Nell Bernstein
Is welfare reform sending more kids to foster care?
Despite the success stories, more families at the bottom are falling apart.
In 1994 Newt Gingrich sparked a short-lived tempest by suggesting that welfare payments be cut off and the money used instead to ship the children of the poor off to orphanages.
Officially, Newt’s vision never even made it to the drawing board. But as the two-year limits imposed by welfare reform begin to kick in, throwing a number of already struggling families deeper into poverty, a troubling possibility arises: Some families who lose their welfare benefits may also lose their children.
While it is too early to measure definitively, there are some unsettling early signs. In Wisconsin — which embarked on welfare reform early and avidly — 5 percent of former welfare recipients, or one in 20, reported being forced to abandon their children. In San Diego County, foster care placements doubled after the new welfare law took effect. When researchers interviewed San Diego families who had become homeless after losing their benefits, 18 percent said their children subsequently went into foster care.
Nationwide, the number of children in foster care is rising, even in a period of overall economic prosperity — to 520,000 at last count, 20,000 more than a year before.
If growing up on welfare is hard for kids, growing up in foster care is harder. Children raised by the state are disproportionately likely to become homeless, go to jail, have children as teenagers and — ironically enough — wind up on welfare. Deprived of stable relationships as children, they often find it difficult to form and sustain them as adults.
In some cases, children may wind up in foster care when mothers who relied on a welfare check to feed them turn to social services departments in desperation when the money disappears. “We are hearing anecdotal stories that concern us,” says Ann Sullivan, adoption program director at the Child Welfare League — “a mother with one or two children is releasing the third for adoption.”
Other former welfare recipients could lose custody of their children involuntarily, because they are unable to feed, clothe or house them. Neglect, not abuse, is the most common reason children are taken from their families — and extreme poverty can manifest itself in many of the same symptoms as neglect.
A recent study by the Children’s Defense Fund reveals that the number of children in single-mother families living in extreme poverty went up 27 percent in the first year after welfare reform legislation was enacted. “Extreme poverty” is defined as income less than half the federal poverty line — or less than $6,401 a year for a family of three. Reports from the states show a significant number of former welfare recipients who have subsequently been unable to buy food, pay rent or keep up with their utility bills.
In a recent report on California children, Robert C. Fellmeth, executive director of the Children’s Advocacy Institute, predicts that welfare reform will take children already living below the poverty line “to levels where neglect becomes endemic.” If 5 percent of children put at risk by the loss of benefits were removed from their homes, Fellmeth calculates, the number of children who enter foster care in California would triple by 2003.
Madeleine Freundlich, executive director of the Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, cites research predicting that if even 1 percent of the children previously receiving federal Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) wind up in foster care, that will represent an additional 100,000 children, or a nearly 20 percent increase in the foster-care population.
Where will all these children go? The nation’s foster-care system is already grossly inadequate and overburdened, and the number of family foster homes available is shrinking even as demand rises. While adoption is one widely touted answer, those children who are older when they enter the system are increasingly likely to wind up in group homes, residential treatment centers or other forms of institutional care. Interestingly, one obscure provision of the 1996 federal welfare reform legislation makes for-profit child-care institutions eligible for federal foster-care funds.
Another new federal law, the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 (ASFA), makes the question even more urgent. This act reduces the time allowed before the state must start proceedings to terminate the rights of parents with children in foster care and make the children eligible for adoption. The law is intended to end the “foster care drift” that leaves children moving from one short-term placement to another for years — a worthy goal for many children, especially those who have endured severe abuse or abandonment and will likely never be able to return home safely. But for children whose families are thrown into crisis by the loss of welfare benefits, these new time lines may mean a permanent severance from their parents that could have been prevented.
ASFA and the numerous state laws passed in its wake de-emphasize formerly popular “family preservation” services — providing counseling, drug treatment, in-home support and the like to parents at risk of losing custody of their children — in part because no one has been able to prove that they work.
But what remains to be seen is the impact of the loss of a family preservation service that, for all its flaws, did seem to work: the monthly AFDC check, the original intent of which was to keep widows from having to send their children to the poorhouse. (The number of children in foster care declined after the passage of the Social Security Act in 1935, because widowed mothers were able to care for their children at home rather than giving them up.)
Those who worry about former AFDC recipients flooding the foster-care system generally speak in terms of what to do for the children when that happens — how to find more adoptive homes and improve the child welfare system to better serve the growing numbers of children who will wind up under its roof. But few seem to be expressing outrage at the prospect that poor families will lose their children to the state simply because they are poor.
Measured in terms of shrinking public expenditures and rising numbers of low-wage working parents, welfare reform has been declared a ringing success. But by a more elusive measure — the public value placed on the private bond between parent and child — it may yet prove disastrous.
An affair to remember
What about Monica? President Clinton is trying desperately to salvage his reputation. She has lost hers forever.
Here’s a new one for you: the guy who ruined a girl’s reputation by telling everyone they didn’t have sex.
Monday night President Clinton copped to a lie that is the reverse of the standard one. As a rule, the guy says he did something with the girl or she did something to him that, in fact, she did not do. He does this to enhance his reputation at the expense of hers. But now the biggest man on campus has admitted that for the last seven months he had flipped the script: “Let’s do it and say we didn’t.”
Continue Reading Closebad girl
A teenager struggles to stay human in the clutches of a system that despises her.
The phone rings late, after 10.
“Is it OK to call at this hour?” asks a young, female voice I’ve never heard before. It’s a counselor from the group home where L. has
been for the past two weeks. She’s calling to let me know that L. is
“AWOL,” the term used by group home staff to describe a resident who
leaves without permission.
I’ve known L. for two years, since she was 14, when she wandered
into the youth newspaper I edit and sat down at a computer. Abandoned by
her mother, L. had lived with her great-grandmother until she was 11, when
the state took charge of her
care. After more than 20 foster and group-home placements in three years,
L. had, by the time I met her, decided she was better off on her own, and
was staying with one friend after another — part of the uncounted, indoor
homeless. When an argument with her stepfather — back in town briefly
along with her mother — turned violent, L. found herself swept back into the
system, sent to juvenile hall and then to this group home.
little monsters
The scariest aliens on the screen this summer are our teenage children.
It’s a little awkward, isn’t it? Even as tough-on-crime types are
trying to gather support for federal legislation that gives states special
cash prizes for throwing away the key on juvenile offenders, juvenile crime
rates continue to drop. But these promising statistics aren’t enough to slow the powerful
cultural momentum toward creating a new class of untouchables: our
children. I’m not talking about “negative stereotypes” — we’ve been
portraying teenagers as dumb brutes ever since John Hughes passed the torch
to Larry Clark. The morality tale currently in vogue is a warning to
adults who might still harbor illusions about “reaching” these wayward
youth: Don’t get too close. If they don’t slit your throat, they’ll steal
your soul, and turn you into one of them.
Little Monsters
Youth advisor Nell Bernstein reviews the movie 'I87' starring Samuel L. Jackson and decides that the scariest aliens on the screen this summer are our teenage children.
It’s a little awkward, isn’t it? Even as tough-on-crime types are
trying to gather support for federal legislation that gives states special
cash prizes for throwing away the key on juvenile offenders, juvenile crime
rates continue to drop.
But these promising statistics aren’t enough to slow the powerful
cultural momentum toward creating a new class of untouchables: our
children. I’m not talking about “negative stereotypes” — we’ve been
portraying teenagers as dumb brutes ever since John Hughes passed the torch
to Larry Clark. The morality tale currently in vogue is a warning to
adults who might still harbor illusions about “reaching” these wayward
youth: Don’t get too close. If they don’t slit your throat, they’ll steal
your soul, and turn you into one of them.
8 Ball Chicks
Nell Bernstein reviews "8 Ball Chicks: A Year in the Violent World of Girl Gangsters" by Gini Sikes.
The book jacket is scary, garish purple. A bloated, ratty-haired girl squints evilly and points her gun, Uncle Sam-style, right at you. Fortunately, “8 Ball Chicks,” journalist Gini Sikes’ look at female gang members in three U.S. cities, doesn’t deliver on its cover’s tabloid promise. Sikes’ subjects are sometimes frightening, but she isn’t trying to scare us. Her girl gangsters are more victims than perps, trapped by their own violence, desperately fighting against disappearing entirely.
Continue Reading ClosePage 3 of 3 in Nell Bernstein