed this kind of thing. You know, if you are fueled by this pure belief, amazing things get done.

You write about all of these interesting, caring, passionate people who put so much work into their belief in communism, and what they got in return was Stalin. It was a cruel kind of a joke.

Well, that’s why socialism is, for our time, dead. Because young people say, “Right, all you Reds — look what you were supporting. China and the Soviet Union.” The interesting thing is to ask yourself this question: Why were the Europeans bothered about the Soviet Union at all? It was nothing to do with us. China had nothing to do with us. Why were we not building, without reference to the Soviet Union, a good society in our own countries? But no, we were all — in one way or another — obsessed with the bloody Soviet Union, which was a disaster. What people were supporting was failure. And continually justifying it. That had a disastrous effect on — this is another clichi, forgive me — progressive thinking of every kind.

You compare that kind of progressive thinking to today’s political correctness, to use another clichi. How true is that?

I think it is true. I think the attitudes of mind behind it are the same.

What are those attitudes?

A need to oversimplify. To control. And an enormous distrust of the innovative, of new ideas. All political movements are like this — we are in the right, everyone else is in the wrong. The people on our own side who disagree with us are heretics, and they start becoming enemies. With it comes an absolute conviction of your own moral superiority. There’s oversimplification in everything, and a terror of flexibility. This characterizes political correctness.

Your book is, in many ways, about falling out of love with communism. For you it was perhaps easier than most, because you cared far more about your writing than about politics. But it must have been difficult for a lot of people to admit that they were wrong about communism.

This process was going on right from the beginning. I’m talking about the Soviet Union — people seeing what it was like and leaving. Everywhere you went you met people who had been communists and understood perfectly well the perils of the dream, and were now angry with themselves for falling for it. I think [this interest in communism] was rooted in the First World War and people’s passionate identification with what had been done to the soldiers, which crossed all the national boundaries. I think that’s where a disgust and contempt for government began, at the level we see it now. The automatic reaction of practically any young person is, at once, against authority. That, I think, began in the First World War because of the trenches, and the incompetence of the people on all fronts. I think that a terrible bitterness and anger began there, which led to communism. And now it feeds terrorism. Anyway, that’s my thesis. It’s very oversimplified, as you can see.

Did your political experiences, and the fact that you led a vigorous exterior life, help you as a writer? Does a writer need to participate in the events of his or her day?

No. You see, I wasn’t like the ones for whom the Communist Party was literally their education, or their family. When communism collapsed, for these people it was such a tragedy. I wasn’t like that. I was definitely sorry for them. A lot of people committed suicide.

You describe writing as a kind of “wool-gathering.” It’s a slow, difficult process. How did you manage to raise a child alone, be so involved with politics and still find time to write?

I wasn’t all that much involved with politics, that’s the thing. I have described the highlights — like going to the Soviet Union, or getting involved with Africans, and the Northern Rhodesians, which means Zambian Africans. But in between, I had very little to do. I was a member of the Communist Party writers group. I attended about eight or 10 meetings.

So it wasn’t that hard to find time to write?

Yes, it was hard. But all work is hard. I didn’t have any social life to speak of. That made it easier. Young writers, I think, have a great deal of difficulty with that.

Were you surprised at the criticism you received after writing, in your first book, about leaving the kids from your first marriage behind you?

Of course I wasn’t surprised. The thing was that this was a terrible thing to do, but I had to do it because I have no doubt whatsoever if I had not done it, I would have become an alcoholic or ended in the loony bin. I couldn’t stand that life. I just couldn’t bear it. It’s this business of giving all the time, day and night, trying to conform to something you hate. Nobody can do it without going crazy. My husband was a civil servant who became increasingly high in the ranks. He couldn’t afford a wife who had [radical ideas]. I wouldn’t have lasted. I became friends with the kids later, and the grandkids, and so on. I’m not pretending that anything terrible didn’t happen.

You said just now that if you’d stayed, you would have become an alcoholic. I want to pick up on that.

Or cracked up. One or the other.

You’ve written quite a lot about crackups, and yet you’ve said you’ve managed to avoid them yourself, perhaps by writing about them.

I think so, yes. I’ve never cracked up myself, but I’ve been very much involved with people who have been on the edge. So I ask myself if this wasn’t a way of holding it all at bay. If you’re looking after somebody who’s in terrible trouble, you can’t afford to crack up.

There’s a scene in the book where you meet Henry Kissinger as a young man.

He came to see me. I was always very impressed by that.

It’s an interesting scene, because you quarreled with him and disliked him, yet you also respected him a good deal.

I did. Because he came at all. I can’t think of any other right-wing American who would have taken the trouble. He actually came to London and asked to see a left-winger. I don’t know who else he sought. But everyone was engaged in the election, so they shuttled him off onto me. He saw me as the enemy — I was this left-wing communist. And it was the most astonishing encounter. I did admire him.

Do you think he listened to you?

No, of course not. He just thought, “This kook.”

Have you ever seen him again?

No. But I’ve followed his progress with interest. I think, even now, that somebody who can talk about small-sized atomic bombs as “kitten bombs,” there’s a certain lack of sensitivity, wouldn’t you say?

The other thing you said you had trouble evoking in this book was how different the publishing scene was then. I assume that means you think it’s much worse now for writers.

The current publishing scene is extremely good for the big, popular books. They sell them brilliantly, market them and all that. It is not good for the little books. And really valuable books have been allowed to go out of print. In the old days, the publishers knew that these difficult books, the books that appeal only to a minority, were very productive in the long run. Because they’re probably the books that will be read in the next generation. It’s heart-breaking how often I have to say when I’m giving talks, “This book is out of print. This book is out of print.” It’s a roll call of dead books.

You say publishing is worse now. But there is a scene in your new memoir in which you describe how Knopf wanted you to add an explicit rape scene to your first novel, “The Grass is Singing.”

Well, it was Blanche Knopf — the great Blanche Knopf — who wanted me to put in an explicit rape scene. And I was terribly shocked, because she was a great guru then of publishing, in New York at least. I never met her. I’m not saying the old publishers were perfect. Of course they weren’t. They made terrible mistakes. But there was a different atmosphere. People were not so impatient and always working for immediate results.

Do you blame television at all? You write in this book that TV came and suddenly an era ended. You describe TV as this “toad in the corner.”

That was oversimplified, because some of the TV’s good. It ended a verbal culture, people sitting around talking. You know, you make these pronouncements like, “The situation is bad because of TV,” or because of cinema, or because of you name it. But how do we know what the fault is?

You have a lot to say about America in this book. You describe it as this country of extremes, a country that’s susceptible to fevers. I was thinking about Diana’s death and wondering whether that prompted an American-style fever in the U.K.

Good god, that was astonishing. That was a worldwide fever. How can you explain that? The most intelligent remark I read said that the whole world wanted an excuse for a good cry. And here it was.

How did you personally feel about her death and the reaction to it? Were you surprised, or moved?

I was shocked. There was something about that death. I was down on the shore in Somerset, I turn on the radio, and I hear something about a dead princess. And I was running through all the princesses in my mind, it couldn’t be Diana, and my god, it was Diana. And then this death in this tunnel, being pursued by her … I can’t call them her enemies, since she was always courting the press — the brutality of it. It was like some kind of a Greek myth. With her lover, who was a very on-the-edge, devious character. The whole thing had this flavor, and maybe that’s why it hit. I was shocked to hear and so depressed. I was in a house full of people; they were all shocked. But the reaction. Nobody understands it. It’s beyond us.

You’ve already made some minor controversy over here with your new book. You describe being profiled by a New York Times writer, and you write about the “shallow” article that resulted. But your publisher told you the article helped sell thousands of copies to the chain stores.

It wasn’t a very good article. The point was that it sold 1,500 copies.

Your point, I think, was that you feel people aren’t necessarily reading those copies.

Yes. This is what happens now. People see a review, or whatever, and they say, “Well, I’ll buy that book.” Whereas in the past, there was the slow building up of reputations, friends recommended books, and you got to know the writer’s work. I don’t think there were many books bought and unread. Another problem are the lines of encomiums and exclamation marks saying, “This is the greatest book since Shakespeare,” etc. In the long run, it’s counterproductive. I would very much like to see everything acquiring a quieter tone.

Are things different in the London publishing world?

No, it’s just the same. I picked up a book just before I left. It’s a nice book, I’m not going to say what. I looked at it, the adjectives on this book, you’d think it was Proust. Not that Proust ever got that when he started. How can any poor reader find his way amongst all this? What happens is publishers send books to us, because of the difficulty of getting books noticed, and we think, “My god, the future of this writer might depend on my saying a nice thing!” And all these phrases get put together, and it sounds as if this is the greatest writer that ever was. Well, it’s just terrible.

This new book is also about that era’s sexual politics. You write about how the new freedoms backfired somewhat. People’s feelings were badly hurt, particularly women’s, by the notion that you could have sex and it didn’t really matter that much.

People say it all began in the ’60s; I think it began in the ’50s. The thing was, there were no rules. There were no rules at all. In the past, everybody knew what the rules were. You could break them or keep them. But not to have any rules at all … There was birth control for the first time in the ’60s. This meant a maximum of opportunity and a minimum of information. And what I look back at now is people who were blundering about, not knowing, really, how to behave. And then came the ’60s and everything changed completely, into a kind of free-for-all, which I don’t necessarily think was a good idea. Things seem to have calmed down again. I heard from my granddaughters, for example, at the University of Cape Town, which they left some time ago, that people had partners. They didn’t sleep around, because they were scared. Well, that wasn’t true of the ’50s or the war, because there was nothing to be scared of. Syphilis had been defeated, and gonorrhea could be cured with a dose, and no one had ever heard of AIDS.

You write that AIDS reinstituted morality, in a way. Do you think we are in some ways better off — the fact of so many pointless deaths put aside for the moment — being forced to be more careful?

I think being more careful is a good thing, yes. I don’t think that sleeping around, for most people, is a good thing. I do occasionally meet people who obviously, it seems, never have a moment’s thought about … they’re perfectly happy with one-night stands. I meet them. And I think, right, well, that was for you, that revolution. I don’t think it was for most people.

There’s something deeply glamorous for people my age about your generation. Not only that sexual freedom, but the political ferment and all that drinking and smoking.

I smoked like a chimney. Everyone smoked. Everybody. You know, people that didn’t smoke, it was quite extraordinary. People were quite apologetic, “I’m sorry, but I don’t smoke.” And the drinking! We drank! And that’s gone completely, because if I ask people around now, less and less alcohol gets consumed all the time. Whereas if I had a party, let’s say, in the ’50s, enormous amounts were drunk as a matter of course.

What’s changed?

Perhaps people are better informed. I think alcohol had glamour, and that came from the bright young things in the ’20s. The reaction to World War I was bright young things and jazz and drinking and smoking, and that was to be liberated. And that lingered on. So it was still clever to drink and to smoke, it was bags of sophistication. Well, now it isn’t actually, anymore. It’s rather tatty, isn’t it?

Maybe somewhat. Did you quit smoking because you somehow knew it was bad for you, or just because you wanted to?

I was so hooked, I just couldn’t stand myself anymore. I woke up one night, 1 o’clock in the morning, and I had five cigarettes. I was thinking, “My God, suppose I wake up before the shop opens. I’ve only got five left. What shall I do? I’ll run around to the cigarette machine now and I’ll get a packet.” And I thought, “My God, woman, you’re mad!” [Laughs] So I decided to give it up, and it took me two years to give it up, 35 years ago, and I wouldn’t dream of having a cigarette because I’d be lost again. Because I thought it was wonderful, and it is. It’s the most agreeable of the vices, almost.

I want to ask you about “The Golden Notebook.” It’s a book that made you, in some respects, a feminist icon. It’s often said to be your best book, yet you’re critical of it.

It’s a bit of an albatross around my neck, because I do think I’ve written some interesting books apart from that. And partly because I don’t like it being seen so narrowly as a feminist book. I don’t think it is a narrow feminist book. Everyone likes that book. It keeps popping up all over the place in different countries. When I think the thing is dead, it doesn’t lie down, it gets up again.

What did you mean when you said you’d written it coolly but people took it hysterically?

Look, this is possibly nothing to do with “The Golden Notebook.” I’m always astounded at the way we automatically look at what divides and separates us. We never look at what people have in common. If you see it, black and white people, both sides look to see the differences, they don’t look at what they have together. Men and women, and old and young, and so on. And this is a disease of the mind, the way I see it. Because in actual fact, men and women have much more in common than they are separated.

On the subject of feminism, let me ask a different question. You’ve written that women seem to be much more easily shocked these days.

Yes, they are. Almost as a political intention, they’re shocked. I can’t remember ever being shocked if someone exposed himself, or made a pass which I though was inept. I’d just go, “Well, that’s life.” But now, it’s a whole political agenda.

The sudden vogue of sexual harassment, you mean?

Well, I’m not saying this isn’t serious, obviously I’m not. That’s the difficulty of this discussion, because I don’t want to sound unsympathetic to women who are sexually harassed, because I know they are. But I think a great many women complain about sexual harassment when it’s nothing of the kind. It’s just one of the minor annoyances of life. When a little boy kisses a little girl at school and it becomes a national issue, what can we say about this? It’s just such lunacy.

Let me ask you a Barbara Walters-type question. Are you glad you were born when you were? Do you think you lived in a good time, an exciting time?

Well, it couldn’t have been more interesting. I wouldn’t like to have been a woman in many cultures in the past, or for that matter, the present. I wouldn’t like to be a woman in a Muslim society. On the whole, I think I’ve been very lucky.

Dwight Garner is Salon's book review editor.

Newsreal: Bad company

The reasons Nelson Mandela, who represents the triumph of democracy, embraces Moammar Gadhafi and other enemies of democracy.

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at 79, Nelson Mandela still appears physically and mentally robust, with wise white hair, an easy smile and upright posture that confers regal dignity. When he enters a room, you feel a magisterial presence. The masses revere him. World leaders jostle to be photographed next to him. They listen studiously to the words that flow in his clipped, African-accented English. A few years ago at the United Nations, following Mandela’s request that sanctions against South Africa be lifted, a man standing near me touched Mandela’s shoulder, then stared at his own hand with a look of wonder: “I just touched the greatest man in the world,” he said.

Mandela has earned such reverence. After 27 years in jail, he led a remarkably peaceful transition to democracy in South Africa. He initiated a Truth and Reconciliation Committee whose purpose was to expose apartheid’s injustice, without the aim of retribution, so that his country could purge itself and move forward. Though one may argue with the outcome — and the progress that the new South Africa has achieved — Mandela has undertaken a remarkably generous and farsighted attempt at healing a nation.

Which makes it all the more dismaying to see photographs of this great man embracing one of the world’s most loathsome, Libyan leader Col. Moammar Gadhafi. Calling him “my brother leader,” Mandela ignored the U.N. boycott of Gadhafi in retaliation for harboring two Libyans suspected in the 1988 Lockerbie bombing. In Tripoli last week, Mandela rejected U.S. criticism of his visit. “Those who say I should not be here are without morals,” he declared. “I am not going to join them in their lack of morality.” Of Gadhafi, he said, “This man helped us at a time when we were all alone.”

As disturbing as Mandela’s remarks may be, they are not really surprising. Mandela has repeatedly demonstrated strident loyalty to those who supported him in what South Africans refer to as “the Struggle” against apartheid. In addition to Gadhafi, Yasir Arafat, Fidel Castro and a dream team of late 20th century villains have basked in the great man’s glow.

At the same time, for a man who appears to be the very epitome of human rights, he is enigmatic at best on the subject. For almost seven years following his release from prison, he begged off of human rights issues elsewhere in Africa, saying he had matters to attend to within South Africa itself. It was an ironic position for a man who had relied so heavily on international activism, especially on a continent so badly in need of moral guidance. Mandela’s stepping onto the international stage came about only late last year after urging by Daniel Arap-Moi, the heavy-handed Kenyan leader whose prisons teem with political opponents and whose human rights record is no better than the government that imprisoned Mandela.

Mandela has also shown, in brief glimpses, a residue of bitterness toward those whom he believes did not support him loudly enough. A few days after the 1993 U.N. address, I was one of five reporters invited to meet him at his hotel in New York. I asked Mandela whether the U.S. investors he was courting would have any guarantees that their money was safe from nationalization, a policy that communists in his African National Congress had yet to repudiate. An offended Mandela lectured me on how it was communists, not Americans, who were in the vanguard in the fight against apartheid, and Americans had no right to expect him to denounce them.

But how does one explain last week’s photo-op with an outcast like Gadhafi? Is Mandela losing his political touch — or was the move shrewdly calculated? By thumbing his nose at the U.S. and the U.K., he asserted South Africa’s independence while repaying old political debts. Perhaps he also considered the fact that people in the West have short memories and that, in any case, he has so many faithful followers, he could afford to spend a day being the bad guy. By couching the visit in personal terms, he avoided committing South Africa to Libya.

Such calculation may be savvy enough, but can’t be very comforting to the families of the Lockerbie victims. In Mandela’s case, it also qualifies as a foolish misuse of his hard-earned moral power. Gadhafi hopes the South African’s embrace will uplift him in the world’s eyes. For those looking for an excuse to resume business relations with the terrorist state, it may be just enough to get him over the bar.

We live in a time when great people, willfully or through lack of will, tarnish their reputations through acts of stupidity. By hugging Gadhafi, Mandela showed that he is indeed a man, not a saint, of our times.

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Todd Pitock has written for the New York Times, the Toronto Globe and Mail and CNNfn. He covered the 1994 South African elections for the Forward and other publications.

spies like us

How many New Leftists cozied
up to "Amerika's" enemies?

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two weeks ago, three leftist radicals from the University of Wisconsin were arrested and charged with spying. The media played the story big. But I still have one question: Why only three?

James Clark, Kurt Stand and Theresa Squillacote were all New Left enthusiasts, Maoists who had gotten that revolutionary religion in the late ’60s. Beginning in 1972, they decided to strike a blow at “Amerika” by delivering state secrets to the communist East German dictatorship. Squillacote (code-name “Tina”) had become a Pentagon analyst; her husband, Kurt (“Ken”), a labor union representative; Clark was a private detective who had once worked at the Rocky Mountain Arsenal in Boulder, Colo. In addition to funneling State Department papers to their East German spymasters, Squillacote, in 1995, offered their services to a South African communist and government official, in a letter bemoaning the “horrors” of “bourgeois parliamentary democracy” — such as the one, presumably, presided over by Nelson Mandela.

In fact, lots of New Leftists collaborated with America’s enemies during the ’60s and ’70s. Why should they have been any different from the Old Leftists who spied for Stalinist Russia in the 1930s and 1940s — like Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White and Ethel and Julius Rosenberg?

As I described in my book “Radical Son,” I had my own encounters with a KGB agent in London in the mid-’60s, when I shared the New Left faith. I was wined and dined at London’s fanciest restaurants, my gracious host plying me with questions about my employer, the philosopher Bertrand Russell. Russell was a leader of Britain’s “peace movement” but something of a thorn in the Soviets’ side, having demanded, in one of his more noteworthy news conferences, that Moscow send MiG fighters to North Vietnam to shoot down American planes. An odd position for a self-described pacifist, but in those days Russell was being guided by an American radical named Ralph Schoenman, who was not about to let such small inconsistencies stand in the way of his revolutionary agenda.

In addition to working for Russell, I was an instructor for the University of Maryland, which held courses on U.S. military bases scattered about England. After a number of Coquilles Saint-Jacques, my dinner companion got around to asking me directly if I would supply information to him about what I saw on the bases. I told him to get lost. But he continued to hang around the New Left in London and treat other people I knew to similarly handsome lunches and dinners. How many of them received his gentle entreaties to spy for mother Russia? How many of them said yes?

Quite a few, I suspect. In fact, the number of New Leftists who actively worked with communist regimes and their intelligence agencies probably runs into the thousands. The Venceremos Brigades, composed of New Leftists who went to Cuba ostensibly to harvest sugar cane, were operated by the DGI, the acronym for Cuban intelligence. How many of them came home with more than a piece of cane as a souvenir? The CISPES committees (Committee in Solidarity With the People of El Salvador), which were very active during the Reagan years, were affiliated with the communist guerrilla movement in El Salvador. New Left radicals, like Tom Hayden, met in Eastern Europe and Cuba with communist officials from Hanoi and South Vietnam’s National Liberation Front to plot the fall of the “Amerikan” empire.

This shouldn’t surprise anyone. If one believes, as all “progressives” did (and many still do) that America is the evil empire, then why not cooperate with its socialist enemies and governments of America’s Third World “victims”? The Wisconsin three did it; why not others?

Everybody in leadership positions in the New Left were aware of contacts like the ones I’ve mentioned, but only a handful have ever written about them. Does this mean that the contacts they made with hostile powers led to more than a pleasurable free meal? Not necessarily. On the other hand, if those contacts were on the up-and-up, why the continued reticence? At the very least, the stories would be colorful, and would also contribute to a greater understanding of those tumultuous times.

Come to think of it, what was Bill Clinton doing in Russia during that winter of 1969 but doesn’t want to talk about?

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David Horowitz is a conservative writer and activist.

The Next Vietnam War?

The country's peasants are staging violent protests and threatening the communist leaders' regime.

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luckily for Vietnam’s rulers, they didn’t have to deliver a State of the Nation address when their National Assembly convened in Hanoi recently. The news would have been so bleak that a revolt might have broken out there and then.

After a decade of “doi moi” (“economic renovation”), Vietnam’s economy, once touted as Asia’s next “tiger,” is in serious disarray. Rampant corruption, self-serving bureaucracies and huge money-losing state enterprises are the order of the day. Foreign investment, prompted by the currency chaos sweeping Southeast Asia, is fleeing, leaving a massive property glut. According to Vietnam’s official news agency, exports are down and industrial production has fallen off-target.

For the 450 delegates attending the first open session of the Assembly last month, there were even greater worries. Urban crime and violence are up, but way more significant is the mounting unrest in the countryside, long the backbone of Vietnam’s communist revolution.

Last February, hundreds of peasants from Kim No, a village on the outskirts of Hanoi, openly battled security forces after local party officials sold off village land to a South Korean conglomerate planning to develop a golf course. According to reports from residents smuggled out of Vietnam, the officials pocketed the proceeds.

But the Kim No incident paled in comparison to the violent protests raging since May in Thai Binh province, 50 miles southeast of Hanoi. The Foreign Ministry played down the unrest, claiming it was caused by “discontented elements and those harboring private disagreements.” But Reuters reported on Aug. 6 that 3,000 farmers from neighboring villages converged on the city of Thai Binh to protest new taxes and corruption by local officials. Thoi Bao and Xay Dung, two Vietnamese-language publications based in San Jose, Calif., reported that the farmers even arrested local party officials and razed their homes. Unconfirmed reports suggest that the protest movement has spread to three neighboring provinces.

Vietnam watchers attribute the unrest to worsening economic conditions in the rural areas. Farmers in one province near Thai Binh reportedly have to pay eight types of taxes to the central government and make six contributions to local officials. Meanwhile, the income gap between urban dwellers and rural residents is widening. The average annual income per head in Ho Chi Minh City is estimated to be around $1,000, while it is stuck at about $50 in places like Thai Binh.

Peasant discontent also stems from the way the government has implemented its agrarian reforms. In 1988, the government deactivated the country’s inefficient state cooperatives and distributed lands to peasants to encourage production. However, local party officials took the most productive lands for their families. In some instances, district and provincial party officials who were not local residents wound up with the best plots in the village.

Even as their country’s problems mount, right next door China is busy dismantling the economic and political model Vietnam’s leaders have been so determined to follow. Last month, the 15th Party Congress approved the mass privatization of state enterprises, the underpinnings of China’s claims to socialism. The question now is whether Vietnam will follow China’s dramatic reforms. The country’s new leadership is younger, more educated and more pragmatic. One thing is certain: The rulers cannot afford to further alienate peasants who represent 80 percent of the population and whose support was critical in the country’s victorious wars throughout this century.

Thai Binh, in particular, was the cradle not only of the communist revolution but of the struggles for freedom from French colonial rule in the 1930s. Vietnam’s new leaders cannot fail to notice the striking similarity between the uprisings of recent months in that province and its much glorified revolutionary activities of earlier decades.

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Thi Lam is a former army general in the Republic of South Vietnam and author of "Autopsy: The Death of South Vietnam."

Hong Kong Diary: June 26, four days to handover

The glitterati pour into Hong Kong four days before handover

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the planes are coming in half-empty, most of the hotels are lying half-full. Everyone is saying of Hong Kong today that it is much like Los Angeles was during the 1984 Olympics; unnaturally empty, because all the ordinary would-be travelers were scared off by the gloomy talk of last spring, when the received wisdom was that everything over the handover period would be full, totally full.

The great and the good are pouring in nonetheless, preparing for what they expect will be the party of a lifetime. Actresses and models and society grand dames are here in abundance. Lauren Hutton is here, for some undefined reason. So is Yo-Yo Ma, who has come to play at the reunification concert. Margaret Thatcher is expected, taking a suite at the Mandarin for $10,000 a day. The trio of Jennings, Rather and Brokaw are all here, standing on street corners and making serious faces into expensive cameras, mouthing their customary platitudes, live from the exotic Orient.

The king of Tonga, a man so massively heavy that his hotel has to give him a bed reinforced with iron, has arrived. Tony Blair is going to look in briefly, as is, from Washington, Madeleine Albright and a junior bureaucrat named Richard Boucher, who will attend the Communists’ swearing-in that the White House had earlier said it would rather boycott.

But all the photographers — and there are thousands here already — are busy looking out for a glamorous British society woman and professional party animal named Tara Palmer-Tompkinson, whose only declared interest in finding a marriageable partner is to ensure, as she puts it, “that she never has to turn right when entering a plane.” And David Tang, a tycoon and playboy who is set to open a Chinese clothing store in New York next November, is being interviewed by everyone — Brokaw included — trying to make the case for the new China being now seriously chic.

The Hong Kong handover, in short, seems in sudden danger of becoming a frivolous and bubbly affair, attracting mainly the international society set, and of being commercialized to the hilt. Never before has a moment of international history seemed so tinted by the spirit of Disneyland. It is rather like the Treaty of Paris being sponsored by Gucci, or having Metternich perform synchronized swimming while carving up the Hapsburg empire, or giving up V-E day to the sale of Kodak film.

The whole business is rapidly shifting from being a grave affair of state, a truly historic, end-of-era moment, and becoming instead as tawdry as the Atlanta Olympics. The simile is apt: Next Tuesday’s celebratory fireworks, supposedly the biggest and gaudiest in world history, are being organized by one of last year’s Atlanta team, prompting one to wonder, among other considerations, just how tasteful an event we are in for.

(One’s curiosity on this score may well be satisfied by yesterday’s announcement that the handover is going to be followed by an hour of something called “mass karaoke,” doubtless every bit as dire as it sounds, and which probably hints at the general tone of the evening.)

For the moment, though, everything looks and feels more or less as usual. The Star ferries chuckle back and forth across the harbor, dodging the frequent squalls. The Peak Tram hitches itself up the alarming slope, taking commuting lawyers and bankers from home to office. The jets bank steeply on their approach into Kai Tak airport.

The courts preside, the legislators argue, the police patrol — and supreme above it all, the governor sits calmly in Government House, saying his farewells to his retinue. He is getting a year’s paycheck by way of golden parachute: half a million dollars, tax-free. The soldiers of the Black Watch are sitting around in their barracks, waiting to skirl their way into the history books with bagpipe laments composed by their own pipe-major, in a ceremony due in what is now just a few dozen hours.

The contrast between the rank vulgarity of what seems about to happen next week and the serenely old-fashioned realities of the end of British rule is going to be quite stunning. One sign on Connaught Road, suspended from an awning, seemed to catch the spirit: “Handover Sale, all goods off 40%, this day only.” The Chinese, who have a formidable aptitude for making money out of any given situation, are cashing in on this one too: reunification with the motherland, hotel rooms going cheap, ticket touts on hand and mass karaoke, 50 bucks a song.

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Simon Winchester is a contributing editor for Salon Wanderlust. He has previously written about Hong Kong, the Kurile Islands and China.

Inside Out

Stephanie Zacharek reviews Walter Bernstein's book "Inside Out:A Memoir of the Blacklist".

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Any book about the blacklist has to have a sense of outrage, and “Inside Out,” a memoir by veteran TV and movie writer Walter Bernstein, has plenty simmering under the surface. Yet Bernstein, just one of many actors, directors, and writers who were effectively barred from working (at least under their real names) in the 1950s because of their involvement in the Communist party, never rides high on his own self-righteousness. He admits that his political ideals shaped his life, and if they got him into a heap of trouble during the McCarthy era, that was a price he was willing to pay. He writes with conviction and honesty about his own troubles and those of his friends, particularly Zero Mostel, who suffered more than his share of humiliation as a blacklisted performer. And he’s not above hurling a few zingers at the U.S. government and its lackeys. He sizes up the endless pairs of FBI guys who, in their dark suits and snap-brim hats, tailed him relentlessly: “The clothing made them look both oddly alike and mismatched, as though they were unrelated but from the same orphanage.”

But while “Inside Out” gives you a sense of Bernstein the idealistic youth and Bernstein the principled-but-regular guy, it falls short of cluing you in to Bernstein the man. He writes of being stationed in the army down South at the beginning of World War II, and mentions offhandedly that a woman he knew from New York City had come down to be with him. Before you know it, they’ve stumbled into marriage and conceived a child — yet Bernstein doesn’t even tell us the woman’s name, although another child (presumably also this woman’s offspring) mysteriously appears later in the story. It’s a small point, but a troubling one — a hint that Bernstein may be one of those guys who has great feeling for The People, but not so much for people. His tales of getting together with other blacklisted writers at a Manhattan restaurant for food, drink, and strategies for getting work, of how they pooled their meager resources, could almost bring a tear to the eye. Still, what do you make of a man who remembers the words to a freedom song he learned from Yugoslavian partisans in World War II (“Republic, we want you. You belong to us. We have won you with our blood”), but doesn’t bother to mention the name of the woman who bore his children?

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Stephanie Zacharek is a senior writer for Salon Arts & Entertainment.

Page 11 of 12 in Communism