Surprising no one, the FBI announced today it had tracked the left-wing historian Howard Zinn for 25 years, despite having apparently no evidence that he ever committed a crime.
The bureau released over 400 pages of its file on Zinn, covering 1949 to 1974 — when the bureau says its investigations ended — in response to FOIA requests. Download the documents here. (See anything interesting? Leave a comment or shoot us an e-mail.)
As we often learn with these FBI releases, the bureau expended a remarkable amount of resources tracking the writings and movements of those who were linked to Communists (even by three or four degrees of separation) or who opposed the Vietnam War.
One document (Page 217) records that Zinn, who died in January, participated in a public anti-draft meeting on Boston Common in November 1967. This fact was observed by no less than five special agents of the FBI, whose names are recorded.
There are scores of pages of fairly banal details like this. Take the following section in which the FBI drew on its substantial network of confidential informants to establish Zinn’s presence on the mailing list of a questionable bookstore:
On April 5, 1950, Confidential Information T-3 stated that HOWARD ZINN , 890 East 6th Street, New York City, was on the 1957-1949 Mailing List of the Workers Book Shop, 50 East 13th Street, Manhattan, New York.
On March 29, 1947, Confidential Information T-8, of known reliability, advised that the Workers Book Shop is an outlet for Communist Party literature. According to this Information, it is a self-supporting establishment, operated by a Communist Party member, and an integral part of the Communist Party.
There’s also a fair amount here about Zinn’s 1974 trip to North Vietnam with the Rev. Daniel Berrigan, during which they received three freed American POWs. Gawker has some more.
Howard Zinn, the American historian, author and activist, passed away yesterday at the age of 87 (Click here to read Gabriel Winant’s obituary on Salon) Zinn wrote more than 20 books over the course of his career, but his most well-known remains “A People’s History of the United States” — in which he focuses on the history of America’s Native-Americans, women, and other oft-neglected groups.
Click below to hear Zinn read the introduction to “A People’s History” (with a brief appearance by Matt Damon):
I have a friend from graduate school who, at 10 years old in rural Wisconsin, got his hands on “A People’s History of the United States.” He read it, and when he was done, he wrote Howard Zinn a letter, asking how to contribute to work of the kind Zinn was doing. The historian bothered to write the kid back, and laid out a path for him that led him to where I met him — graduate school in history.
The story’s touching, I think, because it’s exactly the gentle-hearted and populist kind of thing a Zinn admirer would imagine he’d do. There’s something fitting about how Zinn’s peak of celebrity may have come about thanks to the working-class genius played by Matt Damon (his next-door neighbor in Boston) in “Good Will Hunting.” (At one point in the film, Damon’s character plugs “A People’s History” to his therapist, played by Robin Williams.) At the heart of Zinn’s sensibility was the idea that American history is not the exclusive province of senators and generals or, for that matter, historians. It belongs to everyone (a notion he touched upon in one of his final interviews).
It’s a belief that led Zinn beyond the safe confines of academia. A former union organizer himself, he was unrelenting in his work for organized labor, and on his last day before retiring as a professor, he led his students at Boston University out of class to join a picket line. He taught at the historically black Spelman College through the Civil Rights Movement, and worked and wrote on its behalf tirelessly. He was one of the earliest prominent advocates of withdrawal from Vietnam, and traveled to Hanoi to lobby for the release of American POWs. His commitment to human rights was such that he, a former bombardier during World War II, even researched his own old bomb runs over France to discover the civilian deaths he was personally complicit in.
But Zinn’s humanitarianism was also fuzzy-headed. “A People’s History of the United States” — the one work among his many for which he will be most remembered — does not offer a compelling explanation of past events or present conditions. Zinn was not really capable of doing so, committed as he was to insisting on the nobility of the exploited many at the hands of a nefarious few. Exploitation and protest, domination and resistance are indeed enduring and central features of American history (and all other history). But they don’t come near being the whole story. Despite the brave struggles of workers, women and minorities, American capitalism remains astonishingly rapacious, and patriarchy and sexism are still very much with us. And as for racism — well, it’s clearly survived the election of our first black president in reasonable health. As the historian Robert Norrell has put it, there is still no socialism in Reagan Country.
Zinn’s world had little room for workers who wouldn’t join unions, or black people who were not on the front lines of protest. It’s certainly possible to explain these phenomena without abandoning radical criticism or arguing that the proletariat is cheering on Goldman Sachs. But Zinn’s preference was to pretend there was no issue at all.
It’s for this reason that “A People’s History of the United States” — and Zinn himself — might best be compared to physicist Niels Bohr and his theory of the electron. Bohr argued that electrons orbited nuclei like planets around the sun. This is incorrect, just barely, but the theory’s simplicity means it’s often how students are first introduced to the issue.
I have a second friend who’s had an intense encounter with Zinn, of a kind. This guy never exchanged letters with Zinn; he assigned “A People’s History” to his all-black class of 11th-graders in the Bronx. These kids had never heard American history told at the atomic level, and when they did, it was a revelation. It remains shocking how few people understand that American slaves seized their own freedom at least as much as Abraham Lincoln benignly handed it down to them. Entirely forgotten to us now are the details of how workers in mines and mills survived quasi-feudal conditions, living in company houses, paid in company scrip, policed and surveiled by company goons — and how they claimed autonomy in often bloody and horrifying confrontations. Because for all Zinn’s flaws, he got these basics right: the American people have genuinely made their own history, for good or ill. And if he couldn’t acknowledge the dark sides of that fact, he still reminded generations of students of the immense, electrifying power they can have as ordinary citizens.
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