Holly Bailey

Wartime love affair

Hollywood and Washington make love, not war -- and the curtain falls on legislation unfriendly to the entertainment industry.

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Just before Congress recessed for the Thanksgiving Day holiday, Rep. Henry Hyde, R-Ill., convened a packed hearing of the House International Relations Committee that would tackle the question of how America could win the propaganda war overseas. The panel considered the testimony of a former diplomat, a radio station tycoon, an Arab newspaper reporter, an advertising executive and then heard from John Romano, a Hollywood producer whose credits include such TV fare as “Third Watch,” “Dark Angel” and “Party of Five.”

When Hyde had called looking for Hollywood input, the Motion Picture Association of America, the industry’s main lobbying arm in Washington, had suggested Romano, who had grand ideas on what Congress could do to improve its P.R. overseas. His first suggestion: Save the Middle East from bad American TV. Specifically, he suggested pulling from foreign airwaves programs like “Baywatch” and “Who Wants to be a Millionaire,” the two most popular U.S. shows in the Arab world.

“What comes through to people watching such shows is an impression, not of the humanity that we share with them, but only of the plenty and prosperity of our lives — how we dress, what we own, the cars we drive,” Romano told members of the committee. “What they’ll see abroad is what sells abroad, which is often the lowest common denominator product.”

Instead of Southern California beach bunnies, Romano said the industry should send shows that he believes more accurately depict America — programs, Romano said, like his own firefighter drama “Third Watch,” or “The Practice” or “ER.” And he also proposed special programming, like docu-dramas on the Bill of Rights, more Arab-American characters in TV shows, and miniseries highlighting America’s struggles as a nation, touching on subjects like the Civil War and slavery.

And if foreign markets prove uninterested in buying such fare, Romano told the committee, Washington should be willing to subsidize it. “Let’s give it to them for free,” Romano advised. “It’s our own interest we’d be serving.”

The idea of taxpayer-funded agitprop is only one pie-in-the-sky proposition to come out of ongoing meetings between representatives from Hollywood and Washington, post-Sept. 11, the most recent on Thursday. And so far, the meetings have concluded with little more than harebrained posturing — like documentary producer Craig Haffner’s hope, reported in the New York Times, that Hollywood would return to war-torn inspirational tales like “Mrs. Miniver.”

That Hollywood and Washington have decided to make love, not war, was punctuated this week when Sen. Joe Lieberman, D-Conn., a vocal foe of entertainment marketing toward children, announced that he and his co-sponsors (including Sens. Hillary Clinton, D-N.Y.; Robert Byrd, D-W.V.; and Herb Kohl, D-Wis.) of a bill to crack down on the industry would drop the legislation, after a Federal Trade Commission report issued this week showed some improvement from the industry in targeting teens-and-under with adult content.

“Except for the music industry, marketing self-regulation is working — which was my hope all along — and there is no pressing need for government standard-setting,” Lieberman said.

Actually, the FTC report still said the entertainment industry had a ways to go, stating “all three industries (movies, music and video games) do continue to advertise violent R-rated movies, M-rated games and explicit content recordings in media popular with teens.” It specifically slapped the record industry for making virtually no progress on the issue at all. But that didn’t stop Recording Industry Association of America president and CEO Hilary Rosen from mugging nice with the White House Thursday — the day after the report was released — solemnly telling the Hollywood Reporter of the meeting’s goal of “promoting the dual message of patriotism and humanitarianism.”

MPAA president Jack Valenti, meanwhile, is practically singing “Happy Days are Here Again.” “One thing I can say about the White House is that the Bush administration has not attacked Hollywood at all,” Valenti tells Salon. “As a matter of fact, they seem to be reaching out to us, trying to create a dialogue. That was absolutely not so in the previous administration.”

That was before Hollywood enlisted in the war effort.

The outrage created when the FTC issued its report last year about the entertainment industry’s marketing to children seems to have all but dissipated. That study, released in September 2000, blasted the industry for aggressively targeting kids with violent video games, films and music deemed more suitable for adults. At the time, Lieberman, stumping as the Democrats’ vice presidential candidate, and others warned the industry that it should clean up its act or face government regulation. And earlier this year, Lieberman, chairman of the powerful Senate Governmental Relations Committee, introduced legislation that would subject Hollywood to civil penalties for marketing R-rated films and music labeled for explicit content to young audiences.

In July, MPAA chief Jack Valenti testified against Lieberman’s bill before a less than sympathetic audience on Capitol Hill. But that was in the summer. These days, Valenti seems to be the man of the hour with an administration that until recently had virtually no relationship with the entertainment world — unless you count Ricky Martin, of course. And as Hollywood’s troubles in Washington fade to black, the feeling of appreciation is increasingly mutual.

In early November, Valenti organized a much-touted meeting between Karl Rove, President Bush’s senior political strategist, and four dozen of Tinseltown’s most powerful people, including the head of every major studio, music industry executives and representatives from each of the guilds representing actors, writers and directors. On the table was the question of what Hollywood could do to help out the war against terrorism.

After the meeting, both Valenti and Rove practically rushed reporters to insist that the government had not proposed turning the industry into a propaganda machine reminiscent of the World War II era. “Content was off the table,” Valenti said. “Directors, writers, producers and studios will determine the kind of pictures they choose to make and compelling stories they wish to tell.”

Meanwhile, the industry has discussed green-lighting timely war films that will stimulate patriotism. Sylvester Stallone has talked about a fourth installment of “Rambo,” set in Afghanistan and reportedly involving a terrorist modeled after Osama bin Laden. At Hyde’s hearing, Romano and other panelists tossed around similar ideas, including the development of a video game in which bin Laden would be cast as the bad guy. The game would be marketed exclusively to audiences in the Middle East.

And all of this comes without government prodding, Valenti insists. “Look, I have spent 30 years keeping the government out of movies, fighting censorship and protecting the First Amendment, fiercely and passionately, and that is what I am doing now,” he says. “The White House knows that the minute it brings up content that I am walking out of the room and taking everybody in the creative community with me. So far, they have not crossed that line.”

Of course, they also wouldn’t need to. A Rambo vs. Osama movie would never get the go-ahead unless the studios decided a hungry public would be interested in paying for it. It’s a rare moment when Hollywood’s and Washington’s interests — even if it includes a violent Stallone movie with a likely strong appeal to children — merge.

And conveniently, by Valenti’s account, the “anti-Hollywood” bias in Washington has quieted and bills that don’t favor the industry have “gone into exile.” To hear Valenti tell it, none of that matters at a time like this. “We are a country and an industry at war, and that’s what we are entirely focused on,” he says.

Fasting for Bush

As a nation waits, thousands of Christian activists are submitting their ballots to a higher authority.

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Pam Olsen, a self-proclaimed candy junkie with a syrupy sweet voice and big blond hair, hasn’t touched an ounce of chocolate since the stroke of midnight on Wednesday, Sept. 20. Not one Hershey’s Kiss, not one Butterfinger, for the past eight weeks.

“I can’t tell you how much I love sweets,” Olsen says. “But I’ve given them up in the name of the Lord.” Not to mention the name of Texas Gov. George W. Bush. “Instead of eating sweets, I have been spending time in prayer for the truth to prevail in the elections,” says the Tallahassee, Fla., stay-at-home mom. And the truth, she says, is that Bush is the nation’s president-elect.

Olsen is president of the Florida Prayer Network, a sister organization of the Christian Coalition. In late September, the group joined other prominent members of the Christian right — including Christian Coalition and Focus on the Family — in what was initially supposed to be a 40-day period of fasting and prayer for the outcome of the 2000 elections — namely the sending of Bush to the White House. Olsen claims “hundreds of thousands, if not millions” are participating. Yet, much like the seemingly unending presidential race, the fast itself has dragged on, and tested their faith. After all, how can they be sure whose side God is on?

Even after all the Bible-thumping from both sides of the ticket — both candidates boast born-again credentials; and Democratic vice presidential nominee Sen. Joe Lieberman certainly mentions God more than anyone else — it’s not entirely clear who the Almighty One would chose. What, the group was left to wonder, would Jesus do?

“I don’t think God is a Democrat or a Republican, nor do I think that he cares much about Social Security or prescription drugs or any issues like that,” Olsen says. “But I do think, just by reading the scriptures, that God is pro-life, and since only one candidate on the two major tickets is pro-life, I just have to believe that Bush is the leader that God has selected.”

Still, they aren’t leaving anything to chance. Over the last week, Olsen says her group has organized massive prayer meetings all over Florida, including one gathering Monday night in West Palm Beach that turned out 500 faithful. “The spiritual battle is very intense here,” Olsen says. “We have been on our knees before God asking him to remove the confusion and deception from what is happening here in Florida.”

Indeed, it’s hard not to find one Gore-fearing, er, God-fearing religious group that hasn’t admonished its members to fast and pray in hopes of affecting the outcome of the election. The Christian Coalition, in a series of e-mails to its membership in recent days, has pressed for “urgent prayer” because of the election holdup, while its founder, Pat Robertson, yesterday told his audience on “The 700 Club” to fast and pray that the “election is not stolen.”

Another group with close ties to the Christian Coalition, the Fellowship of International Churches, also has weighed in, with its head, Wellington Boone, telling online magazine Religion Today on Monday that the Florida recount is simply God’s way of telling his people that there should be prayer and repentance. “The delay in announcing a winner is a time for God to look at which side would be humble enough to plead with him to get his will done,” Boone told the newspaper. “All of the ballots may already be in hand, but God works outside of time to accomplish his will.”

But can prayer really provide that crucial edge that can swing an election whose margin exists somewhere between the dancing angels on a head of a pin? Maybe, says Rabbi Barry Freundel of the Kesher Israel Synagogue in Washington, a congregation that counts Lieberman among its members. He says that even though God does hold a stake in who ultimately ends up picking out drapes in the White House, there’s only so much sway a higher power has.

“No doubt there are people on both sides praying for a certain outcome, but God gave mankind a free will, free capacity to choose what we want to do,” Freundel says. “You can pray if you want to, but ultimately, I think this is in the hands of human beings.”

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