FBI

Newsreal: Free the Boulder Two!

Everybody thinks John or Patsy Ramsey, or both, killed their daughter JonBenet. But 10 months after the murder, the police have nothing solid -- except smears that they feed to the press.

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i always wanted to be unique, and now I’ve made it: I’m the only person in America — apart from the two accused — who thinks that John and Patsy Ramsey are being publicly destroyed for a crime they didn’t commit.

Perhaps I’m merely ignorant. I don’t have access to the police files on the case — just the copious “evidence” that’s been leaked steadily to the National Enquirer, the Globe, Newsweek and Vanity Fair by the Boulder, Colo., cops. Problem is, what they’ve got, more than 10 months after the slaying, isn’t anywhere close to an indictment. So they’ve done the next best thing: smeared the Ramseys up and down, with the aid of the press, hoping to make their prime suspects crack. It’s the same tactic the FBI used against Richard Jewell in the Atlanta Olympics bombing case. And, as with the Jewell case, the cops may be flat out wrong.

Let’s look at the case, which rests entirely on circumstantial, often unspeakably tendentious, evidence that the cops have fed to the press.

1. The Ramseys did not act normally after JonBenet’s death.
As Vanity Fair recounts it, as John Ramsey laid his daughter’s body on the floor after discovering it in his cellar, “he started to moan, while peering around to see who was looking at him.” Hmmm. Suspicious. Left unspecified is what constitutes normal behavior when your child has been murdered in your home. Vanity Fair goes to great lengths to portray John Ramsey as a man lacking the ability to express emotions, and it might very well be normal for such a man to moan and look around for help at such a moment.

It might also be normal for this man, in particular, to feel overwhelmed by sick destiny, inasmuch as his wife had been stricken with breast cancer and he had already lived through the death of another child. — reported by the Globe with the following headline: “DADDY ABUSED JONBENET’S SISTER!: Ramsey girl was killed before she could tell.” Actually, the sister died in a car crash, and there is so far no proof that Ramsey “abused” her, however that word is meant.

2. John Ramsey found the body without even looking for it.
According to Vanity Fair, John Ramsey, after being told by a Boulder cop to search for the missing JonBenet, “bolted from the kitchen and headed down to the basement. Fleet White [Ramsey's former friend] told us that Ramsey went directly to a small broken window on the north side of the house and paused … John said, ‘Yeah, I broke it last summer.’” From this, an investigator talking to Vanity Fair concludes, Ramsey “wanted Fleet to see the window to set up an intruder theory, but no one but a small child or a midget could have crawled through that space. While Fleet is looking at the window, John disappears down the hall directly to the little room where the body is.”

Of course, there are other uses for a broken window other than crawling through it. Like reaching through the hole in the glass from the outside and opening the lock. But why did Ramsey go directly to that little room? Perhaps because he had a dreadful intuition of what he might find there, or because of some small sign that only a man who lived in that house would notice.

3. The Ramseys refused to cooperate with police, hired attorneys and went on CNN to cry their innocence.

This is the Ramseys-protest-too-much theory. But since when was calling an attorney evidence of guilt? Any competent attorney would have advised the Ramseys that they would be the immediate prime suspects, because most child murders are committed by parents or relatives. Being told to be wary of the police would seem to be quite sound legal advice. Going on CNN was bizarre, not to mention a ghastly PR failure. But, despite the National Enquirer “experts’” supposed detection of falsehoods in John Ramsey’s voice, it proves absolutely nothing. Vanity Fair found it shockingly significant that Ramsey told CNN, “I don’t know if it was an attack on me, on my company …” Well, Ramsey is in the software business, which may politely be described as cutthroat. He may suffer from the egocentric delusions that are fairly common among self-made men. But that is hardly proof he murdered his daughter.

4. Crucial forensic evidence was apparently removed or erased from the crime scene, or was compromised when Ramsey picked up JonBenet’s body.

Cops have been known to bungle evidence — anyone remember the O.J. trial? — in the most extraordinary ways. And if it was the killer’s work, how does that point ineluctably to John Ramsey? Is he the only one in the state of Colorado who might have read any number of detective novels and police procedurals that provide advanced courses in forensic cover-ups? As for picking up his daughter’s body, with no police officer around to tell him not to, maybe it was the action of a shocked, grieving father. Unless of course, as Vanity Fair insists, the man has no heart.

5. The handwriting on the note.

The only suspect, according to a handwriting analyst, whose writing was in any way similar to the ransom note was Patsy Ramsey. And the note contained a phrase she had been heard to speak: “Use that good, Southern common sense of yours.” First of all, the comparisons are inconclusive, at best. Second of all, handwriting analysis (as Seymour Hersh will mournfully tell you about the fake Marilyn Monroe-JFK letters) is often about as accurate as farting at the moon. But if it was Patsy Ramsey spending hours at the crime scene after the murder painfully composing the “ransom note,” then what was John Ramsey doing? Covering for his wife, as presumably he has been ever since?
Or is it the other way around? Why one would cover for the other, however, is not clear. These are not poor people without means of their own. And if anything, obtaining sole possession of their joint means might be ample reason to turn the other over to the cops.

6. Sick parents exploited, abused and psychologically destroyed their too-beautiful child.

Even before she was murdered, goes the media wisdom,
JonBenet was figuratively dead, her childhood sacrificed on the altar of her parents’ deviant desires. Specifically, the tabloids have suggested that JonBenet was murdered either by accident, in the course of a sex game gone awry or in a panic, brought on by fear she would expose her parent-abuser. The current issue of Globe says that Patsy killed JonBenet in a rage over her bed-wetting (there were urine stains on the
underwear of the victim) and that John is merely covering up for her.

In the classic study of such killings, Philip J. Resnick’s “Child Murder by Parents: A Psychiatric Review of Filicide,” such “accidents” accounted for 12 percent of Resnick’s 131 cases. But most of them happened when the killer was in a sudden rage over something the child did (or was seen as having done). JonBenet was garroted — the autopsy report notes the “deep furrow” on her neck — which does not suggest a spontaneous assault. While it doesn’t rule out a deliberate murder, it is very rare for a husband and wife to collude in such a crime. Resnick notes “scattered reports where both husband and wife planned the murder … usually because they could see no way out of their poverty.” Does that sound like the Ramseys?

What it comes down to is this: The Ramseys are being accused of an abomination less on the basis of evidence than on our censorious expectations about what parents should be. The Ramseys do not weep enough. They dressed up their little girl like a grown-up — like a whore. They made her perform for strangers. They wanted her to be a paperback version of themselves. By destroying what is left of the Ramsey family, we can persuade ourselves that they inhabit another world, one that the rest of us of course renounce.

But that doesn’t make the Ramseys killers. Sure, there are troubling aspects to the case. If it was an outsider, where are the footprints? What are we to make of Patsy Ramsey’s broken paintbrush? Still, I would rather be wrong about their guilt later than wrong about their presumption of innocence now. And I won’t believe they are guilty until I see much better evidence than the unexamined bits and pieces and groundless suppositions thrown at us by a blitheringly incompetent police department and a sensation-seeking press corps.

Mark Hunter has written for the New York Times Magazine, Le Monde Diplomatique and Modern Maturity, among other publications. He has won numerous awards, including the H.L. Mencken Award.

The Cochran-ization of American Justice

Overwrought charges of law enforcement racism, now heard again in the Geronimo Pratt case, are harming black-white relations and perverting the justice system.

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johnnie cochran jr., best know for representing O.J. Simpson, has another client. His name is Elmer “Geronimo” Pratt, a former
munitions expert and “Deputy Minister of Defense” of the Black Panther Party. Pratt
was convicted in 1972 of robbing and murdering a grade school teacher on a
Santa Monica tennis court. Johnnie Cochran has vowed never to rest until Pratt
is released.

Who is Geronimo Pratt and why — aside from the celebrity of the man who now represents him — should his case matter to anyone now? Because the issues it raises are the same as those in the more famous O.J. Simpson trial: the credibility of the law, the fairness of government and the future of white-black relations in America.

As with Simpson, the actual facts of the case never looked good for
Geronimo Pratt. Witnesses identified him as one of two men who attempted to rob a
nearby store in the area, shortly before schoolteacher Caroline Olsen was murdered (also by two men, according to eyewitnesses). Olsen’s husband, who was wounded by the assailants, also identified Pratt at the trial (although he had fingered another man for two years after the attack). Pratt’s car, a GTO convertible with North Carolina license plates, was identified by witnesses at both crime scenes. His gun, a .45 automatic, was determined to be the murder weapon.

At trial, Pratt, now 48, offered an alibi: He was attending a Black Panther
Party meeting in Oakland at the time of the deed. Unfortunately for Pratt, no Panthers came forward as witnesses on his behalf. Pratt also claimed — some might think fancifully — that his car was used by other Party members, that the gun, though found in his apartment, was not his, and that two Panthers, now conveniently dead, actually committed the murders.

None of this has discouraged the so-called “International Committee to Free Geronimo Pratt.” Former Panther leaders Bobby Seale, David Hilliard and other party members have changed their stories about Pratt’s non-presence at the meeting in Oakland. And Johnnie Cochran, who was part of the original defense team, has entered a plea for a new trial.

Key to Cochran’s strategy is Julius Butler, the Panthers’ former “security” chief, who
testified at the trial that Pratt confessed the murder to him. Cochran is playing up the fact that Butler, now a retired lawyer and chairman of the First African Methodist
Episcopal church in South Central Los
Angeles, was an FBI informant who further sullied his credibility by denying the connection. Three of the original jurors have said they would have voted to acquit if this had been revealed at the trial. One juror was also perturbed that Olsen’s husband had originally identified another man as the killer.
As he did at the Simpson trial, Cochran will exploit these inconsistencies while pitting the word and integrity of a law enforcement agency against the word of a black man “unjustly” accused of murder.

But how should the rest of us regard it? First of all, we should be
concerned by the fact that the FBI, in such a face-off, seems to be at such a
disadvantage. In the days when the FBI first squared off against convicted felons like Pratt — he was a member of a criminal street gang who had been previously arrested for possession of a pipe bomb and for assault with a deadly weapon — there was no question who would be believed.

But times have changed. Rather than have to confront the facts of the case, and the eyewitness testimony, Cochran’s legal team is laying out
its arguments about the “repression” of black radicals by
government agencies and the particular targeting of Pratt by the FBI. Cochran’s courtroom orations about racist FBI agents, planted evidence and a government frame-up can be clearly visualized.

Is this a healthy situation for law enforcement, let alone for
white-black relations in America? I think not. It is a situation that has been
created by years of unsubstantiated accusations repeated ad nauseam in the
liberal press. Ignored is the fact that the historical record vindicates the FBI
in the matter of the Black Panthers. They were a gang of thugs who brutalized even
their own members. They did torture and kill people (and sometimes got away with it); they were involved in many other serious crimes for which they
were rightfully convicted; and on no occasion has the FBI ever been found to have
framed a Panther (or any other black radical) for a serious felony like
homicide.

Did Geronimo Pratt rob and kill an innocent schoolteacher in Santa
Monica 25 years ago? Who can say for sure, except Pratt himself?
What I do know is that whether Geronimo Pratt gets a new trial or not, American justice has already been compromised, not by FBI misdeeds, but by years of irresponsible attacks on law enforcement agencies and facile accusations of racism.

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David Horowitz is a conservative writer and activist.

The Waco Holocaust

A disturbing new documentary suggests that the first ATF raid on the Branch Davidian compound was a publicity stunt that went terribly wrong -- and the FBI's raid was a blatant act of revenge.

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APRIL 19 has become one of the most feared dates on the American calendar. Special security precautions are thrown up around government buildings and federal law enforcement agents look nervously over their shoulders. For America’s burgeoning radical right, it is a date that will live in infamy. The bloody attack on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, is, for them, proof positive that the government is their sworn enemy. They have sworn revenge.

Four years ago Saturday — April 19, 1993 — the compound of the Branch Davidians was burned to the ground, ending a 51-day standoff with
the FBI. About 80 people died, including children and women. Two years later, on April 19, 1995, in a twisted form of payback, the federal building in Oklahoma City was blown up. It was the worst single act of domestic political terrorism in American history. One of the accused, Timothy McVeigh, had visited Waco and has said how profoundly its destruction by government forces affected his political thinking.

Such feelings are not the sole property of the radical right. Congressional hearings two years ago were highly critical of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms — whose botched raid in which four ATF agents died spurred the standoff — and the FBI. A startling new documentary, which has been airing in selected cinemas since Feb. 28, raises even more disturbing questions. “Waco: Rules of Engagement” presents evidence, some of it from previously unpublicized government videotapes, suggesting that both the ATF and FBI have consistently lied about both their motivations and activities at Waco.

Salon spoke with the documentary’s executive producer and co-writer, Dan Gifford,
a former news reporter for CNN, ABC News and “The McNeil/Lehrer NewsHour.”


In some respects, your documentary confirms the worst suspicions of far-right conspiracy theorists. For example, among the conclusions you draw was that the action that led to the Waco disaster — the ATF’s initial raid on the Branch Davidians — was primarily a publicity stunt.

According to interviews we have with former ATF agents, yes. At the time, their appropriations were due to be debated in Congress. They had suffered a number of recent debacles, including Ruby Ridge [the Idaho cabin in which fugitive right-wing militia leader Randy Weaver's wife, Vikki, and 14-year-old son, Sammy, were killed by government snipers in 1992]. “60 Minutes” had done a couple of very negative stories on the ATF, concerning sexual discrimination and harassment and racial
discrimination. There was even talk of disbanding the agency.

So, they needed publicity.

Which is not unique. Government agencies do this. They traditionally pull some sort of publicity stunt before they go in for a hearing. It’s a turf
thing, a power thing.

The documentary also suggested the ATF perhaps
launched the raid even though there was no sign of unlawful resistance from the
Branch Davidians.

That’s the claim of the surviving Davidians.
There’s no way to determine that absolutely because, as the film points out,
all of the physical evidence that might enable you to come to a conclusion has disappeared. It’s been destroyed.

In particular, a door from the compound that was riddled
with bullet holes …

Yes. According to the ATF, the portion of the door which had the bullet holes in it was destroyed in the fire. The Branch Davidians say the holes were caused by bullets coming in, but now there’s no proof. The ATF had a tremendous number of
video cameras out there but many of the tapes are amazingly blank.

You’re saying basically that the ATF raid was unprovoked.

There’s no way to prove it. The physical evidence has all
been destroyed. But if the Branch Davidians had the kind of weaponry the government said it had, they would have blown away the entire ATF force. Jack Zimmermann,
a former Marine colonel with a lot of combat experience who is now a lawyer for the surviving Davidians, made that point; so did the local sheriff. On the audiotapes you hear
David Koresh claiming that he went down to the door and said,
“Hey, there’s women and children. Let’s talk about this,” and the ATF
started shooting at them.

And in the documentary you show how the chief of the ATF operation, who was negotiating with Koresh, lied about the weaponry the government had brought to bear.
First, he claimed that there were no guns on the government helicopters, then saying, well, there were no mounted guns.

That was Jim Cavanaugh. You saw him later testifying in Congress
in a gray suit. That’s one of the things that amazed us when we were putting together the documentary — catching them in lie after lie after lie.

What other lies stood out?

The story that the FBI was telling everyone about David Koresh
promising to come out five times. If you listen to the audiotapes, you can’t find these five times.
You might also remember that the FBI said the Branch Davidians’ home video would show them to be a bunch of wild-eyed, crazy people. What it showed was absolutely the
opposite.

But most people, whether they’ve seen the
documentary or not, would still say Koresh was a sociopath, obsessed with Armageddon and a final face-off with outside
forces …

That was the assumption of Alan Stone, the professor of law and psychiatry at Harvard (brought in by the government during the siege to analyze the mind-set of the
Branch Davidians). He says he found that was
not the case, that there were some very intelligent and learned people in there.
A religious expert said that what Koresh preached was fundamentally no different from
what you’d hear in any fundamental Baptist church or charismatic
church, this whole thing about the apocalypse, the focus on the
Book of Revelations, the Second Coming …

But weren’t there complaints from the neighbors about gun-related activities at the compound?

Well again, that was the story that was sold. We found — and the
local sheriff verified this — that one person once
thought he heard automatic weapon fire, but there was no proof that was anything illegal. People we interviewed said the
Branch Davidians minded their own business, they had good relations
with their neighbors, that one of them came over
to shoot guns with them. That’s not the way the Davidians have been
portrayed.

But there was the congressional testimony of Kiri
Jewell, who claimed she was sexually abused by Koresh.

The issue of child abuse is totally irrelevant to what happened. Neither the ATF nor FBI has the authority or jurisdiction to enforce state child abuse laws. The local sheriff we interviewed said a case had never
been made — that there wasn’t enough evidence. Some of the allegations
apparently came from former Davidians who had had a falling out with
Koresh and left.

Yet child abuse was the reason Janet Reno gave for giving
the go-ahead for the final assault.

Yes, that was the reason she gave. It was told to her by the
FBI, which was clearly looking for a way to find her hot
button so she would give the go-ahead.

You imply that just before the FBI went in there was the possibility that the situation could have been resolved.

The Davidians thought they had a deal, that Koresh would finish
writing his Seven Seals and then come out. The reason they thought that was not
only that they were told that by the negotiators, but that the FBI had sent in
typewriter ribbons and batteries, as if to say, “Stay there, finish your
writing …”

But, you say, what the FBI had in mind when they finally went in was at least partly revenge for the shootings of the four ATF agents.

I’d say revenge is a fairly apt word. Whenever a law enforcement officer is killed,
what happens? Other law enforcement agents all focus on the people who did it. There was a lot of testosterone outside the compound, a lot of shoving matches, virtual fistfights. Henry Ruth, one of three independent reviewers brought in by the Justice Department to report on what happened at Waco, said one of the most stunning things: that the raid was in large part meant to scare the public, and to seek retribution and to
enforce the morals of our society. What he called the “psyche of right
thinking.”

It’s unclear from the documentary whether you believe the FBI started the fires in the compound on purpose or whether they were just grossly negligent.

We have a former Houston fire chief saying the
building was like a pot-bellied stove, and, with the
aerosol gas the FBI threw in, it was bound to virtually explode. We did not say that the FBI deliberately started the fire. But, again, there was this repeated lying that they did not have any munitions that would start a fire. We have an expert maintaining that the FBI used gunfire or some sort of projectile on the building. They had flashback grenades. Those were clearly incendiary things. They start fires.

Then there’s that infrared tape in the documentary where you seem to see people
trying to leave the Davidian building being shot at by government
agents.

That’s very disturbing. I’ve no doubt the FBI will say something like, “That was lightning bugs or a reflection.”

The official explanation is that the Davidians who were shot had committed suicide.

Well, look at the video. Here’s all this automatic weapon fire
being poured into the building, and the FBI is saying they never
fired so much as a single shot.

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Ros Davidson is a frequent contributor to Salon.

Is Uncle Sam Coddling the Kooks?

Mindful of the fatalities and public relations disasters resulting from the Waco and Ruby Ridge sieges, federal authorities have adopted a low-key approach to the standoff with the so-called "Freemen".

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Mindful of the fatalities and public relations disasters resulting from the Waco and Ruby Ridge sieges, federal authorities have adopted a low-key approach to the standoff with the so-called “Freemen,” a heavily armed right-wing group presently holed up on a farm compound in Jordan, Montana. For the past two years, the group has allegedly engaged in a bad-check scheme that has defrauded private businesses and public agencies of more than $1.8 million. The Freemen have also allegedly carried on a reign of terror, threatening the lives of local officials.

The Freemen are one of numerous groups that refuse to recognize government authority, instead hewing to their own “laws” and “common law courts” based on their interpretation of the Bible and the Constitution. Critics contend that law enforcement has been far too slow and reluctant to take on such groups. Others wonder whether the new softer approach merely appeases outlaws. In a recent cartoon from Mike Luckovich of the Atlanta Constitution, entitled “Trying to Avoid Another Waco,” an FBI agent barks through a bullhorn at the Montana Freemen compound: “You’re surrounded. If it’ll make you happy, we’ll mow your lawn! OK, who wants pepperoni on their pizza?”

Why has the militia movement come so far? Are the new methods of handling them any better than the old? We spoke to three experts on the American militia movement and far right nativist groups.

Kenneth S. Stern is the American Jewish Committee’s expert on hate groups. He is the author of the recently-released “The Force Upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate” (Simon & Schuster, 1996).

Dick J. Reavis is a Texas-based journalist and author of “The Ashes of Waco: An Investigation” (Simon & Schuster, 1995).

David H. Bennett is a professor of history in the Maxwell School at Syracuse University, and author of “The Party of Fear: The American Far Right Movement from Nativism to the Militia Movement” (Vintage, 1995).

The Freemen have been wanted for financial scams and threatening local officials for at least two years. Why did it take the FBI so long to move against them?

Reavis: They finally did something because the local posse, sick of all the harassment, were fixing to move in. But the Feds don’t want anybody moving in on their turf. In light of Waco and Ruby Ridge, they were probably a lot more hesitant about moving in earlier.

Stern: I agree there was reluctance on their part to go in after Waco and Ruby Ridge. But the longer they waited, the worse it became. In fact, it became critical two years ago. It wasn’t just all this bank fraud stuff. These folks, with their common law courts, started issuing liens against local officials. Then they started issuing bounties for the county attorney and the sheriff, and taking over local courthouses. The Garfield County Attorney was told they weren’t going to bother to build a gallows after they tried and convicted him. They were just going to let him swing from the bridge.

Meanwhile, these folks were strengthening their position. In September, they all moved into their compound, consolidating their firepower and their feeling that this was their white supremacist fort. That made it very difficult for the Feds, who left the local community at bay, but allowed a situation to develop which is going to make a final resolution that much harder.

Bennett: I can’t understand why the FBI didn’t act sooner. It seems they were just reluctant to get involved given the embarrassments they’ve suffered in the past couple of years. But Garfield County wasn’t the only place where these types of people were intimidating local officials. There were other cases, in Michigan and Montana. The FBI hasn’t done much about those cases either.


Is this new, low-key FBI approach better?

Bennett: They’re hoping for the opposite of what happened at Ruby Ridge and Waco. We’ll just have to wait and see if it works, or if the Freemen simply run out of food.

Reavis: They’re not behaving like the old FBI. They’ve gotten shrewder. They don’t want to go back before Congress with their tail between their legs again. And they don’t want to be an issue during election year. So, they’re being more careful — but the story isn’t over yet.

Stern: I think it’s better. Until now, the FBI has always been eager to get these situations over with and go home. It’s an institutional thing. These guys are used to going to work, going home at night, hugging their kids. The military takes the opposite view. They feel, if we’re not here, we’d be somewhere else. So, there’s no hurry. Nobody wants to shoot anybody. Time is on our side. Now, the FBI is taking more of this military view, that time is on their side. These guys have the capacity to stay inside for a long time, but ultimately they have no place to go.

Despite the revulsion after the Oklahoma City bombings, are these anti-government groups and militias still growing?

Stern: We’ve seen a proliferation of these common law courts — there are approximately 100 of them around the country now. That’s partly because people have been coming to Jordan, Montana to learn how to do it while the Feds looked the other way. And these courts are part of the larger movement of white supremacists and others who no longer recognize federal or state authority.

The militias have to be happy with the Montana standoff because it gives them airtime on the media. They haven’t had this much exposure since the Oklahoma City bombing. So this helps them to grow. And some of their leaders have enough media savvy to come across as reasonable. Because most of the media are uneducated about the militias and these other groups, they don’t understand the codes in which they speak, so these groups end up getting a free ride.

Reavis: There’s a whole zoo of far right political movements out there, and they’re getting stronger all the time. They’re growing in Dallas, I can guarantee you that. I’ve watched the Common Law court movement spring up in Dallas over the past year. We’ve got meetings every Tuesday night — anywhere from 200 to a thousand of these guys come out to hear speakers. The Oklahoma City bombing didn’t stop it. The militia movement said, “Oh, the government did that.” And they would grow even without this Montana thing.
It’s very much like the way the New Left developed in the 1960s, in lots of little nuclei, independent of each other, all pursuing issues that are a little bit different. The difference is, the New Left got better press than these guys.

Bennett: Organizations that monitor these movements say there are between 225 and 245 different militia, patriot and support groups in the U.S. The number of members is hard to know because many of them operate in secret.
The question is, why are they growing? I think the sentiments that encourage them draw strength from three main developments: The first is the end of the Cold War, which has allowed localism to flourish around the world, and in the U.S., particularly in the West. More people are asking why they need Washington at all anymore; they feel the land out there is theirs. Second is the backlash against the social upheavals of the 1960s and a nostalgia for the days when life appeared simpler and safer. And the third is the reaction to the current financial uncertainties and fears of the “new world order” and the global marketplace. In that sense, it’s a debtors’ rebellion.



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Jonathan Broder is Salon's Washington correspondent.

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