Thursday, May 28, 2009 8:27 PM UTC
New York becomes the fourth state to ban an inhumane practice
By Abigail Kramer
In case you missed it, here’s some news that deserves praise: Last week, the New York legislature passed a bill (pdf) that prohibits the state’s prisons from using handcuffs or shackles on female inmates who are about to give birth.
One of the bill’s sponsors, Senator Velmanette Montgomery, called the practice of restraining women in labor “barbaric and unconscionable” (which sounds about right to me), but the new law will make New York one of just four states in the country that restrict the use of restraints on incarcerated women during pregnancy or childbirth. California and Illinois were the first to put any legal limits on the practice — in both cases, after a series of lawsuits forced the states to overhaul their disastrously inadequate prison healthcare systems. Before the restriction, in Illinois, it was standard practice to chain female inmates to their hospital beds before, during and after the births of their babies. As one advocate told the New York Times, “What was common was one wrist and one ankle.” (A policy that, frighteningly enough, looks positively benevolent compared to Kansas’s, North Carolina’s and Washington’s, which allow women to be locked in belly chains and leg irons while they’re in labor, according to a 2006 investigation by Amnesty International.)
Handcuffs and shackles for women in labor pose problems beyond the obvious snafu of being brutal, inhumane and bat’s balls freaking crazy. Having a baby is generally understood to be a wee bit uncomfortable. Not being able to move can increase the pain and slow down or complicate labor. And restraints can cause a delay if a woman has to be rushed off for an emergency C-section — which, as a doctor points out in Amnesty’s original report on institutional violence against women prisoners, can lead to brain damage for the baby.
That report, and the regular updates that have been posted since, are full of savage childbirth stories told by women who (like more than 70 percent of all women arrested in the U.S.) were originally convicted of nonviolent crimes. Maria Jones was serving time in a county jail for a drug law violation when her labor was induced. She was “kept in shackles, leaving 18 inches between her ankles, and told to pace the hallway for several hours. ‘It was so humiliating. My ankles were raw,’ she said. ‘I had shackles on up until the baby was coming out and then they took them off for me to push…It was unbelievable. Like I was going to go anywhere.’”
And in fact, women giving birth have not turned out to pose a tremendous flight risk to the nation’s criminal jsutice system: When Amnesty International asked prison administrators to provide examples of past in-labor escape attempts, they came up with exactly… well, zero.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009 7:49 PM UTC
Women have a complicated relationship with housework, as explained by the author of a new anthology on the subject.
By Abigail Kramer
Dirt has long been sticky stuff for feminism. Four decades after Alix Kates Shulman published her classic essay, “A Marriage Agreement,” American family researchers still trot out surprising! new evidence! that the country is far from reaching gender parity on housework. The pernicious double-shift chases women through the generations like a mob of vengeful, undead dust bunnies; mommies trash daddies in major publications and daddies trash mommies right back. The chore wheel keeps on turning and our national conversation about the minutia of domesticity goes on — as evidenced, in one small part, by the release of a new anthology called “Dirt: The Quirks, Habits and Passions of Keeping House.”
The book compiles essays by 39 writers (34 of them women), detailing their intimate relationships with the accumulation and eradication of filth. It’s fascinating reading for the same reason that there’s a naughty thrill in poking through someone else’s medicine cabinet: Because the mundane, indelicate, smelly details of life offer up the truth of our dirty secrets. Creating clutter and cleaning it up serve as the world’s most flexible metaphors — our messes, after all, consist of the detritus of our lives, the souvenirs of experience. To face down grime is to confront the fact that life is messy. To clean it up is to wrest order from chaos.
The most interesting essays in the collection are the ones that show how dirt sifts into the cracks of our closest relationships, standing in for everything that we do to, and for, each other. Kyoko Mori flees a country on the run from her suicidal stepmother’s “angry spotless house.” Patty Dann writes about ironing her husband’s shirts, the night he died of brain cancer. Cleaning, she says, “is what allowed me to survive… I know I am not the only woman who cleans as she sobs in the night.”
I recently spoke with Dirt’s editor, Mindy Lewis, about putting the book together and about her own relationship with the DustBuster.
You must have had thousands of conversations, at this point, about people’s cleaning habits and their messes. What makes those conversations interesting or important?
Yes — any time I would tell someone about the book, they’d have a cleaning story to share. It’s this mundane thing, but so revealing of who we are. If I could take a speeded up movie of my apartment, I could see the way my life has changed. There are so many things in life that are out of our control, but our home environments are a form of personal expression in which our values and aspirations take on physical form.
So you’re saying that a home is the place where your psyche meets the world — or is it that a home is a buffer between the two?
I think it’s both. I think people who are clutter bugs have a need to remind ourselves of where we stand and what things mean to us, like proofs of our identity. For some people, it’s a really conscious thing; for others it’s just a way to deal with the press of daily life.
One of the most persistent themes of the book — including in your essay, “Abhorring a Vacuum” — is of women struggling to reconcile their own cleaning habits with their mothers’. Why is that so important?
I grew up with a mother who was divorced, back in the days when “divorced” was a dirty word. I think she vented a lot of her frustration in keeping this pristine apartment where the furniture was covered in plastic. As an adolescent, I rejected her home as being very sterile, but at the same time when I moved into my own apartment I was always sweeping and mopping and cleaning. I think women’s struggle with cleaning has a lot to do with cultural memory — somehow or other it’s intrinsic in our self-definitions. What comes out in these essays is how comfortable or uncomfortable we are in being put in that position.
What was your favorite story to read or edit?
I really don’t have a favorite, but there is one piece that absolutely doesn’t fit but was just too good not to include. It’s an imaginary conversation by Richard Goodman between Thoreau and someone who’s interviewing him for a job as a housecleaner — apparently he needs a day job. Did you know that Thoreau used to bring a bag of dirty laundry for his mother to wash when he’d go to visit her?
Well, no, I did not.
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Monday, May 18, 2009 6:30 PM UTC
The ACLU is suing to end corporate patents on the breast cancer gene.
By Abigail Kramer
In another piece of news from the human genome, the ACLU filed a lawsuit last week, challenging corporate patents on the two smidgens of DNA linked to heritable forms of breast and ovarian cancer.
When they’re healthy, the two genes, BRCA1 and BRCA2, work to keep breast cells growing normally. But when they contain certain mutations, they can indicate that a woman has a 40-85 percent chance of developing cancer in her breasts or ovaries. Women with extensive family histories of cancer often choose to be screened for the mutations, since positive tests can indicate the need for precautionary measures such as more frequent mammograms or MRIs, prophylactic drugs or, in some cases, preventive mastectomies.
Even more important, many scientists believe that studying the genes could lead to better treatment of or a cure for the diseases, which are two of the most common forms of cancer in women. The hitch is that intellectual rights to the genes are legally owned by a company called Myriad Genetics, in conjunction with the University of Utah Research Foundation. Pharmaceutical companies like Myriad have argued that patenting genetic information promotes innovation by rewarding researchers for hefty financial investment. But patents also mean that no other company or scientist is allowed to study, look at or test the genes. Technically, it’s even illegal to think about the connection between the genes and increased rates of cancer. So if I were to write, mutated BRCA1 genes cause breast cancer, I’d be waylaying anyone who reads this post into committing a patent infringement. (Mutated BRCA1 genes cause breast cancer — ha! I did it again!)
Since Myriad won’t license any other company to test the genes, a woman who screens positive for a dangerous mutation can’t get a second opinion before making the decision to, say, remove her breasts and ovaries. And if she can’t pay the $3000 Myriad charges for the test in the first place, that’s just too bad. The New York Times quotes one such plaintiff in the ACLU lawsuit, a single mom who says that Myriad refused to work with her insurance company and that the test is beyond her means. She’s already had breast cancer and a double mastectomy, but wants BRCA testing to determine her risk of ovarian cancer, and because she’s worried about her 8-year-old daughter, who may have inherited any genetic abnormality: “I want to be here to make sure she does her screening by the time she’s 30.”
The case could have far-reaching implications, since the ACLU is arguing that all gene patents are unconstitutional. Currently, about 20 percent of the human genome is under patent — a practice that patient advocacy groups argue is tantamount to biopharmaceutical bodysnatching. In a letter of support for the lawsuit, the Council for Responsible Genetics writes that patenting “has become the primary mechanism through which the private sector has advanced its claims to ownership over genes, proteins and entire organisms.” Kind of takes that old pro-choice slogan to a new level.
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Monday, May 11, 2009 2:04 PM UTC
Rape victims are being billed for the investigation of their own assault
By Abigail Kramer
A big thank you to the criminal justice establishment of Houston for giving victims one more reason not to report rape. Along with the long-established odds of being ignored, disbelieved, humiliated, re-traumatized and possibly incarcerated, a local news channel reports that Houston rape victims are being billed for the investigation of their own assaults.
The news story was triggered by the case of a woman whose rapist had been convicted, in part because she participated in forensic evidence collection at a local hospital immediately after her assault. Officers assured her she wouldn’t have to pay for the procedure (you know, kind of like the way a burglary victim doesn’t pay police to fingerprint the scene of the crime) yet she received a bill — marked delinquent — for nearly $2000.
Texas has a Crime Victims’ Compensation Fund that automatically covers up to $700 of the cost of a sexual assault investigation, but state law requires victims to exhaust all other potential sources before the fund will kick down any more. (“We’re so sorry that you’ve been through hell, ma’am. Please submit an invoice in triplicate to your insurance company.”)
Hospital administrators canceled the Houston woman’s bill after reporters contacted them about the case, but advocates say that victims can end up paying their own investigation charges simply because they don’t know to object. “A lot of people aren’t going to ask,” said one rape crisis counselor. “They’re just going to go ahead and pay it and move forward with their lives. They don’t want to keep re-living that experience.”
This isn’t the first time we’ve seen such dangerous nonsense. As mayor of Wasilla, Sarah Palin notoriously permitted her city to charge victims for their own rape test kits. And last year, The News and Observer reported that North Carolina hospitals were regularly billing patients for sexual assault evidence collection. It’s hard to know how common the practice is in other states, because there’s no federal law to regulate who pays for what. After all, that would be treating rape like any other prosecutable, punishable violent crime.
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Monday, May 4, 2009 5:58 PM UTC
Ayman Udas was shot to death last week for the sin of appearing on TV.
By Abigail Kramer
A female Pakistani singer was shot to death last week, apparently by her own brothers, for the sin of appearing on TV.
Ayman Udas was a local celebrity in the city of Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The area is at the center of the struggle between the country’s secular government, tribal factions and the increasingly powerful Pakistani Taliban. And as is so often the case on the frontiers of culture wars, women’s freedoms have been among the first casualties. The NWFP is where a group of men were caught on video last month, whipping a screaming teenaged girl. Talibani groups have bombed and burned hundreds of girls’ schools in the region, and religious militants terrorized thousands of women away from participating in last year’s national elections.
According to the Times Online, several performers on the show have also received death threats from radical Islamist groups and even been forced to quit, relocate or flee the country.
Killings like Udas’s, awful as they are in their own right, always spur a debate among American feminists — especially those of us who write about feminism in public forums. On one hand, it can be far too easy to point righteous fingers at the perpetrators of anti-woman violence in other countries, as though Islam had a monopoly on misogynist brutality. On the other hand, the conservative bloggers over at Black and Right argued yesterday that Western feminists pay too little heed to so-called “honor” killings in Eastern countries. “When a blonde girl goes missing,” they write,” cable networks stop in their tracks — but when a Muslim woman is murdered by her father, there’s not a ripple of sustained interest. Where’s the outrage?”
So what do you think, Broadsheet readers? Do we pay too little attention to the oppression of women in other countries, or do we pay too much?
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Friday, May 1, 2009 8:05 PM UTC
Once called a "poetess" by her male colleagues, Carol Ann Duffy becomes the first woman to hold the prestigious post.
By Abigail Kramer
Carol Ann Duffy has been appointed Britain’s first female poet laureate after a 341-year run of men. That’s an awful long monopoly, but England, not to mention poetry, has rarely been accused of being quick to change. (Elizabeth Barrett Browning was considered for the post in 1850, but she lost out to Alfred Tennyson.)
Duffy first got attention in 1999 with the collection “The World’s Wife,” which views literature and history through the eyes of women behind myth-making men (poems include “Mrs. Faust” and “Pilate’s Wife”). According to a story in the Guardian, she was widely regarded as runner-up in 1999, when then-Prime Minister Tony Blair chose outgoing laureate Andrew Motion. Rumor had it Blair believed England wasn’t ready for Duffy: She’s not just a woman, but she’s also a lesbian.
Duffy told BBC Radio 4 she had some hesitation about the position.
“I did think long and hard about accepting it … I think my decision was purely because there has not been a woman. I see this as a recognition of the great women poets we now have … and I decided to accept it for that reason.”
In an interview with Jeanette Winterson, Duffy once explained what it was like to break into the British poetry scene back in the 1970s.
“When I started on the circuit, I was called a poetess … Older male poets, the Larkin generation, were both incredibly patronizing and incredibly randy. If they weren’t patting you on the head, they were patting you on the bum.”
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