Gary Wolf

A penny for your deepest thoughts

Is it possible to be too aware of our own consciousness? A psychologist and a philosopher teamed up to document inner experience.

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A few years ago a psychologist and a philosopher got into an argument over whether we can accurately describe our thoughts. “Yes,” said the psychologist; with training and the help of my special technique, we can accurately describe our thoughts. The philosopher doubted it. To resolve their argument, they recruited a young woman who agreed tell them her thoughts, so that they could argue over whether she was credible.

This is not an episode from a Preston Sturgis comedy, but the actual procedure through which Russell T. Hurlburt and Eric Schwitzgebel produced their remarkable book, “Describing Inner Experience? Proponent Meets Skeptic.” The premise is so ludicrous that it might seem impossible for anything to come of it, but this underestimates the skill of the authors, particularly Schwitzgebel, the philosopher, whose talent for straight-faced mischief has been displayed in his some of his other writing. For instance, his Web site contains a draft of a recent paper titled “Do Ethicists Steal More Books?” which examines data from leading academic libraries to show that professional ethicists are more likely than other people to behave badly. As Schwitzgebel sums up his research, he found that “contemporary (post-1959) ethics books were actually about 25% more likely to be missing than non-ethics books. When the list was reduced to the relatively obscure books most likely to be borrowed exclusively by professional ethicists and advanced students of ethics, ethics books were almost 50% more likely to be missing.”

Schwitzgebel, who is generous as well as rigorous, specifically warns against taking his study as evidence that studying ethics necessarily means you are a bad person. He only means to suggest that we look into it.

Of course, for a great mischief maker to really shine, he must have a foil, and in “Describing Inner Experience?” the role is taken by Russell T. Hurlburt. Hurlburt is not only a psychologist, he is also an inventor, and he has developed a tool to allow us to capture our thoughts in their most raw and immediate form; fresh off the brain, so to speak. The device is a beeper that goes off at random intervals. At every beep, the subject of the experiment makes a note of whatever was passing through the mind at the moment just before being startled into self-awareness. As soon as possible — preferably within 24 hours — Hurlburt conducts a gentle but thorough interview, drawing out the details of these reports.

Hurlburt has shown that there is tremendous variety in the type of thinking that people typically do. While folklore has it that we think by means of an “inner voice” that comments upon the world, it turns out that some people have very few words in their thoughts. Instead, their inner experience might mainly consist of images; for others, consciousness is dominated by bodily sensations. The “stuff” of consciousness is far from uniform.

In the book’s early chapters, which are academic but accessible, the philosopher and the psychologist declare their positions in advance, outlining them in some detail. In explaining his view that accurate descriptions of inner experience are neither impossible nor trivially easy, Hurlburt shows himself to be a watchful, experienced man, with a certain patient imperturbability. He is a collector of data, and the effect of his work is cumulative. A professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, Hurlburt has been publishing the results of his research for nearly 30 years.

One fears, however, that he will be no match for Schwitzgebel, who is not the type of person to be deterred from doubting by academic respect. In fact, on his philosophical blog, the Splintered Mind, he argues that politeness is a major cause of error: “When we’re asked questions about our ‘inner lives’ (‘a penny for your thoughts’) or when we report on our dreams, our imagery, etc., we almost never get corrective feedback. On the contrary, we get an interested audience who assumes that what we’re saying is true. No one ever scolds us for getting it wrong about our experience. This makes us cavalier…”

Schwitzgebel has no such inhibitions. One of his techniques is to invite victims to imagine a simple scene — their house, for instance, or the breakfast table where they ate that morning. Then he asks some hard questions: How stable is the image? Does it fluctuate as you think different aspects of the scene, as your attention waxes and wanes, or does it stay relatively constant? Does it have a focal center and a periphery, or is everything equally present all at once? How detailed is it?

Schwitzgebel boasts that with some rather basic interrogation techniques, he can impugn almost any person’s credibility as a self-witness. This is entirely believable. Attend to your own mental experience, at this moment, if you’d like to feel the effect for yourself.

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Before seeing what happens when the cross-examination of their unsuspecting volunteer begins, it’s worth asking whether anything is truly at stake, beyond a demonstration of Schwitzgebel’s skill in doubting. In fact, there is. The reliability of introspection is a hot topic in the study of consciousness, and consciousness is a hot topic in science.

In 1950, only five scientific articles in the biomedical literature used the word “consciousness,” according to a review by the eminent psychologist Bernard Baars. In 2000, there were 1,400. What happened in the interval was the advent of cognitive neuroscience, which combined psychological experimentation with new tools to measure activity in the brain. For the first time, consciousness seemed to become accessible to science. This is true in the most literal sense; the link in this sentence is to a commercially available consciousness monitor for judging the depth of anesthesia.

The classic account of the implications of neuroscience for philosophy is Daniel Dennett’s 1991 book “Consciousness Explained,” in which he argues that humans are complex machines, without any extra something — soul, mind, spirit or will — that does not have its basis in our biological components. Dennett’s philosophy is summed up by a beautiful motto he later acquired from the Italian philosopher Giulio Giorello: “Yes, we have a soul, but it’s made of lots of tiny robots!”

Dennett did not convince everybody right away. His opponents pointed out that to explain something is not the same as to experience it. Consciousness is not outward behavior, but an inner fact. If we built an automaton that imitated humans, it would still not be conscious, as long as nothing within it had been programmed for consciousness. And since consciousness is inward and subjective, how could we possibly learn to create such a program, or be certain it worked?

Well, the cognitive neuroscientists continued their research undaunted, and their skill at examining consciousness grew. There are now countless experiments showing how aspects of consciousness can be measured, manipulated and predicted. Even some psychoanalysts — surely the most subjectively oriented of psychologists — have gotten into the act, examining how different types of self-awareness correlate with the biological activity in specific regions of the brain. As the results piled up, the debate over the irreducible subjectivity of consciousness has come to seem increasingly old-fashioned, one of those entangling byways in the history of philosophy that future generations will treat as mere scholasticism.

Enter Hurlburt and Schwitzgebel. Although neither argues on behalf of a non-biological soul, they both find consciousness deeply mysterious. They don’t quarrel with the idea that science could explain our inner states, but they wonder what, exactly, these inner states might be. When we say we are conscious, what do we mean? Consciousness seems ineffable when we look at it directly, and equally ineffable when we glance away. Hurlburt has devoted his life to catching bits of consciousness, snagging them with his beeps as they flit by. But Schwitzgebel says, just look more closely and you’ll notice: They’re already gone.

At the beginning of the book’s central section, Hurlburt and Schwitzgebel meet their volunteer. Her pseudonym is Melanie. She is in her 20s, and she has an interest in psychology but no experience in these debates. Hurlburt explains the rules to her: She will simply tell them what was on her mind just before each beep, and they will try to figure out if her reports are accurate.

Hurlburt handles the direct questioning, then turns her over to Schwitzgebel for cross-examination. They have six sessions, each about an hour long. And over the course of these sessions, something unexpected happens, a novelistic twist that is subtle, hilarious and hard to describe. A battle for interpretive credibility emerges, as the doubt Schwitzgebel casts upon Melanie’s self-understanding rebounds upon himself.

Typically, in these sessions Melanie makes a report, and Hurlburt helps her flesh it out. Hurlburt does not trust everything his subjects say about their thoughts. His focus is on clarifying their language, focusing their attention upon the proper moment just before the beep, and warning them against false generalizations that might distort the inner view. Schwitzgebel’s attacks are quite different.

In one of their sessions, Melanie reports that she was reading a book when the beep went off, and visualizing a scene. She had a picture in her mind of a woman and soldier talking by the side of the road. She reports that the picture was somewhat incomplete — she couldn’t say anything, for instance, about how his legs were positioned.

“How can you be visually imagining some legs without imagining some particular way in which they’re positioned?” asks Schwitzgebel. Melanie tells them that she just wasn’t concentrating on this part of the image.

Schwitzgebel asks her if the feet she didn’t see were occluded by a bush. “No,” Melanie replies. And in the middle of his questions, she laughs. Schwitzgebel’s expert process of interrogation is supposed to reduce Melanie’s confidence, and as the sessions go on she indeed becomes more skeptical — of Schwitzgebel.

“I hope my skepticism isn’t too dispiriting or discouraging, or something like that,” Schwitzgebel remarks in a later session.

“Nope,” says Melanie, cheerfully.

“You seem to have a skin of Teflon about it, so that’s good.”

Then Hurlburt piles on. “She doesn’t believe a word you’re saying, Eric!”

Schwitzgebel and Hurlburt have put the audiotapes of their sessions online. I have listened to them. Schwitzgebel doubts Melanie. She doubts him right back. She laughs, is skeptical, tells him she’s not sure what he means. His questions, sensible in form and structure, often seem ridiculous by the time they are spoken out loud. It is not that Melanie is incorrigible. She is perfectly willing to doubt. It is just that she is a participant as well as a subject here. She can’t help collaborating in examining her mind.

Often, Melanie reports that at the beep she was not only having an inner experience — of words, or an image, or a bodily sensation — but also that she was aware of having this experience. She is simultaneously feeling or thinking, and noticing her feelings or thoughts. Schwitzgebel is skeptical of these multiple levels of experience. He guesses that by interrogating Melanie about how self-analytical she is, they have increased her curiosity on this topic, and damaged her naiveté.

In a side discussion with Hurlburt, Schwitzgebel remarks: “If she is wondering now whether she is generally self-analytical, that may itself create a presently occurring self-analyticity that seems to confirm her theory.”

Is Melanie giving herself extra self-awareness, after the fact? Maybe she is. But the “tuning up” of self-reflection under conditions of random beeping is only a problem for those seeking purity in introspective report. For the rest of us it is a chief interest of Hurlburt’s method. The random beep is a call to self-awareness. And self-awareness, for the lay reader, is not an artifact but a goal.

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There is a famous poem by Chao-pien quoted in D.T. Suzuki’s “Essays in Zen Buddhism”:

Devoid of thought, I sat quietly by the desk in my official room, With my fountain-mind undisturbed, as serene as water; A sudden crash of thunder, the mind doors burst open, And lo, there sits the old man in all his homeliness.

The discipline of Zen is somewhat foreign to our sensibility now, but perhaps Hurlburt’s lowly beeper, accompanied by an uninhibited skepticism and taste for the comic, can perform some of the same work as the old style of ritual contemplation. Melanie, who begins as the subject of these experiments, promotes herself to co-investigator. If, in reading these conversations, you can be seduced into following along, you will naturally become a co-investigator, too, suddenly aware both of the unexpected contents of your mind, and of how much of yourself is not really there.

Who’s afraid of a bear market?

Almost everyone, but don't expect a crash to scare off day traders. In fact, it might turn you into one.

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Recently people have been asking me if the recent NASDAQ hiccup has reduced the number of day traders. My answer? Probably not. Terror is the day trader’s best friend.

Day traders say you become an investor when your trade goes very wrong. You buy 1,000 shares, the price plummets and suddenly you start telling yourself that UBID is a “great value” that is sure to rise significantly “over time.” But the opposite is also true. An investor can become a day trader when his or her trade goes unexpectedly right.

You buy some obscure stock that your cousin told you about, it quadruples and you can’t stand to hang on to it any more, so you take your profits. Now what are you going to do with all that cash? It’s already sitting in your trading account. Scores of “bargains” are flashing before your eyes every day. Come on. Just make one trade. One little purchase, just for the heck of it. There you go. Now how do you feel? Not so good, right? A little nervous? In fact, kind of panicky? Look, your stock is already up a quarter point. Little beads of sweat are breaking out on your upper lip. You are mouthing words, but no sound is coming out. That’s OK, because now it’s time to sell. Go ahead, sell it. Sell! SELL!

Very long-term investors, those who plan to hold their stocks for 20 years or more, can afford to ignore the movement of the market. But for people who might need their money in the next decade, the threat of a sudden collapse is terrifying. Given how much you are going to resent it if half your money suddenly disappears, perhaps you would actually be safer not holding any of those stocks you own overnight. When things head south, you don’t want to be the last one out the door. On the other hand, you don’t want to get left out when the market bounces. So you buy a few promising candidates and keep one nervous eye on the exits.

Congratulations, you’re halfway there.

The following excerpt was adapted from “Dumb Money: Adventures of a Day Trader,” by Joey Anuff and Gary Wolf

I started trading during the glory days of the Internet bull market. I quickly doubled my account size due to an extremely fortunate speculation on EBAY, and I entertained myself with visions of growing my low six-figure trading account into a mid-six-figure trading account. Since I was trading the sum total of all the money I’d ever earned, borrowed, swindled or inherited, this felt like quite an accomplishment. I gave myself extra points for having made a small fortune while the business page of the newspaper (which for the first time in my life I read religiously) was warning every day about the dangerous and unsupportable run-up in the prices of Internet stocks.

Sometimes I wondered if it was easier for me than for most people. I had a lot of tolerance for risk and seemed to have an uncanny knack for being at the right place at the right time. There’s no denying that I had benefited from luck; but, on the other hand, perhaps luck is a talent like any other. You have to make the best of what you are given, I mused, and I seemed to have been given a gift for brilliant speculation.

During this time, a friend was regaling me with stories about the great money manager John Templeton, whom he had met while researching a magazine story. Templeton, now in his nineties, had almost single-handedly invented the foreign-stock mutual fund. One of his earliest investors, Leroy Paslay, gave $65,500 to Templeton to invest in 1954 and by 1996, Paslay’s shares were worth $37 million. The Templeton Growth Fund had an average annual return of 14.3 percent. “Templeton thinks stocks are overpriced,” my friend told me, as if he were imparting the secret code that unlocked the treasure chest of unlimited wealth.

I laughed out loud. Fourteen percent? You’ve got to be kidding. In my first half-year of trading I’d made more than 100 percent. The only times I went wrong were times I stayed away from the trading screen.

That conversation about Templeton, however, bore poisoned fruit, in the form of a 1932 reprint of a 1841 classic about bull markets and their victims: “Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds,” by Charles MacKay. MacKay’s book was one of Templeton’s favorites. Since I was just beginning a reading binge about great stock market speculators (in an effort to better understand my heretofore undiscovered talent), I instantly found a copy and started reading.

That day marked the end of my innocent triumphs. I don’t know what I expected: No, I do know. I expected a friendly romp through the history of stock market dopes whose bankruptcy would provide a suitably dark background against which the brighter stars of speculative adventure could be seen and appreciated. Today’s deluded losers, I was sure, were the dummies who kept saying the Internet was a fad and the Internet stocks were a joke. My bank account told me who was having the last laugh about that.

I looked forward to a double handful of anecdotes of others who’d played the wrong runs, been plagued by the wrong timing, or been doomed by the wrong attitude, the better to torture my friends with. Although Templeton’s returns were pretty weak by today’s standards, he had been a player in his time, and I took it for granted that he would feel a kinship with me and my little victories over popular misunderstanding. If he was a fan of Charles MacKay, then I was prepared to be a fan, too.

The unexpected horror MacKay’s tales inspired in me is hard to describe. Everybody knows about “Tulipomania.” The Dutch went mad about tulips a few hundred years ago, and bid the price up outrageously, after which they came to their senses and the price fell. Big deal. Several hundred years later, their folly still lingers as the most trite of metaphors to be hauled out anytime someone thinks someone else is paying too much for something. Tulips were regularly mentioned on the stock discussion boards by desperate characters who were shorting a technology stock that continued, despite their evilest prayers, to go up and up. When I hear “tulip” I translate it this way: “I don’t understand why this stock keeps rising but if it goes up another three points I’m going to be ruined.” My response? “Tulip, you say? Time to buy more!”

So it wasn’t MacKay’s story of tulipomania that knocked me off my game, but his tale of the numerous London bankruptcies in the wake of the South-Sea bubble of 1720. Nearly everybody who touched the crappy shares of the South Sea company, with the exception of a few insiders, was damaged by the experience. Since MacKay tells it so well, there’s no point in telling it again here. But the similarities to the run up in the Internet stocks were terrifying:

The advent of profitable trade with the Americas, sometime in the future, which would transform the economy of England; why, that was e-commerce. The South Sea directors and their cronies, who sold their shares into successive waves of buying; these were the Internet stock-option millionaires. The manipulation of the price to ludicrous heights using publicity; this was the laughable “we’re now an Internet company” press release. The proliferation of meaningless business ventures by London sharpies in the wake of the first great success, including “a company for carrying on an undertaking of great advantage, but nobody to know what it is;” why, this was UBID, and KTEL, and Perfumania, and scores of others.

Explained MacKay: “It did not follow that all these people believed in the feasibility of the schemes to which they subscribed; it was enough for their purpose that their shares would … be soon raised to a premium, when they got rid of them with all expedition to the really credulous.” Hey, wait a second: that was me. In the end, everybody went broke.

One dose of pessimism led to another. Soon, I was devouring books about economic catastrophe. I read Charles Kindleberger’s “Manias, Panics, and Crashes,” from which I learned that one sign of impending doom is the emergence of financial swindles that capitalize on the general belief that it is easy to become rich. Each day, my e-mail queue was peppered with announcements of new stock picking services guaranteed to drown me with cash. In the past, I’d ignored them. Now, I saw them as omens of the rout to come.

Kindleberger even predicted the proximate cause of the latest phase of the bull run, which was the lowering of interest rates in late summer, 1998, in response to the Asian crisis. The head of the Federal Reserve Bank, Alan Greenspan, had long been critical of the uncorrected boom in share prices, but when the Asian economies faltered he cut interest rates anyway, though this was likely to set off another manic stock market run to record highs — as it promptly did.

Kindleberger, in his dry prose, writing long before the fact, reveals why even conservative bankers can’t head off a dangerous bubble under these circumstances: “When commodity and asset markets move together, up or down, the direction of monetary policy is clear. But when a threatening boom in share prices or real estate or both rears up when commodity prices are stable or falling, the authorities face a dilemma.” Indeed, they do. Greenspan chose a nice, easy rate cut, and I had a hundred thousand dollars to show for it. For the first time, however, I began to reflect on the possibility that I would have all of this money stuck in a promising Internet stock on the very day that the market went South in a panic.

My fate was sealed when I settled down for the weekend with the ultimate stock market snuff movie: John Kenneth Galbraith’s “The Great Crash of 1929.” “The only reward to ownership in which the boomtime owner has an interest is the increase in values,” Galbraith wrote. “Could the right to the increased values be somehow divorced from the other and now unimportant fruits of possession and also from as many as possible of the other burdens of ownership, this would be much welcomed by the speculator. Such an arrangement would enable him to concentrate on speculation which, after all, is the business of the speculator.”

This was an exact description of my heart’s desire, but Galbraith’s sympathy ended there. He seemed to take a dry delight in the fact that after the big drop in 1929 came the long, murderous compaction of the early ’30s, by which point most of the amateur speculators had gotten all their funds pummeled out of them.

I had always assumed that even if the market dropped radically, all the traders in the world would simultaneously scream “Buying opportunity!” and up we’d race again. I believed that after a big dip there would be lots of cash available to go back into the market. This, I learned, is a common misconception based on a failure to recognize that after a long, relentless bull run, a run that forces all the lingering skeptics to give in, all the cash is already in the market. And then it is gone. Gone where? Gone, as a great speculator once said, “where the woodbine twineth.” He meant, I’m pretty sure, up the spout. Gone, in the words of another grim accountant, to join “the silent majority of vanished savings.” In the great crash of 1929, stocks fell by 50 percent. During the next three years, they fell by another 80 percent. How were you supposed to make your money back under those circumstances?

Then and there, I concluded that my trading method was insane. Yes, I’d made a bundle of cash. But a circus chimp could have doubled his money buying the stocks I was playing during the winter of 1998-1999. It was simple. Dow hits 7,500 in August. Buy anything. Dow hits 10,000 by year end. Sell everything. Luckily, I was too dumb to know better than to get in at the bottom. But after dosing myself with MacKay and Kindleberger and Galbraith, I wasn’t dumb enough to stay in at the top. I was finished trusting the market to reward me for not trying. It was time to trade risk for security.

When I’d started out, cashing in all my mutual funds and wiring the proceeds, along with all my savings, into my E-Trade account, I had made a conscious decision to trade it as if I were going to blow it. After all, I had just turned 27. I had a life of savings ahead of me. Might as well pull off all the risky investment stunts now, while I could still chalk it all up to youthful folly.

On the other hand, I don’t think I really believed I’d lose it all. Perhaps “I don’t care” was just a mantra to soothe the nausea and to quiet the blind panic that came late at night. In any case, now that I had had my pay day — nay, my pay season — and was ready to double my stake again, I meditated on how I would feel if it were gone. Every few days, I tried on my old casual point of view to see if it still fit. “Easy come, easy go,” I tried to say one night to my brother, but my voice trailed off into an anxious squeak. I’d done it. I no longer could convince myself I didn’t care. If I lost it all now, I knew it would shape my identity for the rest of my life. I couldn’t live with that.

Okay, the hard part was over. I’d admitted that I cared. Next, I needed a sensible trading strategy. I wanted rules. I wanted science.

In Edwin Lefevre’s classic trader’s travelogue, “Reminiscences of a Stock Operator,” the author recounts a conversation with a friend so unnerved by his investments that it literally keeps him awake at night. “I am carrying so much cotton that I can’t sleep thinking about it,” he told Lefevre. “It is wearing me out. What can I do?” Lefevre’s reply is simplicity itself: “Sell down to the sleeping point.” After spending the uncorrection of late 1998 bumbling into absurd profits, I think I knew what my sleeping point was. It was zero percent stocks, 100 percent U.S. dollars.

After all, who gets hurt when the music stops? The people who are still standing. The market equivalent of looking around in the sudden silence and realizing that all the chairs are taken is opening your trading account and staring at a list of securities whose value has fallen by 50 percent and is still dropping. If I was going to stay in the market, I wanted no risk of an overnight decimation. I was going to expose myself to the vicissitudes of the market for the briefest periods of time possible. My old mantra, “I don’t care,” was going to be replaced by a new one: “End the day in cash.” That meant serious day trading.

I knew that my plan to reduce my risk by trading more often flew in the face of every investment commonplace. Nonetheless, the way I figured it, day trading was the safest possible strategy. After all, my favored Internet stocks had already risen 400 percent, 500 percent even 1,000 percent. At this point, conventional wisdom was out the window. Buy and hold? The only person who held eBay all the way up was the guy who bought it at the IPO, went out for a bike ride, got hit by a car, and lay comatose in the hospital for the next three months.

No, now that the Dow had crossed 10,000, “buy and hold” seemed laughable. I could just picture the big stock market managers, the traders for the mutual funds and the pension plans and the municipalities, for whom these new profitless Internet stocks had always seemed excessively risky, finally shaking their heads and capitulating. Every day I saw it on CNBC; the buy and hold crowd was getting in. It was time for me to get out.

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That was the beginning of my day-trading career. By the end, I’d learned some rather surprising things about the mechanisms of the stock market. “Dumb Money,” the story of my education as a day trader, was published on April 18, a week after last month’s NASDAQ correction. Nearly every day since, I’ve heard somebody say that a bear market would make day trading go away. This is wrong. Things are just getting started.

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The president as lab rat

How much surveillance can one human being take? President Clinton is helping us find out.

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The Clinton-Lewinsky investigation is a test of the technology of total communication.

What an American twist: This advanced experiment with publicizing an entire life takes place not with a prisoner or subversive who is captured, humiliated and executed nor with an artist, but rather with the leader of our country. The official record shows President Clinton’s every call. The investigators have his schedule down to the minute; they know every visitor; they also have all Monica Lewinsky’s calls and her pager record; they have done a blood test, a DNA analysis and identified his semen from a 2-year-old ejaculation; they know everything he purchased for her and everything he received. They have organized the information in convenient form and broadcast it to the world. In Times Square, his interrogation became an element of urban design.

Something like this will happen to you.

Not on such a grand scale, of course — the ambition, intelligence, access to wealth, narcissism and good luck of a Bill Clinton are granted to only a few people in every generation. But Clinton’s martyrdom to total surveillance foreshadows the fate of the “little guy.” You may never be addressed fondly by the charming intern at the office, you may have lips uncontaminated by illicit love — or by love of any kind. But the past will haunt you anyway.

This is common knowledge, so much so that it is very boring to trot out the evidence. Perhaps key words will suffice: credit cards, legal records, tax statements, phone bills, insurance payments, Usenet posts, office e-mail, Amazon purchases. These are the raw materials of data mining that create a sophisticated record of your habits, tastes, aberrations, misdeeds and physical condition. Your only hope is to remain obscure enough that nobody will care to torment you with what they could know if they tried.

This hope is futile. You may not be tormented by special prosecutors, but a certain amount of general persecution is inevitable. At minimum, you will be the target of endless seductive appeals for your attention based on a sickeningly explicit portrait constructed out of the trails of the purchases you make. And if you think purchases are unrevealing and harmless, you haven’t been paying attention to the great national surveillance demonstration currently under way.

Rarely have public leaders been called upon to make personal sacrifices to technological progress. Their relationship to new technologies is ceremonial, encouraging and third-hand. They may be asked to break a bottle of champagne over the prow of a new factory or to hug an executive who founded a software company, but this puts them at little risk.

Clinton, by contrast, is on the front line. The process of specifying and publicizing his every movement has created a new kind of document (the paperback is on sale now in bookstores) that owes its existence to the ever-present technology of surveillance and broadcast. Smaller experiments have been undertaken before: Richard Nixon, obviously, and all the various security state functions of the old South Africa or the old East Germany. But this is the fullest human trial yet attempted of complete surveillance as, simultaneously, a tool of jurisprudence and a form of entertainment.

The complete mapping of the world with global positioning devices, the protection of our safety with 24-hour-a-day security cameras and the deep archives of e-mail messages and Usenet posts offer ever more tempting resources for the aspiring dramatists of the media and the courtroom.

Certainly Clinton would not have volunteered for this mission. But the fact that he was drafted — or, more accurately, maliciously ordered to the front by rivals at headquarters — does not erase a certain heroism.

Importantly, he has not yet run away. He could get out of the spotlight by resigning. He would never have to hold another press conference. The House Judiciary Committee would quickly move on to other business. The fine-grained image of a minor episode of untruth and self-infatuation — so small, so human and so unappetizing that it could only be handled, in fiction, by the most ruthless comic writer — would fade from view within a month. Privacy, as we are all becoming aware, can best be safeguarded by conformism and inoffensive obscurity.

And yet Clinton stays at the front. He even moves forward into the line of fire. Again, he is no volunteer. But again, he is nonetheless a hero. Because he has such fortitude, we are all going to find out something about how much of this a person can stand. Such experimental opportunities are, for obvious reasons, difficult to come by.

There is a measure of toxicity used in pharmacology labs whose abbreviation is “LD50.” How much of a given substance can you give a group of mice before half of them die? The mice are anonymous, and purchased in quantities. To date, many of the extreme advances in the new field of surveillance-broadcast — ambient media — have been explored using the human analog to the pharmacologists’ mice. TV cameras swoop down on public drunks on the streets of Los Angeles. Check-forgers wear electronic ankle bracelets. There are even penile plethysmographs that survey the blood flow in the sex organs of rapists, allowing psychologists to determine when they are having illegitimate fantasies.

Because of the impassible moral barrier that exists between us on the one hand, and drunks, check-forgers and rapists on the other, it might have taken a long time before the meaning of Andy Warhol’s deceptively sunny dictum about universal celebrity was revealed. Fortunately, our leader has gone before us.

The things that everybody says they hate about the turn the investigation has taken — the unfairness of the broadcast of the deposition, the ruthlessness of the persecutors, the ever-ramifying minutiae of the documentary evidence and the joy that the independent counsel has taken in trapping his mendacious witness — are exactly what has become most valuable. We are getting a glimpse of the new world. Once we adapt, it might not seem so bad. “Homo Sapiens,” said a primatologist, “is the animal that can get used to anything.” The president, in fateful fulfillment of his political ambition, has become an indispensable pioneer.

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