Robert Scheer

Pity the fool

George Bush isn't mean, he just ain't too bright.

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It’s time to rally around our president and forgo the constant drumbeat of criticism that has been his lot on the world stage ever since he discovered that foreign policy involves issues beyond those of the Tex-Mex border. At a time when the U.S. president is out of sync with virtually every other nation in the world, it ill behooves smart-alecky columnists to join in the chorus of disapproval. A bit of empathy, please, for a leader who is so painfully and publicly struggling with an extremely steep learning curve. Nor is he doing all that badly for one who never cared to travel abroad and rarely read up on foreign policy issues before the Supreme Court suddenly anointed him president.

For someone who lost the popular vote by more than a half-million ballots, he acts with stunning self-assurance in sweeping aside the concerns of his Democratic and moderate Republican opponents, as well as the fears of our most trusted international allies. Give the man credit for confidence, warranted or not. The world media howl that George W. Bush is a primitive American isolationist who cares not a whit for international solutions to make this a safer world. Have they no pity? What they choose to interpret as arrogant and even sinister in our president can more charitably be viewed as the confused performance of a struggling C student.

True, he has acted impetuously in tearing up every international standard that he has encountered, but that is hardly the result of sustained and studied conviction. Appearances to the contrary, a more forgiving view of George W. would suggest that he does not really believe that germ warfare, a nuclear arms race and global warming are good things. I don’t care what his many critics around the world say, Bush’s knee-jerk opposition to all international treaties designed to make this a safer and saner world may be stupid, but come on, it’s not malevolent.

Why, his critics ask, would any world leader seek to derail efforts to eliminate biological weapons of mass destruction? Sounds odd, I know, especially since it was the United States that had complained that the 1972 United Nations treaty banning germ warfare weapons did not contain sufficiently strong compliance safeguards. Now those tougher monitoring provisions have finally been accepted by 56 nations, but we obviously can’t be expected to go along. The reason is that lobbyists for U.S. pharmaceutical and chemical companies don’t want to open their plants to outside inspections for fear of jeopardizing their copyrights. Better to bring on the germ warfare plagues and let those same companies make a bundle selling the antidotes, which they are certain to come up with in a timely fashion.

This president is charming in his childlike faith that the wizards of science can forestall all harm. That is evidenced by his eagerness to abandon the Anti Ballistic Missile treaty negotiated by that grizzled cynic Richard Nixon. Forget arms control; soon “brilliant pebbles” will dot the sky poised as magical stars to prevent us from all missile harm.

You’ve gotta believe, the president keeps telling us as he champions a good defense over the enemy’s offense, and who are we to question his abandonment of the test-ban moratorium that has prevented a runaway explosion of the nuclear arms race? Of course, it’s true that without testing, no other nation could ever hope to seriously threaten U.S. nuclear weapons dominance, but then how could we beef up the defense budget to wartime levels? It’s plain old sour grapes to raise that old conservative maxim: If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it.

Just shows how Bush’s critics are hopelessly bound up with outdated paradigms. Obviously, we have to make sure our nuclear weapons of mass destruction work by setting off a few from time to time. Imagine our disappointment if, after leveling the world with 6,000 city-busting warheads, the one intended for some obscure village in Siberia didn’t go off.

And let’s be honest: Just because we have the most sophisticated nuclear weapons simulation and stockpile reliability program in the world, and spend $5 billion a year making certain that we still have the ability to easily end all human life, a computer simulation won’t ever give you that rush of popping a big one at the Nevada test site.

It’s all about thinking outside of the box. Bush, we are repeatedly told, is determined to leave his unique mark on foreign affairs, and it is therefore unfair for critics to hold his proposals to too high a standard of logic and sophistication. After all, this is George W. Bush we’re talking about.

Consolidation politics

With Michael Powell in charge at the FCC, more media megamergers are on the way.

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Should the corporate owners of newspapers like the Los Angeles Times and the New York Post be allowed to own television stations in the same city? Until recently, such cross-ownership has been banned by the Federal Communications Commission as inimical to the vitality of a free press. Now, the FCC, headed by a Bush appointee, is about to reverse a 1974 rule aimed at preventing a few companies from dominating the media. The people who run the huge communications conglomerates were very aware that the issue of media concentration was hanging in the balance in the last presidential election.

The Bush camp had signaled that it intended to end such regulations, while Al Gore supported the Clinton administration’s policy of retaining rules aimed at preventing monopoly control of any one market. But as important as this issue was to CEOs and the lobbyists who represent them, it was scarcely covered in election news reports. Most often, media mergers are examined for their impact on corporate profits and stock values; rarely are they considered as a possible threat to free access to diverse points of view — a requirement for a representative democracy.

For Rupert Murdoch, the line between profit and reporting seems more obscure than at traditional news organizations. The Bush victory, which Murdoch and his company strongly backed, makes his latest merger a done deal. On Election Night, Murdoch’s news outlets, directed by Roger Ailes, a former top Republican operative, could barely contain their joy over Bush’s victory. Fox was the first to proclaim the victory, based on private polling data supplied by a member of the Bush family who was a consultant to the network. The FCC, now headed by Secretary of State Colin Powell’s son, Michael, is expected to certify this week that Murdoch’s News Corp. can keep the two New York television stations it acquired in a recent merger, along with the New York Post.

Bush’s victory may also prove a profit boon for the Tribune Co., which last year merged with the Times Mirror Co., owner of the Los Angeles Times. Tribune wants to keep ownership of both its television stations and its newspapers in New York, Los Angeles and Hartford, Conn. The New York Times reported during the election that Shaun Sheehan, Tribune’s Washington lobbyist, expected a rule change favorable to his company if Bush was elected. And last week, he still sounded optimistic when quoted in the Los Angeles Times: “My job is to hold everybody’s feet to the fire and get this rule-making going. I think we are going to see some movement here.”

Presumably the lobbyist does not intend to also hold Tribune newspaper reporters’ feet to the fire. But there is always a potential conflict of interest when journalists cover events of such major concern to the owners of their parent company. It is absurd to think that journalists operate in a corporate vacuum, unaware of the larger interests and concerns of their owners, and that they are guided solely by their knowledge of the facts.

While this is the “objective” news model inculcated by journalism professors, as long as the drive for profits leads to bonuses and higher pay rates (and not layoffs), it is natural that journalists welcome an improved profit picture for the owners of their team. The problem is that what’s good for the bottom line, and journalists’ bank accounts, may not be good for society.

Let’s not kid around: There is fear in newsrooms when it comes to challenging the interests of the media moguls who can, with nothing more than an offhand remark to a subordinate, stall or end an editor’s or reporter’s career at an enterprise. The alternative is to leave and pursue the truth at other news organizations, but that becomes more difficult when they are concentrated in fewer hands. This is a time of testing for journalists. The deregulation mania of the FCC is being challenged by Sen. Ernest Hollings, D-S.C., the new chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, who is proposing an 18-month moratorium on any changes in the FCC’s cross-ownership rule because of the “erosion of diversity in our local markets.”

These are matters worthy of serious public debate, but that will only occur if the issue is fully covered in the media. As the L.A. Times reported last week, “The views of the big media companies have held sway for most of this year.” Perhaps that is because the media has failed to inform the public of the vital public issues at stake, deferring instead to the corporate preoccupation with maximizing profit.

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