Kevin J. Sweeney

Not exactly fatherless

Like a lot of men who were killed Sept. 11, my dad died young and left children. At 7, I made a secret plan to cope with his loss, and it worked.

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Not exactly fatherless

The events leading to my father’s death were not shown on live television. Aside from the phone calls to family and friends, and the generous obituary written for the hometown weekly, there was no way for the larger community to know that something profoundly sad had happened. My dad died alone, of congestive heart failure, at 6 o’clock on a Thursday morning, at Stanford University Hospital. It was 1962, and I was 3 years old, the fifth of his six children.

There is little in the way of detail to connect my father to those who died on Sept. 11. While there was a frantic last phone call — from a doctor telling my mother to come quickly — it came minutes too late. His occupation did not match the lofty pursuits of so many who worked in the twin towers: He was a former diaper deliveryman, and his last job was as a city maintenance worker — a street sweeper.

But like many of the men who died on Sept. 11, my father was young (38), and in the prime of his life, and he left a young wife and young children — abruptly. These are details that bring tremendous sadness; at times I am nearly swept away by it as I read the endless stream of obituaries in the New York Times. But I recall, as I mourn these losses, that even though my childhood was marked indelibly by a sad event, it was not a sad childhood. I was a pretty happy kid. And, so far, I’ve been a pretty happy grown man.

It might be because I have not been fatherless, not exactly, even though my mother never remarried.

Several years after my father died, I began to worry about what I might lack as someone who grew up without a dad. I remember, at the age of 7, worrying about whether I could ever be a good father if I didn’t have a father. In the hazy minutes between bedtime and sleep, I would linger over the fact that I would not have the classic point of reference — my old man — in crucial moments of maleness or parenthood. I really don’t know why I saw this particular need. It may have come from the image of television fathers, the ones who sat on the edge of the bed and had the perfect words to close the week’s episode. It may have come from Catholicism, a grand influence in our household, and its emphasis on male leaders. It may have been that I missed my dad terribly, and replaced my sadness with a worry.

Whatever my motivation, I figured out a plan. It was mysterious, in that I am not entirely sure how I came up with it, and it was secret, in that I told no one else.

I picked out three men from our working-class community and decided that they would teach me how to be a father. None of them would know about their surrogacy, but I would watch them closely. And sometimes my surveillance would extend to contact: They were all friends of my family and I would be in a position, from time to time, to ask them for advice or hang out with them.

I watched Jim Gaffney, Sherm Heaney and Chick Kelly for many years. When our families got together, I would loiter in the living room with the grown-ups, watching the fathers go about their business. I watched the dads in the park with their own kids, and in the stands, when I played ball. I watched the fathers watching their sons. I watched them shake hands, hug and kiss. I watched them be husbands, watched how they treated their wives. I saw how kind they were to my mother. Their words would break through the cacophony of a christening party or a wedding and I would listen carefully: These were the words of a good father, I would think, a father that I myself had chosen.

Sometimes I would seek them out, ask their advice, tell them my jokes, talk. I would never reveal the specialness of our relationships — I couldn’t bear to tell them how great the stakes were. But I was always around.

Jim Gaffney was a graceful dad — DiMaggio with kids running around. He picked up checks with a kind of cool — and financial reserve — that one didn’t see very often in San Bruno, Calif. He wore knit slacks and neat cardigan sweaters — he cared, without pretense, about how he looked.

Sherm Heaney taught me the first rule of the dad: Show up. He was always there for his kids. Always. He never shouted from the stands, but he always had a lot to say after the games. He was interested, he had specific questions that proved he was watching.

Chick Kelly looked like the lineman he was back when they played football in tiny leather helmets. The warm sting of his handshake tingled for whole minutes. He was a butcher and would show up at our house every so often with a ton of meat. He introduced me to steak. He was strong, but he had a soothing voice. I never heard him raise it. Even when he had something difficult to say. This I know from experience.

I had two very wild years in high school. I don’t know how much my mother knew about what I was up to — though I knew she was troubled — but Mr. Kelly knew at least as much as she did; perhaps one of his sons had given him the details. One evening, he pulled me aside and said, without raising his voice, that my actions were hurting my mother and that he would not tolerate them.

“You’re not becoming the man you want to be,” he said. “You’re not on the way to becoming the man I know you can be.” He said that he knew there was something in me, that I had shown him I had the potential to be a good man. I wasn’t on the right path, he said, but he had faith that I soon would be. He told me that he knew that I could make better choices.

I was astonished and grateful. For him — and my mom — I started making better choices.

That conversation with Mr. Kelly, in which I said very little, was the only time I had anything like a father-son chat with any of the men I chose. But there were plenty of other times with them that made me feel less fatherless. Mr. Heaney always had questions not just for his own son, but for me — specific questions about things I was interested in or the stuff I doing with my life. Mr. Gaffney, when dropping off his wife at our house to visit with her girlfriends, would pull me out to go see a movie. (“Tora! Tora! Tora!” wasn’t on my mom’s list of must-see cinema.)

There were risks, I suppose, in choosing three dads on my own. But the three men I chose served me well. On my good days as a dad, I can see their influence. On my bad days, I recall that they had some bad days too. And they aren’t finished with me. Chick Kelly showed me how to die — his death was long, painful and, amazingly, beautiful. Sherm Heaney, the lone survivor, now gets to show me how to be an old fart.

I realize that I have nothing to offer the mothers who find themselves suddenly alone, except maybe to say that your kids aren’t just resilient, they are likely to be creative in their grief. But I do have advice for the men in the Bronx and Queens and Staten Island and all around New York and Arlington who might find themselves haunted by kids who keep hanging around, or look like they might want to: Laugh at the bad jokes and tell some that you remember from fourth grade; ask about their batting stance and whether it changes with two strikes; go to a movie — even the new Martin Lawrence movie — then go again. Look them in the eye when you ask how they’re doing.

And remember: You don’t need to be perfect. You just need to show up.

A national disgrace

President Bush's decision to pull the U.S. out of the Kyoto Protocol insults our history, our spirit and our greatness.

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A national disgrace

There are many reasons to criticize President Bush’s recent move to withdraw the United States from negotiations surrounding the Kyoto Protocol on climate change. The world’s most powerful leader is deliberately avoiding one of the most significant issues facing the world. He is jeopardizing U.S. credibility and standing in the global community. He is threatening to keep the U.S. economy behind a trend toward energy efficiency that the rest of the developed world has clearly embraced.

But there is another reason, one that is of concern to every American, regardless of political affiliation.

George W. Bush’s statements on climate change are fundamentally unpatriotic.

In a letter to four U.S. senators, Bush said he won’t support the Kyoto Protocol because it does not yet command participation from developing nations, including China and India. He says their absence makes the approach “unfair.” He is saying, quite concretely, that the U.S. won’t participate unless everyone else does. He is saying, quite directly, that we, the United States, would prefer not to lead on this issue.

It’s a position — an excuse, really — that would be plausible coming from Lesotho, Paraguay or the Czech Republic. But not from the United States.

I respect all nations and all peoples, but I love my country. Like many, I happen to believe I was born in, and live in, a genuinely great country. This is no empty pledge of allegiance; my sense of patriotism requires one to be specific about those national characteristics that one loves. (It is a process that allows for many forms of greatness; it recognizes that all countries can be great in their own way.) One of the things I love most about my country and the people who live here is that we’re able to tackle the most immense problems and challenges — and solve them. This is our history, our deserved claim to fame. Our legacy of originality, creativity and ingenuity has its roots in our nation’s very beginning. We toppled a monarchy and tried out a new experiment in democracy. We created the process of mass production to bring highly technical products to vast numbers of people. We built an arsenal to defend freedom on several continents at once, and did it overnight. Want to go to the moon? Get Uncle Sam on the line.

As the world’s only remaining superpower, our unique burden and enormous distinction has been that we must lead the way on the world’s most critical issues, its most intractable problems. It is our huge responsibility. But it is also our particular joy. We’re Americans. Give us a few minutes under the hood; we’ll get this baby going.

In a 1962 speech in Bush’s home state of Texas, John F. Kennedy identified a great challenge and magically captured this American spirit. “Why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, did Lindbergh fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas? We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon, and do the other things, not because they are easy but because they are hard.”

So it once was. Suddenly, it’s different. President Bush would have us slouch to the end of the line, step to the periphery as hapless bystanders. He would have us defer, regardless of our history, regardless of the certain peril in such deference. Now, as China goes, so goes the U.S. (That’s right, we’ll only sign on to the global compact on greenhouse gas emissions if it is first signed by the Communist regime in China — Red China, as they presumably say at the Bush dinner table.) We will wait, blushing and shuffling our feet, for some energetic leader of another country to take the initiative, to drag us along for our own good.

Kennedy knew what the rest of us know: A strong country is not afraid of high standards. In fact, a strong country tries to set the highest standards possible, knowing that it, as much as any other nation, possesses the skills and energy to meet those standards. That was the America in which I was born. George W. Bush’s statements notwithstanding, it is the America in which I live.

The United States should be doing all it can to support the ratcheting up of standards on the emissions of greenhouse gases. It is a challenge worthy of the American spirit. And it is an effort that would bring tremendous economic benefits to the American people.

Bush’s limited view allows him to see the costs — his letter to the senators claimed Kyoto would harm the U.S. economy — but prevents him from seeing the economic benefits of leading the way. U.S. investments in the war effort of the 1940s gave our automotive and aeronautics industries competitive advantages that lasted more than three decades. Kennedy’s commitment to the Apollo program (he did not spend his limited time in office trying to line up support from developing nations) led to our economic dominance of the information age.

The same can be true when the new energy age rolls around — as it surely will in the coming decade. If we commit to dramatic reductions in our carbon emissions, we’ll spend much of the decade developing new and efficient energy systems and appliances. And the world will buy them. People in China and India will buy them as well — even if their countries haven’t yet signed on — because they will be the best and most cost-efficient systems.

Bush’s decisions, if unchecked, could have a disastrous impact on the American spirit. His path would have us suddenly afraid of our strength. It would have us recoiling from a responsibility we have earned and cherished. It would have us relinquishing a leading role in the preservation of the planet.

This isn’t just the latest nail that Bush is pounding into the coffin of a beleaguered environment. It isn’t just one in a litany of ecological horrors his administration has unleashed in a scant two months. This move is national capitulation. Bush is handing off the torch, declaring himself — declaring us — to be unworthy of leadership.

Among the many American things that I love and that are a source of great pride, two come to mind at this moment. There is the wondrous and diverse natural beauty of the American landscape. And there is our vital role as a leader on the global stage. With his decision on Kyoto, Bush has trashed both in one fell swoop.

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May the better statesman win

Recount limbo presents an opportunity for presidential courage -- and landslide victory.

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When you’re running for president, it sure is nice to win. But when you’re trying to make history — when you’re trying to actually do something that lives up to the promise embodied in the office — it sure is nice to have the full faith and support of the American people.

As it looks now, one guy will win. And that one guy, whoever it is, will have neither the faith nor the confidence of the American people. Either George W. Bush or Al Gore will serve out a four-year term without the honeymoon that has been granted virtually every president to precede him. The four years that follow will be a time of sniping, of conspiracy theories, and the deafening cacophony will make it impossible for the new president to build support for his ideas. It’s hard to imagine a State of the Union Address that can heal the wounds that are now being opened in South Florida.

There is, however, one step Gore or Bush could — and should — take. The minute one of them surges ahead in the vote tally he should call for a revote in Florida.

That’s right, the winner in Florida should call for a revote. And if Gore does it after pulling ahead — should that happen now or after yet another recount — or if Bush does it now, the candidate who made that choice will win the revote. In a landslide.

Those who suggest that a revote would work to Gore’s advantage, that he’s stronger in Florida anyway, underestimate the drawing power of courage, especially when it’s demonstrated by a potential leader. Voters in Florida and elsewhere would see the act — by Gore or Bush — for what it would be: one of the greatest acts of statesmanship in American history. It would reveal a strength of character heretofore unseen in either candidate. It would add a sense of power and wonder to what has been the most boring of campaigns. And, more importantly, it would put that person in position to be a great president. It would give him, finally, the charisma that is required of a great leader. Being rewarded for an act of courage could, well, lead to more acts of courage in the White House. Wouldn’t that be nice?

This, of course, presumes that one or both of these men might be more interested in strengthening the nation’s democracy or in bringing about great advances in society than adding the ultimate line on their résumé. But, not knowing either of them very well, I’ll grant them the assumption.

There is a science to creating momentum, and it involves the willingness, and the wisdom, to grab a particular moment and see it for more than its face value. It is at moments of crisis such as this one that great movements are started. Who knew, when Rosa Parks was arrested, that her solitary action would be the spark that lit a movement? Who knew, when Shell Oil’s complicity in the killings of Nigerian activists led to a firestorm of criticism, that new leadership in the company would use the event to transform the company’s human rights policies, as they have? The opportunity is not always clearly visible if one focuses only on the current situation.

For the two men poised before the White House, I’ll offer this: Don’t think simply about gaining the office. Think bigger than the White House. Think about leading.

How we put ourselves in this position is not particularly relevant at this time. We are where we are. And it’s at moments like this that great leaders are made.

It’s an unfortunate habit in American politics that we so often run campaigns in ways that don’t build support for one’s own ideas. So rarely are campaigns designed around the notion that one must build a mandate. It’s a symptom of a rigid two-party system — one merely needs to show one is better than the other guy. An alternate situation occurs in a parliamentary democracy, where party leaders need to voice their own views strongly enough to attract members from other parties in the hopes of building a governing coalition. Offering ideas and policies that necessarily have a magnetic pull can make the ultimate leader better at governing.

But we are where we are. The next four years would be vastly different, and better for our country, if Gore or Bush took the steps — now — that would help them build support for their ideas later.

The statesman’s view is to govern, not win elections. We should remember that even during — especially during — an election.

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