Chapman was sentenced to death in 1994 at the age of 26 for the murders of Betty Jean Ramseur and Tenene Yvette Conley in Hickory, N.C. After more than a decade of court appeals, Superior Court Judge Robert C. Ervin ordered a new trial based on revelations that detectives “lost, misplaced or destroyed” several pieces of evidence that pointed to another suspect. It was also discovered that lead investigator Dennis Rhoney lied on the witness stand at Chapman’s original trial. Shortly thereafter, the district attorney dismissed all charges against Chapman due to lack of sufficient evidence leading to his exoneration in 2008.

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A new investigative report by the Columbia Human Rights Law Review reveals that Carlos DeLuna, who was executed by the state of Texas in 1989, was likely innocent as well. The full report, titled "Los Tocayos Carlos: An Anatomy of a Wrongful Execution," can be viewed at CHRLR’s newly launched interactive website where readers can view all of the evidence cited in the article.

DeLuna, a poor Latino man described as having the intelligence of a child, was convicted of murdering Wanda Lopez, a 24-year-old single mother who was stabbed to death with a folding knife in 1983 while working behind the cash register at a gas station in Corpus Christi, Texas.

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Nor does Herzog directly address the question of how people like that should be punished, or whether it accomplished anything for the state of Texas to put the jug-eared, boyish Perry to death, eight days after Herzog interviewed him. You might call "Into the Abyss" a forensic film about murder in America, and it's definitely and perhaps intentionally reminiscent of Truman Capote's "In Cold Blood." But while Herzog does explore the gruesome details of the crime, he is ultimately more interested in the emotional and philosophical forensics of the Conroe case. He wants us to confront the fact that Perry and Burkett (who was spared execution and is now serving a 40-year sentence) were human beings despite their terrible crimes, and also to face the human damage they inflicted on an entire community.

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I would think, if the nation is unwilling to abandon the death penalty (in large part because the death penalty remains quite popular), that it would be reasonable to at least restrict its usage further. Maybe, for example, it should be prohibited in cases where there is no physical evidence tying the defendant to the crime. But an appeal to "reason" is impossible when one side is arguing from a position of doubt and skepticism and the other side simply doesn't care.

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Courts consistently ruled against him, however, and the officer's family says they finally have justice after 22 years.

Davis was pronounced dead at 11:08 p.m. Wednesday. He was put to death for the 1989 killing of Mark MacPhail. The officer was shot to death while rushing to help a homeless man being attacked by Davis and others.

Davis' global support came from high-profile advocates, including a former U.S. president, the pope and celebrities.

Shortly before, the Supreme Court late Wednesday had rejected an 11th-hour request to block the execution.

The court did not comment on its order, four hours after receiving the request. Davis' execution had been set to begin at 7 p.m., but the high court's decision was not issued until after 10 p.m.

Though Davis' attorneys said seven of nine key witnesses against him disputed all or parts of their testimony, state and federal judges had repeatedly ruled against granting him a new trial. As the court losses piled up Wednesday, his offer to take a polygraph test was rejected and the pardons board refused to give him one more hearing.

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The state Pardons and Paroles Board said in a statement Wednesday it would not review its decision to allow the execution to go forward.

Davis is set to die at 7 p.m. for the 1989 killing of off-duty Savannah officer Mark MacPhail, who was slain while rushing to help a homeless man being attacked.

Davis' lawyers have long argued Davis was a victim of mistaken identity. Prosecutors say they have no doubt that they charged the right person with the crime.

Supporters planned vigils outside Georgia's death row prison in Jackson and protests at U.S. embassies in Europe.

Earlier, defense lawyer Stephen Marsh told The Associated Press that the Georgia Department of Corrections denied his request to allow Davis to take a polygraph test. Marsh had said he hoped the polygraph would convince the state pardons board to reconsider a decision against clemency.

After winning three delays since 2007, Davis lost his most realistic chance at last-minute clemency this week when the state pardons board denied his request. He was set to be executed by injection at 7 p.m. Wednesday for the 1989 killing of Mark MacPhail, an off-duty police officer who was working as a security guard in Savannah when he was shot dead rushing to help a homeless man who had been attacked.

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Davis, a black man convicted in 1991 of killing an off-duty white police officer, has steadfastly maintained his innocence and is now demanding that a polygraph be administered before his execution. Three times before he's come within hours of being led to the death chamber, but after Georgia's parole board nixed his clemency bid on Monday his legal options are apparently exhausted. Even though there's a mountain of doubt over whether he actually committed the crime, it looks like this will be his last day on Earth.

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Davis is set to die on Wednesday for the killing of off-duty Savannah officer Mark MacPhail, who was slain while rushing to help a homeless man being attacked. It is the fourth time in four years his execution has been scheduled by Georgia officials.

Steve Hayes, spokesman for the Board of Pardons and Paroles, said the panel decided to rejected Davis' request for clemency after hearing hours of testimony from his supporters and prosecutors.

The decision appeared to leave Davis with little chance of avoiding the execution date. Defense attorney Jason Ewart has said that the pardons board was likely Davis' last option.

Davis' lawyers have long argued Davis was a victim of mistaken identity. But prosecutors say they have no doubt that they charged the right person with the crime.

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The court on Thursday halted the execution for Duane Buck, 48, two hours into a six-hour window when he could have been taken to the death chamber. Texas officials, however, did not move forward with the punishment while legal issues were pending.

Buck was sentenced to death for the fatal shootings of his ex-girlfriend and a man in her apartment in July 1995. His attorneys had asked both the Supreme Court and Texas Gov. Rick Perry to halt the execution because of a psychologist's testimony that black people were more likely to commit violence. Buck's guilt is not being questioned, but his lawyers contend the testimony unfairly influenced the jury and Buck should receive a new sentencing hearing.

The nation's highest court, without extensive comment, said it would review an appeal related to that testimony. The decision meant Perry did not have to act on a request from Buck's lawyers that the governor use his authority to issue a one-time 30-day reprieve.

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At last night's GOP debate, Texas Gov. Rick Perry was asked by Brian Williams about the 234 executions of death row inmates over which Perry has presided -- "more than any Governor in modern times"-- and the mere mention by Williams of this morose record triggered an outburst of cheering and applause from the audience:

This episode is creepy and disgusting, though as both Ta-Nehisi Coates and Dahlia Lithwick point out, it's hardly surprising for a country which long considered public hangings a form of entertainment and in which support for the death penalty is mandated orthodoxy for national politicians in both parties.  Still, even for those who believe in the death penalty, it should be a very somber and sober affair for the state, with regimented premeditation, to end the life of a human being no matter the crimes committed.  Wildly cheering the execution of human beings as though one's favorite football team just scored a touchdown is primitive, twisted and base.   

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Here's the problem:

Prosecutors firmly established Buck's guilt, but to secure a capital punishment conviction in Texas they needed to prove "future dangerousness"—that is, provide compelling evidence that Buck posed a serious threat to society if he were ever to walk free. They did so in part with the testimony of a psychologist, Dr. Walter Quijano, who testified that Buck's race (he's African-American) made him more likely to commit crimes in the future. (Quijano answered in the affirmative to the question of whether "the race factor, [being] black, increases the future dangerousness for various complicated reasons.")

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The lethal injection of 32-year-old Milton Mathis was carried out Tuesday evening, shortly after the U.S. Supreme Court rejected arguments that he was mentally impaired and ineligible for execution.

Mathis was condemned for the December 1998 shooting that killed 24-year-old Travis Brown III and 31-year-old Daniel Hibbard. It also paralyzed then-15-year-old Melony Almaguer.

Almaguer and her husband witnessed Mathis' execution from behind a window at the state's death chamber in Huntsville. Mathis told Almaguer he never meant to hurt her. He also said the system failed him.

He began snoring as the drugs were administered. He was pronounced dead at 6:53 p.m.

Mathis was the sixth person executed in Texas this year.

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On Wednesday, Quinn plans to abolish Illinois' death penalty at a signing ceremony in his capital offices, according to two sponsors of the legislation, State Rep. Karen Yarbrough and state Sen. Kwame Raoul, who said they were invited to witness the event.

"It's going to happen," Raoul said.

Quinn's signature would make Illinois the 16th state without capital punishment when it takes effect July 1. But a decision to sign has not come easily.

Quinn's office declined to comment Tuesday about his intentions, but he has said he personally supports the death penalty when properly implemented and would make a decision on the bill based on his conscience.

"I've heard from many, many people of good faith and good conscience on both sides of the issue. And I've tried to be very meticulous and writing down notes and studying those notes and books and e-mails. They've really spoken from the heart. I've been very proud of the people of Illinois," Quinn said recently.

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At issue is whether lawyers in Ohio can react quickly when they perceive something going wrong with an execution, as with a 2009 attempt in which an inmate was pricked repeatedly with IV needles before the execution was finally called off after two hours.

Lawyers for the Ohio prison system had argued that death row inmates already have ample access to lawyers and that last-minute consultations could open the door to constitutional challenges of the death penalty.

But U.S. District Court Judge Gregory Frost said the conditions of an inmate's execution are different than the sentence that put them there.

"Pre-execution day inmate-counsel communication and a cell-front visit that can last only until 8:45 a.m. on the day of the execution obviously does not enable an inmate and counsel to address issues occurring from that point," Frost said.

Ohio executions take place at around 10 a.m.

Frost rejected lawyers' arguments that they should have access to cell phones in the death house in case something goes wrong. He said lawyers already have access to a nearby phone and that that distance didn't prevent attorneys from contacting him during the 2009 case.

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Triple-murderer Frank Spisak will be the last Ohio inmate executed using the old drug,  hard-to-find sodium thiopental, on Feb. 17. The March execution of Johnny Baston, convicted for a 1994 Toledo killing, will be the first execution using the new drug.

Sodium thiopental, previously used by both states, has been in increasingly short supply. Hospira Inc., which produced the drug until recently, halted production last week due to increased scrutiny from officials in Italy, where the drug is manufactured. Members of the Italian parliament issued an order in order to ensure that sodium thiopental manufactured in that country was not being used in executions. Hospira then discontinued sale of the drug, since it only has production capability at its facilities in Italy.

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But Pat Quinn's approval is hardly assured. While he says he supports capital punishment when properly applied, he has not yet indicated whether he will sign the proposal, despite intense pressure from fellow Democrats.

"I think it's important, given the importance of this measure, that people from all over Illinois express their opinions," Quinn said Wednesday, a day after lawmakers sent the historic bill to his desk. "I'm happy to listen and reflect, and I'll follow my conscience."

And as he listens, the world watches.

Former Gov. George Ryan thrust Illinois' death penalty system into the spotlight when he imposed the moratorium in 2000 and again when he emptied death row in 2003.

When Ryan called for the moratorium, the state had executed 12 death row inmates since 1977. The sentences of 13 others had been overturned.

In some of those 13 cases, evidence showed the suspects were innocent. In others, the trials were deemed unfair or confessions were found to be coerced by abusive police. Since then, the number of overturned capital cases has risen to 20.

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Critics say the state's capital punishment system is fundamentally flawed and could wind up killing an innocent person. They say reforms made after a spate of wrongful convictions don't offer enough protection.

Supporters say Illinois should keep the ultimate punishment for the most serious crimes.

The Illinois House has already voted to abolish the death penalty. If the Senate passes the measure, it will go to Gov. Pat Quinn.

It's not clear what Quinn would do. He supports the death penalty, but has continued the long-standing moratorium on any executions in Illinois.

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The bill is SB3539.

Online: http://www.ilga.gov

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Online:

http://www.ilga.gov

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The Justice Department has not said whether it will seek the death penalty against Loughner, the suspect in the shooting of Rep. Gabrielle Giffords and the deaths of a federal judge, a congressional aide and four other people. But federal prosecutors already are moving forward with charges against Loughner, and veteran lawyers anticipate they will ask for him to be executed.

Many witnesses and ample evidence strongly suggest the government will have no trouble placing the gun in Loughner's hands at the Tucson shopping center where the shootings took place. Internet postings and material investigators said they found at Loughner's home suggest that he had prior contact with Giffords and might be planning something along the lines of Saturday's rampage.

Yet comments from friends and former classmates bolstered by Loughner's own Internet postings also have painted a picture of a social outcast with almost indecipherable beliefs steeped in mistrust and paranoia.

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Despite the prosecution's actions, the judge ordered the hearing to go forward and lawyers for John Edward Green Jr., the Houston man who asked for the proceeding, began calling witnesses.

The attorneys say will try to show that the way death penalty cases are handled in Texas creates a risk that innocent people will be executed. Green faces a possible death sentence if convicted of fatally shooting a Houston woman during a June 2008 robbery.

The hearing was ordered by Kevin Fine, a state district judge in Harris County who in the spring granted a motion by Green's attorneys and declared the state's death penalty statute unconstitutional. Under heavy criticism, Fine clarified then rescinded his ruling and ordered the hearing, saying he needed to hear evidence on the issue.

Experts on eyewitness identification, confessions and forensic evidence are among those expected to testify at the hearing, which could last up to two weeks.

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