Lowell Weiss

Robert Reich- My life as an underdog

The former Labor secretary was appalled by Dick Morris, disappointed in Bill Clinton and amazed that Alan Greenspan could have the president's "balls in the palm of his hand."

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it’s Aug. 1, 1995. For Robert Reich, it’s been a tough summer in a city famous for tough summers. Reich’s wife and two young sons have just fled back to the family home in Cambridge, Mass., after two years in the nasty, brutish capital. To make matters worse, Reich is locked out of his Washington, D.C., house; his wife accidentally took the house key when she left for Cambridge. Utilizing one of the few virtues of his diminutive 4-foot-11 frame, the Labor secretary starts climbing head-first through the tiny door beneath the deck he built for his dog. He gets stuck. He wriggles and twists but cannot free himself.

It was, quite clearly, a symbolic moment. As the one cabinet member consistently willing to speak up for the underdog — to actually utter the words “the poor” in public — Reich spent much of his time in Washington feeling stuck, not to mention alone, abandoned and powerless. From the very beginning of the Clinton presidency, the administration’s budget hawks dominated the internal White House debates. Although the hawks were too timid to touch big-ticket items like defense and Medicare, they were intent on convincing Wall Street bond traders and Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan that a Democratic administration was capable of bringing the deficit under control. As Reich bluntly puts it, Greenspan had “Bill’s balls in the palm of his hand.”

In “Locked in the Cabinet” (Knopf), the just-published memoir of his Washington years, Reich does not mince words, giving pieces of his mind he perhaps wisely refrained from offering in person. To Alan Greenspan: “You can take your crummy lunch and cram it, you robber-baron pimp.” Clinton’s Svengali, Dick Morris, represents “all I detest in American politics.” He busts the young “twerps” in the White House and their snot-nosed attitudes toward cabinet officials. And he expresses plenty of disappointment in his long-time friend Bill Clinton, recalling how he felt “sick to my stomach,” the day he realized Clinton was going to sign the welfare bill. Reportedly, some of the harder-hitting passages of Reich’s book made the president sick to his stomach.

Entertainingly, Reich gives us plenty of dish on himself as well. We see the secretary, desperate to be “in the loop,” standing in the executive parking lot next to the West Wing in hopes of catching snippets of valuable information as staffers walk by. We see him getting a tongue-lashing from his own chief of staff for moping within view of the troops. We see him nearly excommunicated at an A-list dinner party for committing a faux pas — reaching for the wrong condiment to go with the foie gras. “I might as well have farted ‘The Star Spangled Banner,’” he writes.

Reich resigned from the administration shortly after the 1996 election, rejoining his wife, Clare Dalton, and their sons in Cambridge. In addition to promoting his book, he is now teaching graduate students and establishing a nonprofit research center at Brandeis University, hosting a weekly public television program with former Republican Sen. Alan Simpson, and writing regular commentaries for American Public Radio’s “Marketplace.”

Salon interviewed Reich at his comfortable clapboard home located just blocks from Harvard Square. With workmen banging away at leaky drainpipes outside the window of his second-floor study, the former Labor secretary talked about his life in and out of power.

Former Rep. Bill Ford warned you that it would be surprisingly hard to leave power behind. Was he correct?

The only real shock is what I’d call staff deprivation. One gets used to delegating everything — in fact, relinquishing many personal responsibilities. Someone asked me the other day if I could fax them something and I said sure. Then I realized I hadn’t actually operated a fax machine in years. I had to relearn even to get in the front seat of a car and drive myself around. I’ve got to get used to the fact that I’m just one person now, and not the head of a department of government. I’m back to being just me.

A major theme of the book involves your inability to balance the incredible time demands of your official duties with family life. How did you ever find the time to write this?

I had no choice. The only way I could make sense of what I was experiencing was to find time to make notes to myself, usually very late at night, starting about midnight. I guess I’m a writer at heart. And writers can’t think very straight unless they write.

Many parts of the book are not flattering to the president. What parts do you think the president will be most upset about?

It’s impossible for me to tell. Some people have read in the book a devastating critique of Bill Clinton. Others see the book as much more personal odyssey. Some people tell me it’s the funniest thing they’ve ever read. I can’t summarize it. It’s just there. It’s what I saw, it’s what I experienced. I don’t even know where it came from exactly. It sort of welled up.

Was Dick Morris a major reason it welled up? If Dick Morris — a guy you say is “utterly without principle” — hadn’t published his book, would you have felt as impassioned about getting your journal into public view?

I haven’t thought about that until now. I certainly would have written it with or without Morris having shared his thoughts in book form. Was I more eager to get out my side of the story because of Dick Morris? I don’t really think so. I don’t have anything against Dick Morris personally, but as I say in the book, he does represent much of what I detest about politics. And I relate our conversations. I found them appalling.

Now that you’ve gone, is there anyone who’s whispering in the president’s ear on behalf of the underdog?

I don’t know. (Treasury Secretary) Bob Rubin expresses concern about the very poor. Frankly, I don’t know how that concern is being translated into specific initiatives. I don’t know whether anyone is developing an agenda for the working poor or the working class — people who are really struggling. I think it’s very doubtful now that these arguments or these positions are being pushed very hard.

Even if they were, it’s questionable from your book how much difference a president could make — that he has precious little control over the course of our economy. You make it clear that Alan Greenspan had much more power than President Clinton to call the shots. Was that a shock to you?

Intellectually, I knew it, of course. But to see it in day-to-day operation was a different matter. The confidence of Wall Street became a talisman by which almost everything else was judged. That radically constrains what we can do as a society. If we are spending all our time placating a pavement called Wall Street, then we can’t re-knit the social fabric of the nation. The same dilemma is facing many other nations right now. In Europe, they talk about the social charter — which is part of the European Community — and whether integration of the world capital markets will still enable them to offer their people some degree of security. Far more security, by the way, than has ever been offered in this country.

Perhaps it would be healthier if the public had a slightly better sense as to what a president really can do, rather than hold on to the myth that the American president is all-powerful.

Every four years, we go through a ritual of forgetfulness. We forget that just four years earlier we elected someone who we assumed would radically transform the nation and deliver us to the Promised Land. Then we go through a cycle of anger.

We have to be realistic about what Washington can accomplish on its own. Without the people mobilized behind Washington, very little can be accomplished. The framers of the Constitution designed government that way. It was an ingenious design. It was intended to make it difficult to do much of anything. Social change has to come from the bottom up. Washington can legitimize it, take it across the finish line, but it has to well up.

In your book, you say that Washington is meaner and nastier than ever.

People get ground up. Some people, like (former Assistant Treasury Secretary) Roger Altman (who was caught up in the Whitewater investigation), are treated despicably; their reputations are ruined. It’s scary. There are very mean-spirited folks. And the press is constantly out to get you.

Why does it keep getting worse?

Partly because there are few issues to pull us together any longer. The Cold War is over. We don’t even have a clear commercial competitor, like Japan. Beginning in 1932, with the election of FDR in the depths of the Depression, there was a certain commonality to our experience. Even though politics was often very rough and tumble, everyone understood that in the end we had to accomplish a few major things together. That’s no longer the case. Indeed, the question continuously arises, are we still in this together?

You were the far right’s favorite ideological target. Did it worry you what people like Rush Limbaugh were saying about you?

I didn’t worry at all about Rush. What worried me was the criminalization of policy difference, which increasingly characterized relationships between the Republican-controlled Congress and the executive branch. I escaped unscathed, but there were several attempts to launch investigations over how I had, in their term, “politicized” the Labor Department. They couldn’t find anything, but they sure tried.

Is it frustrating for you that many of the lower-income people you were constantly speaking up for in White House policy debates have turned to false prophets like Rush Limbaugh?

The anxious class — that is, people who are working hard and struggling to make ends meet but barely getting ahead — are very susceptible to the politics of resentment. Somebody who comes along and tells them that their problem is attributable to welfare mothers or immigrants or the federal government or multinational corporations — or whatever demon you want to create — can be very persuasive.

And that’s the danger in a democratic society. Many of these people have stopped voting. In 1996, we had the lowest percentage of eligible voters (going to the polls) since 1924. They stopped voting not because they’re so satisfied with the status quo, but because they didn’t see any choice between the parties. They didn’t think it mattered. The game seemed rigged.

By money?

We have to take a fresh look at the corrosive affects of money on politics and the way in which campaigns are financed.

How did the Democrats — your party, the party of the average working American — get into such a fund-raising mess?

In the 1980s, Democrats shifted their sources of campaign funding from small contributors to big business — essentially drinking at the same trough as Republicans. It was a conscious strategy, which I document in the book. It was very dangerous, and ultimately counterproductive. So the Democratic Party has a lot of rethinking to do about rebuilding.

What was the most demoralizing thing you experienced in Washington?

I wasn’t demoralized. I was frustrated sometimes. But I loved the job. It’s the best job I ever had or ever will have. And I hope I accomplished some good. It would be very bad for this nation if people gave up on what we as a society can do.

If not demoralized, then very frustrated.

There’s a scene in my book in which my chief of staff, Kitty Higgins, takes me aside and says, “Look, you’re just being too damn impatient. Did you think you could come in here and change everything overnight? This is about pushing on icebergs. This isn’t about sudden change. You can’t just wave a wand and expect to get new legislation and to get business to suddenly mend their ways.” Young people should go into public service, whether it’s government or any other form of public service. Go there, get knocked around a little bit. Be frustrated, keep your sense of humor, avoid grandiosity, be patient and maintain enough idealism to keep going.

When you were preparing to leave Washington, you told President Clinton that you are going to continue to stir up trouble. How so?

I will continually stir up trouble, in the sense of trying to move this country toward a place that is no longer a land of widening inequality. We can’t allow America to become even more of a two-tiered society than we have right now. We must make sure that everyone has an opportunity to get ahead and feels that they themselves have a stake in the vitality and prosperity of our economy and our democracy. When the largest party in America is the party of nonvoters, then we have to figure out the means by which to re-engage them in the process.

How hopeful are you that this can be achieved?

The worst enemy we face in this country with regard to progressive change is resignation — the assumption about the economy that the forces of global capitalism are simply too great. Government still matters. Social organization still matters. Labor unions can make a comeback. Communities can rebuild from the bottom up, as long as the most successful don’t secede and create their own communities and have nothing to do with communities of working-class people. We mustn’t become resigned.

Would you go back into government, if asked?

I doubt that I’ll ever go into government again. The experience I had was once in a lifetime. It was plenty for a lifetime. So I have to figure out precisely what I can do and how I can make the best contribution.

One final question: How come you decided to shave the beard?

I turned 50. I couldn’t afford a Jaguar. I didn’t want to leave my wife. And yet I wanted something that was very different. The nice thing about shaving the beard is it’s not an irrevocable decision.

Casualties of the Marijuana War

It isn't just cancer and AIDS patients who are suffering because of America's anti-pot hysteria. Hundreds of small-time users are in jail -- for life.

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Notes of sanity have begun appearing in the great marijuana debate. In the last election, Arizona and California voters passed, by wide margins, referendums allowing for the medical use of marijuana if recommended by a medical doctor. The Clinton administration, which had set its face firmly against any form of legalization, even for medical purposes, convened an expert panel under the auspices of the National Institute of Health to study the matter further. The prestigious New England Journal of Medicine has editorialized for a change of policy.

If these moves signal a cooling of the war on marijuana, they could not have come at a more crucial time. As Eric Schlosser argues in a lengthy article in the April Atlantic, the war has caused enormous collateral damage — not only to those in pain, but throughout the nation’s courts and prisons. Violent criminals, Schlosser writes, are being released early from the nation’s prisons to make room for the swelling masses of marijuana and other petty drug offenders locked up with mandatory-minimum sentences that carry no possibility of parole. Nonviolent marijuana offenders, especially those sentenced in federal courts, often spend far more time behind bars than murderers. Some are serving life sentences.

Schlosser won a National Magazine Award for his two-part series on marijuana that ran in the Atlantic in 1994. Salon talked with Schlosser about his recent findings, which he says suggests America is “caught in the grip of a deep psychosis.”

In some states, you write, the rate of incarceration for drug offenders has increased so rapidly that new prisons would have to be opened every 90 days to keep up — at a cost of more than $100,000 per cell. With government budget-cutting so in vogue, how did these huge costs escape politicians’ notice?

It’s simple: Policy is not being driven by reason, it’s driven by political expediency. It’s very similar to anti-Communism crusades of the 1950s. The only politicians who feel secure enough to question our policies are those who are out of office.

And, you say, liberals seem to be just as cowed by the hysteria as conservatives.

Yes. As I point out in my piece, last year even liberals like (Sen.) Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) and Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.) lined up behind (Sen.) Phil Gramm’s (R-Texas) proposal to revoke federal welfare and food stamps from anyone convicted of a drug crime, even a misdemeanor. Politicians of both parties insist on dealing with this issue almost exclusively through the criminal justice system — not through the public health system. If you’re an alcoholic, there are hundreds of rehab programs available; if you’re a drug abuser, the government would just as soon lock you up and throw away the key.

How many marijuana offenders are serving life sentences?

The figures don’t exist. None of the usual federal data sources keep track of nonviolent marijuana cases as separate from other nonviolent drug cases. But we know it’s in the hundreds.

But they would be for the big dealers, not your average user.

Not necessarily. For example, Jim Montgomery, a paraplegic immobilized from the waist down who used marijuana to relieve pain, was busted in Sayre, Okla., with two ounces of marijuana in a pouch in the back of his wheelchair. It was a first offense. He got life plus 16 years.

So, don’t ever get busted in Oklahoma. Are there wide variations from state to state?

Oklahoma is by far the worst in terms of length of sentence. New Mexico is the most lenient. For less than 100 pounds, the maximum penalty is 18 months. For more than 100 pounds, the maximum penalty is three years.

When do the feds get involved?

Federal prosecutors have the right to press federal charges for any amount of marijuana. But guidelines vary from region to region. In some districts, a federal prosecutor will not press charges unless there are more than 100 plants involved, for example.

How has the Clinton administration performed in the marijuana wars?

Under Clinton, the number of marijuana arrests has gone up by more than 40 percent. In 1995, the most recent year we have data on, authorities arrested 600,000 people for marijuana offenses — more than ever before. Next year’s budget for the war on drugs is the largest in American history.

Yet he’s being attacked because drug use has gone up during his presidency. Should he be feeling defensive?

Yes, he does have reason to feel defensive. His law-and-order approach to marijuana is destroying thousands of lives without demonstrably reducing marijuana use. It is a failed policy. Arrests have reached an all-time peak at the same time that use has tripled. People accuse junkies of behaving self-destructively, but in the case of marijuana, the government is even more wedded to such behavior.

You write that a lot of the trouble is being caused by the mandatory minimum sentence laws. How did they come about with respect to drugs?

In some states, these statutes have been on the books for more than 20 years. But the real turning point was 1986. And one high-profile case was all it took. Two days after signing a lucrative rookie deal with the Boston Celtics, star basketball player Len Bias suddenly died, allegedly after smoking crack. The story became the nation’s topic No. 1. Mid-term elections were around the corner, and (former House Speaker) Tip O’Neill knew he had to do something, so he assembled his troops and in about six weeks wrote and passed the most sweeping drug-control legislation in a generation. There was no careful deliberation. There were no public hearings on the mandatory minimum provisions. The result was devastating to the criminal justice system.

How does the law work?

At the state and federal level, a mandatory minimum sentence is triggered by the amount of drugs involved in a case — not by a person’s role in the crime. Whether you’re the guy driving the truck for $1,000 or you own a fleet of trucks and are making tens of millions, you are subject to the same strict penalties.

How much discretion do prosecutors have?

A lot. In many respects they now have more power to determine sentencing than judges. It’s up to the prosecutor to decide how much of the drug to include in the indictment, and whether to file under a mandatory minimum statute at all. They often use these statutes to plea bargain; the ability to pile one mandatory minimum charge on top of another gives enormous leverage to the prosecutor.

In my article I give a great example of just how much discretion prosecutors have. Indiana Congressman Dan Burton, the Republican heading up the House’s investigation of campaign-finance improprieties, and a supporter of life sentences for some marijuana crimes, has a son who has gotten himself into a mess of trouble. Danny Burton II was busted for driving about eight pounds of pot from Louisiana to Indiana. Six months later, police raided his apartment and found 30 marijuana plants and a shotgun. The feds did not press charges. Indiana prosecutors got his charges dismissed. In Louisiana, he got off with community service, probation and house arrest. Under federal drug laws, just for the gun alone Burton could have faced a mandatory sentence of five years in prison. Suffice it to say that most offenders don’t have this kind of luck with prosecutors.

Where do you stand on the debate about the health effects of marijuana?

The Lancet, one of the most influential medical journals in the world, recently concluded — and these are the exact words — “the smoking of cannabis, even long-term, is not harmful to health.” I’m not quite that categorical. It’s clear that inhaling smoke is bad for your lungs. I also believe that people who smoke marijuana on a daily basis put themselves at risk of reversible short-term memory problems. It’s also clear that young people shouldn’t smoke pot. It’s bad for athletic and academic performance, and it can exacerbate emotional problems, too.

So can other substances, which are legal. Why is marijuana still such a target?

I think it has everything to do with who those users are. This society does not scorn all drugs. Alcohol is very respectable. We even allow beer ads on MTV, a network aimed at people 12-24 years old. But pot is different. In America, pot has been associated with the wrong elements: Mexicans, blacks and nonconformists of all stripes. The war on marijuana has little to do with health. It has everything to do with culture. It’s a moral crusade. And moral crusades often have perverse results. In this case, we’re giving life sentences without parole to first offenders for small amounts of a relatively harmless substance.

Besides the successful medicinal-marijuana ballot measures, are there other encouraging signs on the horizon?

At the state level, legislators are getting fed up with mandatory minimums. As prisons get more and more overstuffed, they’re starting to look at alternative sentencing — like boot camps — along with expanded drug treatment. Last year in Ohio they decriminalized the growing of small amounts of marijuana for personal use. The provision was tucked into a larger bill, but nonetheless the bill received the support of the state’s conservative governor, George Voinovich.

At the national level, there’s just extraordinary cowardice. Unfortunately, I don’t think we’ll have any constructive changes in federal marijuana policy in the foreseeable future.


| Suicide in San Diego |
Were cultists recruited on the Web?

“The really frightening thing one finds here is the combination of the technology of the World Wide Web and the old celestial astrology that has been around since the beginning of human history.”

BY JONATHAN BRODER

as of Thursday afternoon, little was known about the 39 men and women who were found dead in a luxurious house in Rancho Santa Fe, Calif. They were of various ages, sported buzz-cut hairstyles, and were found with purple shrouds covering their faces and chests. They also reportedly worked for a Web design company called WW Higher Source. One of the Web sites designed by Higher Source, according to news reports, was for an organization called Heaven’s Gate — which planned to leave Earth and rendezvous with a spaceship behind the Hale-Bopp comet. It appears that the victims were members of this organization.

“The joy is that our Older Member in the Evolutionary Level above human (the ‘Kingdom of Heaven’) has made it clear to us that Hale-Bopp’s approach is the ‘marker’ we’ve been waiting for,” a statement on the Heaven’s Gate site read. “Our 22 years of classroom here on planet Earth is finally coming to conclusion — ‘graduation’ from the Human Evolutionary Level. We are happily prepared to leave ‘this world’ and go with Ti’s crew.”

If, as now appears, the 39 people committed mass suicide, what would have been their motivation? Salon spoke Thursday with Larry A. Trachte, assistant professor of religion at Wartburg College in Waverly, Iowa. Trachte, who is also the college pastor, has taught courses on contemporary religions and sects for the past 15 years.

We’ve had People’s Temple, the Order of the Solar Temple and now Higher Source. What makes these groups commit mass suicide?

I don’t think they see it as suicide. As bizarre as it might seem to us, I’m sure that they saw it as moving on to another dimension of existence. Much as a Hindu or Buddhist would, in the sense of a reincarnation or migration to another realm of being.

So the people who died in Rancho Santa Fe weren’t committing suicide, they were moving on to another adventure in some other dimension?

Yes, and I might add that there are traces of that belief in some Eastern religions. Suicide is often viewed in Buddhism as a noble way. Death is not seen as an enemy or as something to fear or flee. Even suicide is seen in a much more different light than in the West.

Based on what we know as of now, is there anything about this California group that sets it apart?

The really frightening thing one finds here is the combination of the technology of the World Wide Web and the old celestial astrology that has been around since the beginning of human history. You have an interesting dichotomy of beliefs coming together. There are literally thousands of groups like this all over now. All you have to do is search for them on the World Wide Web.

Why is the Web so attractive to these groups?

It adds an entirely new dimension to recruiting and accessibility. It opens up another dimension of cult possibilities and awareness that never existed before.

Many of the people who are drawn to cults are seeking absolute answers. They’re often very bright, but they’re introverts in terms of social skills and personality. So getting into religion on a computer is perfect for these kind of people. It provides instant access, it knows no geographical bounds, it allows for anonymity and yet a high degree of individuality. So just as people use their telephones for sex, you can use your computer for religion.

Again, based on what we know so far, does this San Diego cult sound like a doomsday or millenarian cult?

No. I didn’t hear any of the language you would expect to hear from a doomsday or millennialist group that sits around waiting for the end of the world. It sounds more like a combination of some of the dimensions of a UFO cult, plus the appearance of this Hale-Bopp. Add the fact that it was highly organized — probably around a leader and therefore highly suggestible — and you end up with a rather unique combination of things.

And that’s true of many of the new groups now. They’re very creative. They’re creating their own rules and theologies. And to the extent that groups like this have access to tens of thousands of people on the Internet, that’s kind of scary. It used to be that you had to stand in an airport to recruit those who wandered by. Now, all you have to do is open up a Web site.

Is there any significance that this apparent mass suicide occurred around the solstice and Easter?

It appears this was a rather eclectic group, drawing from different sources and associations. So given that this is Holy Week, I’m sure that was one part of it. But I’ve heard their suicide was their way of joining a UFO that was traveling behind the Hale-Bopp comet. Some have suggested this was a strictly Christian group, but it doesn’t sound very Christian to me. I would say it was more of a contemporary, New Age sort of group with a strong leader.

The age-old question: What kind of people join these groups?

One shouldn’t oversimplify, but generally, it’s people who are searching, who are discontented. They are idealists. They’re often very bright and creative, the kind of people who easily become bored with mainline religion and want a new kind of adventure. At the same time, they are often looking for absolute answers. It’s an interesting dialectic. I don’t think it’s accidental that many people who lean toward the sciences end up as fundamentalist Christians. On college campuses, the science departments often are the most conservative departments. These are people who are quite literal thinkers. They’re looking for hard facts, answers, someone to tell them what reality is.

So in these cults, you have, on the one hand, the vulnerability of people who are searching and frustrated, combined with people who have some very creative answers that are exciting, new and adventuresome. But they’re often also very isolated, in some ways the misfits of society. They don’t have a lot of close relationships. The cults create pseudo-family. It was interesting to hear that even with all these people in the San Diego house, no one was talking to one another. They were always in front of their computer screens.

Yet while they may not have spoken with one another, they all died together. So they must have related to one another in some way.

Or to the leader. The definition of a cult is that it has an absolute leader who exercises absolute authority over the followers. So if the leader says, “This is what we’re going to do,” that’s what they do. And whether that leader is Jim Jones or Do, as they called this fellow in San Diego, or David Koresh, the basic allegiance is to the leader. He is the one who dispenses reality. And if that leader says it’s time to check out of this world and go on to the next, his followers check out.

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