Mexico
A new kind of strike
The just-settled strike against GM in Flint, Mich., was the first ever to center on global investment issues.
General Motors accomplished what generations of left-wing activists in the factories were never able to achieve. The company actually provoked a political strike.
The recent shutdown ended — like almost all strikes — with a compromise. But for the first time, the workers who paralyzed the giant corporation for more than three weeks did so not because of wages and working conditions, but in protest of GM’s global investment strategies. These strategies determine, among other things, which plants grow and which plants die. For the first time, workers demanded a voice in the decision-making process that governs GM’s global investments.
The strike took place, workers say, because GM reneged on a key commitment to the local union at the Flint Metal Center north of Detroit, where huge presses stamp out body parts for almost all the company’s vehicles.
Three years ago, GM offered the union a trade. For decades, Flint workers have moved at a manic pace through breaks and meals, so they could leave early when they filled their production quota. GM wanted workers to stay a full eight hours on the line. In return, the company promised it would bring new machinery into the plant, making it as productive as the newest GM factories in Mexico and Brazil.
But the promised new investment never materialized, and this summer the workers walked out to force the issue. When they stopped producing parts, two dozen other plants that depended on them were forced to halt production as well.
The local union at the Flint Metal Center realizes all too well that production will gradually be transferred to plants elsewhere that have the new machinery. Without new investment, production at their facility will fall. And falling production means disappearing jobs.
To protect those jobs, workers decided they had to challenge GM’s global investment strategy. For some time now, GM has chosen to reduce its dependence on its U.S. factories and concentrate on building new facilities elsewhere. A week after the strike started in Flint, a leaked company document revealed corporate plans to increase production in Mexico from 300,000 to 600,000 vehicles by 2006.
There is sound economic reasoning behind this decision, of course. “The productivity of workers in Mexican plants is on a par with plants in the U.S.,” says University of California professor Harley Shaiken, an expert on Latin American labor. “Investors get first-world rates of productivity and a work force with a third-world standard of living.”
The strike idled 150,000 U.S., Canadian and Mexican workers, many of whom identified with the cause. Even in Mexico, where wages are only a tenth of Detroit levels, workers have been told the company can find a lower-wage place to build the next factory. In other words, GM’s investment priorities are now recognized as a central problem facing workers in every GM plant.
The strikers did not propose to bar GM investment in Mexico or other countries, or anything of that nature. They simply demanded sufficient investment in the U.S. to maintain the existing level of production. That simple demand, however, made the strike extremely political, and very difficult to settle. GM definitely does not want its workers to help decide its investment strategy.
On the other hand, workers outside the United States are wondering what took American workers so long to take up this issue. For example, on a visit to the United States last spring, Yoon Youngmo, a leader of the militant South Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), chided his counterparts here. “You make it more difficult for us to defend our jobs in Korea, because the government and the chaebols constantly tell us to look at America. ‘In America,’ they say, ‘unions don’t try to stop layoffs or job elimination, and they’re the most advanced unions in the world.’”
The KCTU has been locked in a bitter battle over exactly the issue behind the Flint strike for two years, especially since the government began to implement an austerity program based on high unemployment and vast cuts in the public budget prescribed by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank — programs strongly endorsed by the Clinton administration.
When the KCTU threatened a general strike to force the government to act, President Kim Dae Jung issued arrest warrants for 100 trade union leaders and threw the head of the KCTU in prison.
As they see how corporate investment flows to where the profits are highest, and how their countries must compete to create favorable conditions for that investment, workers like those in Flint and Seoul seem more likely than ever to seek to gain a voice over those decisions.
David Bacon is an associate editor of Pacific News Service who writes on immigrant and labor issues. More David Bacon.
Home Movies by Charles Taylor
Jack Nicholson is at his best playing a burned-out border patrol officer in a small Texas town.
Over the credits of 1982′s “The Border,” Freddy Fender sings “Across the
Borderline,” a song written for the film by Ry Cooder, John Hiatt and Jim
Dickinson. The lyrics tell an old story.
There’s a land
So I’ve been told
Every street is paved with gold
And it’s just across the borderline …
And when you reach the broken promised land
Every dream slips through your hand
You’ll lose much more than you ever hoped to find. Continue Reading Close
Charles Taylor is a columnist for the Newark Star-Ledger. More Charles Taylor.
Selena
"Anthology" memorializes the slain Tejano pop star
It ranks as one of the cruelest ironies in the history of modern
celebrity: In 1995, in Room 158 of a Days Inn in Corpus Christi, Texas,
Selena was killed by the president of her fan club. Since then, the spirit of the still-reigning queen of Tejano has been kept alive with Selena dolls, Selena posters and Selena clothes. Now with “Anthology” — a new 30-track retrospective of Selena’s career, which follows her from “Rama Cada” (recorded when she was 14) to “Captive Heart” (recorded three weeks
before her death at 23) — we get something even more clever: the Selena
Eucharist.
Don't go there
On a car tour of Mexico, Tim Barrett discovers that venturing off the beaten track doesn't always deliver the anticipated rewards.
“To think that most people see this country from a tour bus window,” Erik shouted over the noise of the motor. “They’ll never find the real Yucatan like we have.”
I shared his sentiment. With only a single guidebook between us, our wanderings had been memorable far beyond our expectations. Every day had been packed with wonder, sensory delight and soulful human encounters. We’d bounced the rented Volkswagen from one adventure to the next, each one validating our no-tour guide, no-itinerary, no-reservations style. We were intrepid and confident. I was sure we were about to stumble on some amazing secret hideaway where no tour bus had yet ventured. Which must have been why we went to Dzilam de Bravo.
Continue Reading CloseTim Barrett is a writer who lives in Northern California. More Tim Barrett.
Lust in the sand
At a laid-back resort in Mexico, Tim Barrett meets the woman of his dreams -- only to be rudely awakened.
Her breasts weren’t identical, but they rhymed. Naked, shaking her black curls, she emerged from the sea as if swept in on the waves. Her dark skin radiated sunlight refracted by a million drops of salt water. She seemed to sizzle. I was one of three men who sat together on the sand, entranced by her every movement. We were in the middle of awesome scenery — Mexico’s Caribbean coast, an epic poem of surf, sand and palm trees — but at the moment she was the natural beauty that moved us. No one else was present. She bounded toward us; my pulse raced so fast my wrists hurt. She stretched out in our midst, letting the lucky sun do what I aspired to do — caress each part of her molten form.
Continue Reading CloseTim Barrett is a writer who lives in Northern California. More Tim Barrett.
Landing the Big One
D.T. Max discovers that "landing the Big One" has many different meanings at the tip of Mexico's Baja Peninsula.
Cabo San Lucas is at the tip of Baja California, where the Sea of Cortes and the Pacific Ocean meet. On the drive in from the airport, it looks like a construction site. The crane, the joke goes, is the national bird. But this dusty town in fact has a storied history. It has long been known as the center of Baja sport fishing, the place to go to catch the Big One. The marlin are enormous and the tuna and sailfish plentiful.
More recently the town embraced a different kind of visitor. In the early ’90s the 800-mile-long trans-Baja highway was completed. With the new road and enlarged airport, southern Baja was suddenly a day trip away. Cabo became Daytona Beach west, a place to go to party, to get high with other American college students.
Continue Reading ClosePage 29 of 30 in Mexico