Peter Gelling

Can campaign finance reform unite OWS?

As the movement searches for an agenda, it gives new life to an issue recently thought to be a lost cause VIDEO

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Can campaign finance reform unite OWS?Tom Hagan demonstrates with the "Occupy Wall Street" movement in Zuccotti Park (Credit: Lucas Jackson/Reuters)
This article originally appeared on GlobalPost.

BOSTON, Mass. — As the Occupy Wall Street movement, which is often criticized for lacking a focused agenda, begins to hone its message, one issue has emerged as a possible catch-all: campaign-finance reform.

It’s not sexy. The phrase conjures memories of Sens. John McCain and Russ Feingold droning on about its importance a decade ago on Capitol Hill.

But now new life is being given to a cause most reformers had abandoned as unattainable.

Central to the frustration of Occupy Wall Street demonstrators is corporate influence on politicians, which, they say, has led to most of the other concerns on their list, such as deregulation of the financial sector, unequal distribution of wealth and environmental destruction. Campaign-finance reform, some Occupiers believe, would address the root of the problem.

“There are so many people here with so many different ideas and so many different goals,” said Andrew Green, a volunteer at Occupy Boston who works full time at a pharmacy. “So there hasn’t yet been any unifying decisions made as to what to do. But taking money out of politics would be a very good start.”

Campaign-finance reform as a central demand is being promoted in part by Robert Steele, a self-described former CIA officer who has, in an unrelated crusade, championed open-source intelligence sharing. He was filmed lecturing a working group on electoral reform at Occupy Wall Street in New York, a video that was posted to YouTube. Four days later, it had been viewed more than 25,000 times.

In the video, Steele says he has been working on the issue since “Al Gore rolled over and played dead in 2000.” His goal: persuade the Occupy movement to focus on passing the Electoral Reform Act of 2012, a proposal he drafted that would reform, among other things, campaign financing ahead of the 2012 election.

The proposal calls for an elimination of all federal and corporate financing of campaigns and all political action committees, while creating a public “Electoral Trust Fund.” Air time, the proposal says, should be free and equal for all candidates.

It’s unclear whether the issue will be embraced by the movement as a whole. But even if it is, reforming the campaign-finance structure would be a difficult, if not impossible effort.

“Congress has proved highly resistant to any reforms to the campaign-finance system,” said Anthony Corrado, an expert at the Brookings Institute who has been studying the issue for more than 20 years. “And that opposition tends to run on both sides of the aisle.”

McCain, once regarded as a bipartisan workhorse, labored for five years at the turn of the century to focus attention on the issue, fighting for legislation to halt unlimited corporate contributions to political candidates.

Working with Feingold, a fellow senator, the legislation was eventually passed by Congress in 2002 in the wake of the Enron scandal, which put pressure on lawmakers to regulate corporate malfeasance.

But in 2010, the Supreme Court, in a landmark 5-4 decision, prohibited the government from censoring political broadcasts funded by corporations or unions.

The majority opinion wrote that corporations are treated the same as people under the law, and are therefore protected by the First Amendment.

“The reforms that traditionally might have been put forward to limit corporate influence in politics have now essentially been deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court,” Corrado said.

Shortly after the ruling, the US Court of Appeals ruled in a separate case that, as a result of the Supreme Court decision, limits on corporate political donations and the burden of disclosure were also unconstitutional.

“We have gone from a world where most of the spending was subject to contribution limits and disclosure, to a world where companies can spend money out of their own bank accounts and finance the expenditures of third-party groups with little known about the source of that money,” Corrado said.

The new regulations will be most evident in the upcoming 2012 presidential election.

If the Occupy Wall Street movement continues to gain momentum, and embraces campaign-finance reform as a central demand, Corrado said he thought it might succeed in getting the reforms back on the national agenda. But unless the Supreme Court revisits its earlier decision, the only way to alter the current structure would be to offer alternative sources of funding to candidates, perhaps in the form of a public fund.

Andrew Green at Occupy Boston, echoing Steele’s proposal, said another possibility would be to establish a public radio broadcast where candidates could speak freely without paying for it. But others find it hard to imagine a candidate successfully using free public radio to compete against a candidate that is backed by some of the world’s wealthiest businesses.

“You can just imagine how powerful this all is,” Corrado said. “It is one thing to say, ‘If you don’t vote with us, you won’t get our $5,000.’ It is a whole other thing to say, “If you don’t vote with us, we will spend $250,000 in support of your opponent.”

Could Gadhafi’s death spark a civil war?

Libya is now in the hands of the rebels, but deep division remain

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Could Gadhafi's death spark a civil war? Libyan rebels

As Libyans, and much of the Arab world, celebrate the capture and killing of toppled Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the rebels that turned the protest movement into an armed uprising are coalescing around the capital and beginning to make the first moves toward a new government.

Global Post

But while the revolution is at its end, deep divisions remain in the country, and fears of civil war are ever present. The Libyan rebels themselves are far from unified and have been jockeying for power amongst themselves for months. And, now that the focus of the rebels’ firepower — Gaddafi — is gone, many Libyans worry that the real divisions within the rebel faction will begin to emerge in more serious, and possibly violent, ways.

Hassan Sadaw, a Libya English teacher from the western rebel stronghold of Misrata, told GlobalPost’s James Foley earlier this month that he worried that divisions among the rebels would eventually erupt and that the two sides would turn their weapons on each other.

“Maybe we’ll have a civil war. We are afraid, if we continue to talk about his, maybe there will be a political vacuum,” he told Foley.

Although Libya is a country that has been long divided along tribal and ethnic lines, only effectively kept united by the brutal authoritarian hand of Gaddafi, the rebel divisions, which run between east and west, pose the most pressing threat to the country’s future.

Eastern rebels come from the former revolutionary capital of Benghazi and other cities nearby. They claim to be the real heroes of the conflict because it was in Benghazi that protests first took hold in February and it is where Gaddafi security forces first opened fire. The western rebels, however, based in the city of Misrata, were involved in the most serious fighting of the conflict and successfully fought back against a bloody loyalist siege in their city in March and April.

It was also the western Misrata rebels that first entered Tripoli, the country’s capital..

The two sides had been openly competing to be the first ones to take down Sirte, Gaddafi’s hometown and to capture or kill Gaddafi himself. In a rebel-controlled neighborhood of Sirte earlier this month, for example, a seasoned Misrata fighter sidled up to a newly-arrived rebel from Benghazi and offered his ostensible ally a few choice words: “You’re late.”

Although playful at times, the competition could have serious and potentially violent repercussions as the rebels now try to form a centralized interim government and organize elections. The Libyan conflict may be far from over.

Sadaw, from Misrata, continued in worrying fashion: “We are afraid of Benghazi people. They will try to take everything — oil, power, everything.”

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What should we believe about al-Qaida?

Too much of what we "know" about bin Laden and the terrorist group he led comes from anonymous U.S. officials

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What should we believe about al-Qaida?

Almost everything we learn about Al-Qaida and Osama bin Laden these days is coming from anonymous U.S. officials.

Wednesday, for instance, U.S. officials told us via The Washington Post that Al-Qaida was on the verge of being totally wiped out. The comments echoed earlier ones from Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, the former C.I.A. director, who earlier said that only a couple dozen more Al-Qaida militants needed to be killed before the war was over.

Last week the officials were talking to the Wall Street Journal. They told the paper that Al-Qaida would likely be shifting the focus of its attacks to Western targets outside of the United States. They said this was because it had become too difficult for them to strike inside the United States.

The Wall Street Journal said the U.S. officials had come to this conclusion based on evidence gleaned from flash drives found in the compound where bin Laden was killed. Much of the information we are learning about bin Laden and Al-Qaida, in fact, is said (by U.S. officials) to be coming from those flash disks, as well as a computer.

It was from the computer, for instance, that U.S. officials learned that bin Laden liked porn. Everyone ran with that story. It was great story. Not only was it sure to drive traffic, combining two of the most searched items on the internet these days (porn and bin Laden), but it also tweaks the legacy of a man who claimed that a strict adherence to Islam is what guided him in his global campaign of terror.

It is reminiscent of the news, also released by U.S. officials, immediately following the raid that led to bin Laden’s death that, in a vain attempt to protect himself, bin Laden used his wife as a human shield. Not so heroic. That detail turned out to be false. As was news that bin Laden was armed.

The news that bin Laden liked porn also came from U.S. officials. They leaked it anonymously to Reuters and then everyone else reported the Reuters report (including GlobalPost). In fact, all the details about the raid, what transpired and what was found after, has come from U.S. officials.

The New York Times reported on May 6 that the details surrounding the raid and the discoveries that followed have been fluid in their accuracy. It partly blamed a ravenous media, itself included. But it also blamed a desire by the United States to spin facts in order to diminish bin Laden’s legacy.

Was the revelation that bin Laden liked porn part of that spin? What about everything else we are learning from U.S. officials? Is that spin too?

If it’s not spin, all the reports surely play into the hands of the U.S. government. Not only did the Wall Street Journal story infer that our defense measures are working but it justified our continued pursuit of Al-Qaida militants all over the world, both through the war in Afghanistan and the ramping up of drone attacks in Yemen and Somalia.

The Washington Post story, meanwhile, suggests that we have been successful in Pakistan, where drone strikes have been plentiful, but Al-Qaida remained strong in Yemen, where the U.S. plans to increase its use of unmanned drones.

Other things we learned recently about bin Laden: He was planning an attack on the 10-year anniversary of Sept. 11, he had a “direct” role in the planning of the July 7 bombings in London, a belief that runs counter to previous reports, and he was actively planning any number of other attacks as well — all according to “U.S. officials.”

If you say so.

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