CPAC

Why I called Herman Cain’s CPAC speech a minstrel show

The longshot GOP White House candidate and his conservative allies are furious, but I stand by what I said

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Why I called Herman Cain's CPAC speech a minstrel showRadio personality Herman Cain takes the stage to address the Conservative Political Action conference (CPAC) in Washington, February 11, 2011. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst (UNITED STATES - Tags: MEDIA POLITICS)(Credit: Reuters)

At its core, politics is a projection of our collective fantasies and wishes. What are our hopes, dreams, wants, and desires for our community? How are they embodied by those individuals whom we elect to office and whose causes we champion?

Over the weekend, after watching Herman Cain, the longshot black conservative running for the Republican presidential nomination, speak at the right-wing CPAC convention, I addressed some of these questions in a short piece that I posted on the news and opinion website Alternet (where I am a contributor) and at my own site, We Are Respectable Negroes. My essay, “Black History Month is Herman Cain Playing the Race Minstrel for CPAC,” made what I believe to be a simple and forthright suggestion: Many prominent black conservatives are as much performers for the pleasures of the white conservative imagination, as they are “principled” politicians and activists. Much to my surprise, that essay has drawn attention, ire and rage from conservatives.

Ultimately, any reasonable discussion of the role of black conservatives in the right-wing movement (especially as highlighted by the racially reactionary politics embodied by CPAC and the Tea Parties) must seriously consider the proposition that race is central — as opposed to secondary or peripheral — in how and why black conservatives are beloved by the right.

Why the puzzle? From the birth of the “Southern Strategy” of Richard Nixon, through Ronald Reagan’s embrace of the image of “the welfare queen,” the notorious Willie Horton ad of George H.W. Bush, and the vitriolic race-baiting of the McCain-Palin team and its “Real

American” meme in 2008, the policies of the right-wing in this country can, in the most polite and generous terms, be described as hostile to the political interests of the working and middle classes, people of color, and the poor.

But let’s tread carefully: A difference of opinion on what constitutes good policy is not in and of itself a bad thing. Moreover, the diversity of political opinion in the black community ought to be embraced. It should not be glossed over or run away from. However, as a black American with a deep and abiding love and concern for my community and country, I begin with a basic question for my conservative brothers and sisters regarding their political affiliations.

Where is the love? Where is a sense of linked fate to a community whose centuries-long freedom struggle made your success possible? Whose long-term interests are you beholden to?

For example, Herman Cain has repeatedly spoken before Koch Brothers-funded, John Birch Society-linked groups, including those that are in favor of rolling back such basic civil rights era gains as integrated schools. In addition to the raucous applause they received CPAC, Cain and Allen West, a conservative black Republican who was elected to Congress last year, both legitimated a deep hostility to President Obama that is rooted in “birtherism” and crazed paranoid narratives about the tyranny and terror supposedly unleashed by America’s first black president.

As I and others have suggested elsewhere, these are narratives that are premised on a belief that a black man who happens to be president is de facto illegitimate. And, of course, there’s no shortage of black conservatives who make a living among the pundit classes as human parrots for the right –popular for their novelty and unwilling to offer sustained critiques of policies that may, in fact, be deleterious to communities of color and the common good.

In my original essay, I referred to Cain and other black conservatives as “race minstrels” and “mascots” for the white conservative imagination. I stand by this observation. Whenever Cain and others have an opportunity to engage in “real talk” among their ideological compatriots — to make a public, critical intervention against the racial hostility that drives contemporary American conservatism — they instead stand mute or enable this hostility. When the opportunity to slap down the notion that black people with whom Republicans disagree are “brainwashed” or (in a disgusting abuse of the shared history and legacy of chattel slavery) “on the plantation,” the Herman Cains of the world encourage this lie as one more way of signaling that that they are actually the “authentic” voices of Black America.

This is why I often playfully refer to black conservatives as “garbage pail kids.” They found themselves political outliers in the black community because they could not answer the question, “Where is the love?” Thus, the contemporary faces of black conservatism found lucre showered upon them as they buck-danced and cakewalked on the metaphorical stage of white conservatism. This was a Faustian bargain. But it paid well, and black conservatives found themselves in the company of friends.

Chauncey DeVega is editor and founder of the blog We Are Respectable Negroes, which has been featured by the NY Times, the Utne Reader, and The Atlantic Monthly. Writing under a pseudonym, Chauncey DeVega's essays on race, popular culture, and politics have appeared in various books, as well as on such sites as the Washington Post's The Root and PopMatters.

Does Shirley Sherrod have a case against Breitbart?

Salon talks with First Amendment guru Floyd Abrams: "I'm just saying, if that's what he did, it can be defamatory"

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Does Shirley Sherrod have a case against Breitbart?Andrew Breitbart

You’ve probably heard that Andrew Breitbart, the conservative commentator and media proprietor, is now being sued for defamation by Shirley Sherrod, the former Agriculture Department employee who was fired last year after an out-of-context excerpt of a speech she delivered was promoted by Breitbart’s Big Government site. (When the full context of Sherrod’s remarks was revealed, Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack offered to rehire her, but she declined.)

With Breitbart claiming that Sherrod’s suit is part of a “last-ditch attempt to shock me into silence,” does Sherrod actually have a case? To find out, we spoke with  Floyd Abrams, the renowned constitutional lawyer, who gave us a crash course in what Sherrod has to prove in court in the months ahead.

What is the definition of defamation?

Defamation is seriously defined as a statement that holds someone up to ridicule or the like. It is a statement which is likely to hurt the person — in her [Sherrod's] case in her personal or professional life — in a self-evidently negative manner.

Do Breitbart’s actions meet that criteria?

If it is true that he edited her speech in a way to change the meaning of it, that can pass the test for defamation. I mean, if [Breitbart] made her look as if she was denouncing all white people, when in fact she was explaining how her views changed through the years, that can be defamatory. I have no view on what it is he did or not, I’m just saying [that] if that’s what he did, it can be defamatory.

I should add that she [Sherrod] was at the time he did it a public official, and so her burden is a heavy one. She has to demonstrate not just that he did it, but that he knew what he was doing was false [or] would leave a false impression about what she had said, or [that he] had some serious doubts about what he was doing.

To put it more affirmatively, if he was acting in a good faith manner, but the editing that he engaged in turned out to get her into trouble, then that would not be enough to demonstrate actual malice — which is what you have to demonstrate when you are a public official and you bring a libel suit. If, on the other hand, she can show that for his political reasons, his ideological reasons, his desire to make a name for himself, or whatever, that he purposely distorted what she said in a way that damaged her, then she might have a serious claim.

Breitbart is known for his hyperbolic allegations against the left. A few days ago at CPAC, for example, he referred to liberal groups such as ACORN, Code Pink, and labor unions as “hate-filled, racist sheep” and “monsters.” If Sherrod wins her defamation case against him, what impact will that have on both Breitbart’s statements and what other bombastic pundits are permitted to say?

In a sense, the law is more protective of what we call rhetorical hyperbole than it is of false statements of fact. Calling someone in a political sense “a monster” would not be actionable. And a number of the extreme statements that one routinely hears on right wing radio would be viewed as either simply opinions, and thus not actionable, or simply a rhetorical hyperbole or name calling, which is protected. What’s not protected is knowingly making a false statement of fact which defames the person who sues, and that’s what she must be saying in her lawsuit.

Bottom line, it’s pretty rare to have a situation in which [someone] is literally cutting tape in a way to totally distort what the offended person has said. It happens sometimes, but we don’t live in a world with a lot of libel suits about politics. I mean, the President wouldn’t sue Rush Limbaugh because Limbaugh says he purposely is weakening America. So I don’t think that a victory for her would have any real impact on the ability of right wing media to keep on doing what they’re doing.

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Teresa Cotsirilos is an editorial fellow at Salon.

The GOP’s enormous, gaping 2012 vacuum

When Ron Paul starts winning straw polls, you know there's a problem on the Republican side

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The GOP's enormous, gaping 2012 vacuumNew Jersey Governor Chris Christie addresses a question about the new 'Gateway Tunnel' project that was announced in Newark by U.S. Senators Frank R. Lautenberg (D-NJ) and Robert Menendez (D-NJ), Monday, Feb. 7, 2011, in Trenton, N.J. (AP Photo/Julio Cortez)(Credit: Julio Cortez)

If you want to declare a winner from CPAC, the annual conservative convention that wrapped up over the weekend, a good case could be made for Barack Obama, mainly because the proceedings underscored the degree to which every likely GOP presidential candidate has serious deficiencies.

Mitt Romney, in typical style, stuffed all the red meat he could find into a speech excoriating the president, but still ended up finishing second in the  straw poll to Ron Paul. Granted, this says as much about the evolution of CPAC into a haven for anti-fed libertarians (with many cultural conservatives now staying away) as it does about Romney, and the straw poll itself is a very imperfect barometer.

But Romney’s problems are bigger that CPAC. He’s been running — hard — for president since at least 2005, laboring to align himself with every right-wing position and pet cause and straining to make conservatives forget about his years as a Massachusetts moderate. He’s been somewhat successful in this, but his Massachusetts healthcare program — originally conceived as a brilliant way of using conservative principles to solve a big problem — haunts him in the “ObamaCare” era. He says all the things conservatives want to hear, but many of them wonder whether he really means it. Romney may yet win the GOP nomination in ’12, but his low (for a supposed front-runner) poll numbers and weak finishes in straw polls like CPAC’s speak to the opening that exists for someone — anyone — to come along and grab the nomination from him.

But who?

Paul, who has now won the CPAC straw poll for two years, is a nonstarter. The angry reaction of just about everyone who didn’t vote for him when the results were announced Saturday is a good indication of the ceiling he faces.

Tim Pawlenty is trying furiously to be a contender, and has been since the 2008 race. But his speech fell flat and he ended up tied for sixth place in the straw poll with 4 percent. Again, the straw poll itself isn’t, in the grand scheme of things, a huge deal. But for all of his effort these past few years, and despite the wide opening for a fresh face, he just doesn’t seem to be fueling any interest among the Republicans who matter most at this stage of the process.

Haley Barbour is pretty clearly running. He’s scheduled a major fundraiser for his PAC in the coming weeks, and now comes word that he’ll head to Iowa next month. He nabbed only 1 percent at CPAC, although maybe that can be discounted: He hasn’t been working it with anything approaching the intensity of Pawlenty these past few years. But Barbour has some serious baggage. Like today’s news that he’s lobbied on behalf of the Mexican government for amnesty. There’s also the issue of his freighted racial history, and whatever pragmatic concerns it raises for November-minded Republicans.

John Thune is often touted as a dark horse, mainly because of his physical appearance. He also voted for TARP and is one of the worst GOP earmark offenders in the Senate. Some wonkish think-tank types like Mitch Daniels … whose CPAC speech was apparently savaged by Rush Limbaugh on Monday afternoon. Rick Santorum’s speech was notable mostly for the large number of empty seats in the room. Sarah Palin didn’t take part in CPAC, but in the wake of Tucson, there’s more reason than ever to doubt that Republicans will actually anoint her if she runs. And if you think Newt Gingrich is the one to watch, well

All of this is good news for Romney. If this is his competition, then maybe he actually can emerge from next year’s primaries. But it’s also good news for two other Republicans: Mike Huckabee and Chris Christie.

Huckabee skipped CPAC – he says its gotten too libertarian. But polls have found him to be the most popular Republican in the ’12 mix. He’s a rock star to cultural conservatives but is also immensely likable. He passes the sincerity test that Romney flunks. After watching CPAC, it’s easier than ever to imagine the GOP nominating him next year. The question is whether he’ll actually run. He’s living a comfortable life now as a political entertainer. It’s conceivable that he’ll opt out of a ’12 race, especially if Obama’s prospects continue to improve.

And then there’s Christie. He has insisted that he won’t run in ’12, and there’s good reason to believe him. He spent nearly a decade of his life pursuing the job he has now, and it’s a job he truly enjoys. If he were to leave New Jersey to wage a presidential campaign, he would almost certainly kiss away his chances of winning a second gubernatorial term in 2013. Even flirting too much with a ’12 run is risky for him, given how slim his margin for error is in New Jersey. There’s little doubt Christie likes the idea of running for president; but to run now,  he needs a clear shot at the nomination. But maybe Saturday got him thinking: Despite not setting foot at CPAC, Christie ended up with 6 percent of the vote in the straw poll. It’s  not a huge number, but it’s also better than the 4 percent that Pawlenty, who has been working day and night for two years to position himself for events like CPAC, did.

 

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Steve Kornacki

Steve Kornacki writes about politics for Salon. Reach him by email at SKornacki@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @SteveKornacki

Chaos erupts as Ron Paul wins CPAC straw poll

His passionate band of supporters delivers another victory -- even as the rest of the crowd reacts with rage

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Chaos erupts as Ron Paul wins CPAC straw pollRon Paul won CPAC's Republican presidential straw poll for the second straight year

And the winner of the CPAC presidential straw poll is … Ron Paul.

That marks the libertarian Texas congressman’s second win in a row. Just as he did last year, Mitt Romney came in second, with 23 percent to Paul’s 30 percent. This mirrors 2010′s poll almost exactly, when Paul got 31 percent and Romney 22 percent.

When the results were officially announced, CPAC’s main hall erupted in cheers and boos, with Paul supporters trying to out-shout the disappointed majority.

Former New Mexico Governor Gary Johnson, whose libertarian message largely overlaps with Paul’s, and New Jersey Governor Chris Christie tied for third with 6 percent each. Newt Gingrich got 5 percent. Former Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty got just 4 percent. Also with 4 percent were Michele Bachmann and Mitch Daniels, Indiana’s governor. Sarah Palin, who did not attend CPAC, got 3 percent, while former Godfather’s Pizza CEO Herman Cain greceived 2 percent, as did Mike Huckabee and Rick Santorum.

3,742 people participated in the poll, a minority of the 10,000+ attendees.  (See what the straw poll ballot looks like here.)

Paul’s support can at least partly be ascribed to friendly groups buying CPAC tickets en masse for Paul fans, who also made their presence known this year by heckling Dick Cheney.

Here’s my interview with a young Ron Paul supporter on Thursday:

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Justin Elliott

Justin Elliott is a reporter for ProPublica. You can follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin

John Bolton on Glenn Beck’s “caliphate” theory

The prospective White House candidate talks with Salon during CPAC's foreign policy day

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John Bolton on Glenn Beck's

Today is shaping up as foreign policy day at CPAC. A sampler of the views aired so far:

  • John Bolton spoke and warned of the threat of an administration that (allegedly) apologizes for America.
  • Rep. Connie Mack (R-FL) warned that Hugo Chavez wants to obtain nuclear weapons. Mack, who devoted almost his entire speech to Chavez, wants the United States to stop buying Venezuelan oil and institute a trade embargo. Venezuelan oil, it’s worth noting, makes up more than 10 percent of U.S. crude oil imports.
  • In a panel on “The New Nuclear Threat: China and North Korea” conservative activist hero Phyllis Schlafly warned: “We better start worrying about an attack from North Korea, China, or Iran.” During that same panel, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) called China “the worst potential enemy we have in this world.” “We need an alliance against China, and that alliance needs to include Russia and India,” he said.

After Bolton’s speech, he came to the press room to take questions and talk about 2012. He said he’s actively considering a presidential candidacy, but he has to worry about earning a daily income and he’s never run for public office before. He thinks he can enter the field as late as the end of this year.

I asked Bolton what he thought of Glenn Beck’s theory that the Egyptian protests mark the beginning of a worldwide Islamic caliphate. “I haven’t seen the programs that Glenn has broadcast on this, so I don’t want to comment on something that I haven’t seen in its fullest extent,” he said. “But there are leaders in that part of the world — like Osama bin Laden — who talk about the restoration of the caliphate. I am very disturbed by that.”

Watch the video:

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Justin Elliott

Justin Elliott is a reporter for ProPublica. You can follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin

CPAC 2011: A tour in fliers

From "Boycott AOL!" to "Obama and the war against Jews," a look at the hottest literature at the right's big event

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CPAC 2011: A tour in fliersThe cover of a book by David Horowitz being handed out at CPAC 2011.

It’s impossible to walk around CPAC without getting all manner of pamphlets, books, and bumper stickers thrust upon you. They give a good taste of where the conservative movement is right now, as well as the range of views represented here.

Here’s a quick tour of some of the most interesting flyers I’ve seen. Click the thumbnails to see a full-size image.

This is the pitch from some young Republicans calling for a boycott of AOL because of its purchase of the Huffington Post. The flyer quotes HuffPo writings that are offensive to conservatives:



This one was handed out by Ron Paul fans protesting the presentation of the Defender of the Constitution Award to Donald Rumsfeld: 



A representative of The American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property gave this flyer to me with the exhortation to “protect our military.” It is headlined “To KEEP OUR HONOR CLEAN!” and includes a section refuting “the myth that homosexuality is genetic.”



Finally, here is a flyer from the “American Tradition Partnership” attacking Newt Gingrich for his “left-wing environmental record.”

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Justin Elliott

Justin Elliott is a reporter for ProPublica. You can follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin

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