Ruth Shalit

The woman in the gray flannel Mao jacket

After two months as an ad woman, Ruth Shalit surveys the historic depiction of her profession and decides she'd rather be a late-capitalist soul-snatcher than a cringing drunk or a thieving ho'.

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Almost from the time the first evaporated milk jingle hit the airwaves, advertising has been denounced as a tool of social control, a sinister instrument of mass persuasion and a stupendous waste of money. Lately the critique has moved into high gear. In such celebrated works as “Captains of Consciousness” and “Fables of Abundance,” historians Stuart Ewen and Jackson Lears advance devastating critiques of America’s high-powered account men and their ever-more-obtrusive schemes to snatch the souls of today’s consumers. In this dark view, ads are “channels of desire” in a sinuous matrix of commodity capitalism, in which cars are offered up as engines for wish fulfillment and colonialism is reinforced in the name of oat bran. Until we safeguard the public from the snake oil of silver-tongued pitchmen, “until we confront the infiltration of the commodity system into the interstices of our lives,” writes Ewen in “Captains of Consciousness,” social justice will be impossible, and “basic human needs will be laid to waste or ignored.”

I’m as much a fan of Frankfurt-School Marxism as any recent liberal-arts college graduate; but two months after starting a new career as a junior-level account executive — a position that makes me a sublieutenant of consciousness, at best — I’m still not completely persuaded by this view of ad pro as hegemon. (Then again, I wouldn’t be, would I? If there is such a thing as “false consciousness,” its giant brain must lie at the corner of 18th and Madison.) Some of my industry colleagues, however, are clearly delighted with the idea. “All advertising people should read Mr. Ewen’s book,” gloats an article in Advertising Age, “if only to discover how powerful, how elitist, how successful we really are.”

It’s not hard to understand why ad men get such a kick out of this portrait of themselves as evil geniuses, the bully boy enforcers of late commodity capitalism. For years, they’ve had to suffer through Hollywood’s depiction of their business as a sinkhole of soulless conformity, a mausoleum for deadweight yes men slinging crunch-a-licious, Flavor-ific prose. Think of Darrin on “Bewitched”: the sine qua non of the American salaryman, he spends his days dreaming of $5,000 bonuses and is given to such diclassi utterances as “Today the Bliss Pharmaceutical Company — tomorrow the world!” Or the bibulous Joe Klain in “Days of Wine and Roses”: A caricature of hangdog submissiveness, he swills martinis, rustles up hookers for clients and grimly braces himself for the loss of all his key accounts. “I spent a lot of time on that account,” grovels a severely hungover Klain, upon hearing that his hard-drinking ways have just cost him his Covington Farms client. “Perhaps, Joe — too much,” ominously reproves his all-seeing boss.

After these dreary chronicles of organization-man abasement, what a relief to pick up a book like “Captains of Consciousness” and encounter ad men of diabolical vigor and potency, men who reinforce corporate hegemony, prop up the cash nexus and still find time to write couplets for Luxor soap. Can you imagine the meek-hearted Darrin marshaling the nerve to say “boo” to a goose, let alone cunningly weave the commodity system into the interstices of our lives? I didn’t think so.

The only television show to truly incorporate the Marxist critique, which sees advertising as a synecdoche for all that is debauched and evil in American culture, is Aaron Spelling’s “Melrose Place,” with its searing portrait of wayward account executives who are more than willing to cheat, cook the books, turn tricks, even kill, all in pursuit of those top-drawer accounts. At the redoubtable Amanda Woodward Agency, which serves as the setting for these TV-M misdeeds, sex and perfidy are considered business as usual, and the account reps needn’t dip into the slush fund to procure prostitutes for clients, as, happily, many are prostitutes themselves. To be sure, when the bottle-blond ad babes let fly with lines like “You thieving whore, these are my clients,” it may not be the most articulate indictment of commodity capitalism of the Clinton era. All the same, the show does manage a critique of Madison Avenue mores that makes Herbert Marcuse look like a Rotarian toastmeister. Consider the following scene, the centerpiece of last season’s cliffhanger finale, “Who’s Afraid of Amanda Woodward?” As the scene opens, Amanda, who is played by Heather Locklear, is unveiling with her usual fanfare a new campaign for a long-standing client, Ted Kroger. “And now,” says Amanda, “the pihce de risistance. Four 30-second spots during the ’98 NFC Championship Game.”

“Very nice presentation, Amanda,” says Kroger. “Now, let’s hear the damage.”

“Fifteen million,” Amanda says. “Not a penny more … A good agency is your partner, Ted. You benefit; we benefit.”

But what’s this? Also seated at the table is Sydney Andrews, a repentant streetwalker just hired by the agency to serve as its “efficiency coordinator” (a lady of the night turned TQM martinet — only on “Melrose”). And in the end it is Sydney, the flame-haired deviant, the disrupter of bourgeois sexual arrangements, who proves herself the group’s moral compass. Rising to her feet, she declares her boss’s figures to be “grossly inflated … Mr. Kroger, you are getting fleeced here, to the tune of $5 million.” Ted Kroger, understandably riled, tells Amanda she has “until the end of the week” to come up with some new numbers. As soon as he leaves the room, Amanda turns on Sydney, asking her what on earth she could have been thinking. “I know a snow job when I see it, Amanda,” Sydney retorts. “And so does Mr. Kroger.” Amanda tells the righteous fleshpot to get off her high horse: “This whole business is snow jobs — blizzards of snow jobs. You just tossed out our whole profit margin.”

Seeing that she has no future in Amanda’s vice-laden boutique, Sydney gathers together her troops, a rebellious coterie of art directors and copywriters, and proudly announces the formation of “a new company — our own agency. Let’s put the bitch out of business.” Stuart Ewen couldn’t have said it better! Alas, though, Sydney’s schemes end in tears when her agency, Sky High Advertising, devolves into yet another high-class call girl ring, and the blizzards of snow jobs give way to, well, you can imagine.

On the other end of the verisimilitude spectrum is “thirtysomething,” the whining yuppie drama that won plaudits for capturing the mysterious folkways of agency life. In the late ’80s, knowledge of the show was de rigueur inside the industry; articles in Brandweek and Advertising Age breathlessly tracked plot developments and offered the fictional ad-hunks earnest advice (“Michael, keep down that overhead!” urged Advertising Age.) It’s not hard to see why. Whereas the profession of advertising tends to be portrayed as a schlocky business, all blaring jingles and crass gimmickry, “thirtysomething,” with the help of on-staff consultants from the uber-hip L.A. agency Chiat-Day, conferred upon it the voluptuous sheen of high art. Michael Steadmen and Elliot Weston, the show’s protagonists, were not middlebrow hucksters but squeamishly sensitive craftsmen, fiercely protective of their snack-cake oeuvre. No jaundiced chit-chat about profit margins and blizzards and blizzards of snow jobs here. Instead, lots of sitting around in shirtsleeves, brainstorming, describing advertising concepts as if each bore the fire of pure genius:
“I’ve never seen such a well-considered and executed preliminary presentation.” “It’s the core concept. Everything else suggested itself.” “Seminal ideas will do that. And this is a seminal idea.” And so on.

For a while, everything comes up roses at the “Michael & Elliot Agency,” an Edenic space where human qualities are celebrated, workers’ ingenuity rewarded and consumer insights swapped over upscale takeout. But halfway through the show’s run, the duo lose their biggest account in a client merger, and are forced to close up shop. In a true-to-life twist, Michael and Elliot pack up their toys and head over to “DAA Advertising,” a soulless, heartless mega-agency owned by vulpine smoothie Miles Drentell. There, their artistic muse is promptly extinguished by the rule-bound preachments of Drentell and his collaborator, creative director Carl Draconis, who loves nothing better than to pick on his golden boys for “getting ahead of the data” and for running afoul of the organizational chart.

But in a memorable three-episode arc, goodness triumphs and faith is reaffirmed, as Michael and Elliot vanquish the evil Draconis in a high-stakes battle over the future of O-Boy pies. It all starts with a marketing epiphany. As Michael and Elliot sit watching a nerve-jangling commercial for “The Goop,” a high-tech snack that kids squeeze out of tubes like Day-Glo toothpaste, they realize that their humble snack treat cannot compete with such ultra-hip fare. An O-Boy pie, Elliot laments, “doesn’t squeeze out or roll up or turn into something cool. It just sits there and then you eat it. How boring.” Michael and Elliot then realize that the future of their brand lies in a bold new concept: retro-snacking. “Throwing O-Boy pies in the kids’ market would be suicide,” Michael muses. “What we should do is reclaim the old market … Position O-Boy as an adult product, a nostalgic, guilty pleasure. It’s a completely new approach.”

But when they call a meeting to present their idea to the agency’s creative director, the rule-bound technocrat Carl Draconis, things don’t go as planned. The meeting gets off to a sour start when Elliot accidentally sits in Draconis’ chair, and has to be reminded that “creative director gets center chair.” In a foul mood, Draconis proceeds to drive a stake through the heart of retro-snacking. “Where’s your research?” he asks. “Where’s your analysis? You’re proposing a radical new approach — why? Because it amuses you? It’ll give you a cleaner stage?” Never mind that that’s usually all the justification a creative would need. Draconis declares he has had just about enough of Michael and Elliot and their brazen, rule-breaking ways. “You’re too far ahead of the research,” snivels the buttoned-down conformist, who is memorably played by Stanley Tucci. “I will not squander the time and resources of this organization on vanity projects.”

Undeterred, Michael and Elliot take their big idea straight to the top. “In English — let’s sell cookies to the grownups,” Michael tells agency president Miles Drentell, as heroic music swells and builds. “Let’s use the long life of the brand to reactivate buyers who have aged out of the target group.” Drentell is blown away, calling the approach “brilliant.” “All we have to do is sand off the edges … We’ll work out a television campaign, produce a spot and see how it flies with a focus group.” He then turns to Draconis. “You were against this, weren’t you? This concept of retro-snacking and this approach … I understand you thought it was — non-viable.” Draconis blanches. “Can we have this discussion in private?” he asks. It’s too late. The creative director is toast. “You made a mistake,” Miles thunders. “For reasons I neither can nor wish to comprehend, you tried to block one of the best conceptual takes on a new account I’ve ever seen. And if it weren’t for Michael and Elliot’s tenacity, I never would have seen it.” In the next scene, a workman is shown expunging Draconis’ name from the black granite directory, as the victors croon over their cherished snack cakes. “Come with me, my little chocolate lovelies,” purrs Elliot. “If you knew what we had in store for you, your creamy fillings would be all aquiver.”

My agency, Mad Dogs & Englishmen, bears no resemblance to the venerable megalith DAA; actually, with its feng shui consultants and roving hordes of Jack Russell terriers, it looks a lot more like Michael and Elliot’s noble, doomed creative arcadia. All the same, I was curious to know what my co-workers thought of the show — in particular, the climactic plot twist involving retro-snacking. When I showed the scripts around, reaction was mixed. Though my colleagues were impressed by the show’s genuineness, and thought it credibly portrayed the opposing forces of hot creativity and cold research at a big agency, they also spotted a few glitches. The character of Carl Draconis, the dorky creative director, was considered particularly wide of the mark. “I’ve never met a creative director who cares that much about the business issues, let alone the center chair,” says Judith Grey, a senior art director. “They usually want to be in the beanbag chair in the corner, and want to be told what to do, as opposed to telling everyone else what to do.” Michael Fanuele, deputy planning director, agreed. “The whole thing is just bizarre,” he said. “Usually it’s the creative director who wants to poke around and challenge the research and challenge the status quo.” But Fanuele also faulted the good guys for being unnecessarily provocative. “Michael shouldn’t have spent all that time banging his head against the wall,” he said. “He should have just gone to the research department and fabricated some numbers to get it by the creative director.”

But here’s something really interesting. One of our clients is Yoo-Hoo, which, when you think about it, isn’t all that different from O-Boy. And it turns out that, when we were first handed the account back in ’97, our first strategic insight was — retro-snacking! “It’s totally something we considered for Yoo-Hoo, which is another one of those nostalgic treats,” said Fanuele, the lead planner on the account. “We thought we would target people in their 30s and 40s and 50s. People who used to love Yoo-Hoo, and now don’t.”

What went wrong? Well, it seems the Draconian Carl Draconis might have had a tiny little point. Retro-snacking, while conceptually neat as a pin, is revealed to be a complete dud by even the most preliminary market research. For one thing, Fanuele explains, “it turns out the amount of money you’d have to spend to re-create the brand for [boomers] is pretty much cost-prohibitive.” And for advocates of retro-snacking, there is another, chewier problem. It turns out that teenagers drink by far the most soft drinks, and eat the most convenience-store snack treats, of any demographic out there. And so, if you don’t have teenagers consuming you, you really can’t survive as a soft drink — or as an O-Boy. Which is why, after reviewing the research and analysis, Mad Dogs reluctantly abandoned retro-snacking. “We decided that adults who’ve got a nostalgic love affair with Yoo-Hoo are, potentially, a great secondary target,” Michael told me. “But if you’re going to live in a convenience store environment, you really need teenagers on your side. You’ve got to fish where the fish are.” As it turned out, the teen-centric approach was definitely the way to go — you’ll be happy to know that according to the latest numbers, Yoo-Hoo now dominates its category of “shelf-stable non-carbonated chocolate drinks.”

If it’s true that art imitates life, and life imitates bad TV, I suppose any one of these cultural signifiers could turn out to be the template for the new me. My life could become a long, slow slide into gray-flanneled pathos, as Yoo-Hoos give way to triple vodka martinis and a daily grind of meaningless, alienating labor. It could become “Melrose Place,” a tear-stained roundelay of sex and duplicity. Or, who knows, it could even be “thirtysomething,” a fairy tale of hip corporatism, complete with Ivy League colleagues swapping irony-drenched insights over O-Boy pies.

Considering these options, I think I’d just as soon be a heartless arbiter of transitory hegemonies. And you know what that means. Today, shelf-stable non-carbonated chocolate drinks — tomorrow, the world.

Out of focus

A peep through the one-way mirror at that great American institution, the focus group, reveals a glittering lineup of cheaters, repeaters and sad sacks who wash their hair with Jell-O.

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About a month ago, Mad Dogs & Englishmen, the advertising agency for which I work, set out to do some focus groups on the topic of personal grooming. The groups were convened at the request of a client whose company offers spa services to men and women, and who wanted to gauge the level of interest in a separate, premium-priced tier of treatments. In San Francisco and New York, we had little difficulty convening four groups of affluent, spa-hopping females. But now we had to horn in on a more elusive target: the high-maintenance male. We were looking for the scrubbers, the buffers, the exfoliators and extractors. The kind of guy who values his pedicurist as much as his portfolio manager. Where was he? Who was he?

Our San Francisco market research firm said it could help. It designed a phone questionnaire, known as a “screener,” intended to roust our quarry out of his saunas and his treatment rooms and into our facility. There, we would delve beneath his polished surface to discover his inchoate needs and cravings, his unredeemed hopes, his price ceiling for a Dead Sea mud wrap.

At that point, our market research firm commenced what I assumed was an exhaustive survey of the citizenry. To pass muster, respondents had to be receiving at least some of the following services: hair coloring, massage, tanning, teeth-whitening, liposuction, hair implants and laser hair removal. They also had to answer “yes” to such questions as “I am very concerned about my appearance” and “I often read magazines like GQ, Esquire, Men’s Health, and Vanity Fair.” Respondents who passed through the screen were asked to show up for a focus group on “personal grooming services.” In return for their participation, they were told, they would receive dinner and a $60 honorarium. If a respondent disdained dermabrasion, eschewed GQ, or otherwise fell short of our lustrous ideal, the phone recruiters were instructed to “Thank and Terminate.”

A week and a half later, as I sat behind a one-way mirror and watched the group in progress, it occurred to me that our trusted research firm had not quite delivered the gleaming phalanx of golden-boy financiers we’d had in mind. “Do any of these guys even have jobs?” wondered the CEO of the company, distractedly flipping through the bios of the respondents. “‘Motivational speaker’ ‘numerology and intuitive work’ ‘unemployed paralegal’ ‘spiritual readings’ … What the hell is this?” She pointed to a tall, pale man, rawboned and strained, sitting with his fists tightly clenched. “Look at Frank,” she said miserably. “Frank just put his mother in the wood chipper.”

The client’s consternation was understandable. She had asked for “vanity consumers.” She had gotten slackers and grunge mavens — a strange, sullen sample of atypical respondents, more interested in downtime than in upkeep. Watching from the other side of the mirror, we could only wince as our panel guffawed at the notion of spa treatments, preferring instead to exchange survivalist grooming tips. “I just wonder about shampoo,” mused one participant. “I hear if you use too much, then it’s going to damage your hair. So I’ve been using lemon juice to wash my hair. And I guess that’s it.” Another participant confessed he’d recently traded in his facial soap for dishwashing liquid with sugar in it. “First I realized I could wash dishes with it. And then I realized I could clean my face with it.” When a third panelist confessed he used hair gel, the other panelists promptly jumped on him. “You should try flavorless Jell-O,” suggested the respondent we had nicknamed Lemonhead. “It’s really stiff — but it proteinates your hair.”

The client, to her credit, accepted the debacle with good humor. “That’s OK,” she called out, tossing a leather backpack over her shoulder as she fled the facility. “Next time, though, let’s remember to add another item to the screener. ‘All respondents must bathe at least once a week.’”

In his 1927 autobiography, “My Life in Advertising,” star copywriter Claude Hopkins boasted of his proximity to the “common people” — “gardeners, village folk, laboringmen, housewives” whose homely truths held the key to efficacious campaigns. Each time he devised a new ad, Hopkins wrote, “I submit [it] to the simple folks around me who typify America. Their reactions are the only ones that count.” Seventy-five years after Hopkins first empaneled his gardeners and fishwives, the focus group has gone from market-research tool to pop-cultural commonplace. Advertisers look to them to transform the fortunes of brands. Authors such as Stephen King rely on them to gauge readers’ reactions. Urban lonelyhearts even use them to improve their odds in the brutal singles market. The New York Times recently reported that for a small fee, a Manhattan firm, Focus Suites, will convene a caucus of hardhearted beauties to appraise a client’s failings and frailties, as the luckless bachelor sits behind a one-way mirror, munching pretzels and jotting down notes.

In “The Hidden Persuaders,” (1957), sociologist Vance Packard derided the focus group as a sinister instrument of mass persuasion, an “awesome” tool by which marketers hoodwinked us into buying “cake mixes, cigarettes, cereal — even ideas!” But in our age of packaged politics, in which President Clinton’s pollster canvasses the citizenry to determine whether he should lie or come clean about his relationship with an intern, it’s not surprising that focus groups are now seen as just another means of self-improvement, a clever instrument for burnishing our own brands. Like subliminal movie messages urging us to eat more popcorn, they have lost their veneer of exciting awfulness, and have become ripe for parody.

But if focus groups are no longer uncritically regarded as mystic diviners of the popular will, they are still the tool of choice among qualitative researchers in search of fuzzy data. “The most widely used market research tool in America, by far,” says Thomas Greenbaum, president of Groups Plus Inc., in Wilton, Conn. To be sure, their shortcomings have become the stuff of legend. The automatic teller machine was rejected in focus groups (too impersonal, the respondents said). So was the Sony Walkman, Absolut’s clear bottle and the “Seinfeld” pilot (needed a stronger supporting cast).

All the same, focus groups are cheap, easy and, on occasion, yield actual, projectible insights into the vagaries of consumer behavior. Several years ago, after the Revlon Corporation launched a new line of shampoos and conditioners for African-American women, it hired Kirshenbaum, Bond & Partners, an advertising agency, to see how its new products were going over. The answer: not too well. “African-American women buying Revlon’s Creme of Nature products perceived Revlon as a big white company,” write Jon Bond and Richard Kirshenbaum in their new book “Under the Radar.” “The Revlon name on the Creme of Nature product was actually considered a detriment.” But all ended happily, as the company hastily moved to delete its name from the product. This decision, Kirshenbaum and Bond write, “was met enthusiastically by consumers because it demonstrated that the company respected them enough to try to understand them and their needs.”

In the end, what may doom the focus group is not its failures but its unbridled success. As these corporate-sponsored encounter sessions grow more ubiquitous, with facilities spreading like kudzu across the strip malls and office parks of America, the whole enterprise seems in danger of succumbing to a phenomenon that sociologists call “reflexivity.” This is what happens when an object of study becomes self-conscious about his or her status as a piece of research stimulus, and begins to appropriate the language of the observer. And so, just as sociology must adapt itself to take into account a population that uses words such as “role” and “society,” and just as psychoanalysts must come to grips with the patient who trawls his own dreams for Oedipal tidbits, so too must the focus-group moderator learn to deal with the respondent who sweetly inquires whether he or she represents the client’s “target market.”
“As recently as five years ago, you would go to these groups and see a lot of virgin respondents,” says Kathy deThorne, executive vice president and director of planning at Leo Burnett in Chicago. “Now, with more and more groups being done, and more and more facilities cropping up everywhere, you have a lot of what I like to call professional respondents. It’s a pastime for them. They get to pontificate a little bit. They get to throw around words like ‘brand’ and ‘strategy’ and ‘repositioning’ and ‘line extension.’ They tend to get very boisterous, and to want to lead the discussion. They’re clearly there because they enjoy doing it.”

The account planners I spoke with identified two categories of rogue respondents — cheaters and repeaters. Repeaters, who also rejoice in the name of “panel whores,” are considered the more benign of the two. “These are respondents who go from one company to another, each time registering under a slightly different name, simply because they enjoy the process,” sighs John Gerzema, director of planning at Fallon-McElligott in New York. According to Gerzema, these all too conspicuous consumers tend to defend the practice when caught. “They say, ‘Hey, I know the routine, I’m much better able to relate to the marketing stimulus; I’m an extremely valuable respondent for you.’” In fact, says Gerzema, “they’re not all that valuable, because they’re just not as pure a respondent. It’s, ‘Oh, if it’s Tuesday, it must be Oreida, and the week after that, it’ll be Bounty, and the week after that, it’ll be Mitsubishi, and I’ll morph into whatever you want me to be.’ It’s aggravating, because they’re not sincerely your consumer. They can’t be if they’re morphing into all these different roles.”

Even more dreaded than the repeater is the cheater. “These are people who are, for the most part, unemployed, who somehow get on the market research circuit, using various names, and who try to make an income out of participating in focus groups,” says Bill Weylock, president of Weylock & Associates in New York. “We are talking here about a bunch of unscrupulous imposters. These are folks who actually misrepresent their buying patterns to the recruiter, just so they can get onto one of these groups.” Remembering the old joke about Israeli voters, who tell the truth to the pollsters but lie in the voting booth, I ask Weylock how he knows that these demographic poseurs are not actually telling the truth to the market-research firm, but lying at the cash register. “Oh, they lie to us!” Weylock says. “They lie about their age. They lie about their income. They basically figure out the drift of the screener and just say, ‘Uh-huh, uh-huh, that’s me,’ just to get onto a group. It’s very unfortunate and unpleasant.”

Thinking of our recent focus group, and the stubbly slackers who had impersonated our target market, I couldn’t help but agree. If only our moderator had possessed the iron will of moderator Marvin Schoenwald, famed in focus-group circles for his ability to weed out charlatans. “I call them ringers,” Schoenwald tells me. “They’re ringers because they’re trying to be someone they’re not.” Schoenwald gives an example of what he is talking about. “Like the other day,” he says. “We had a group which is obviously high-tech. Here’s one guy who makes a statement which shows he is obviously not qualified. He claimed to be an engineer. He’s really an out-of-work actor! I had to throw him out of the room.”

Physically throw him out? “Well, not really,” Schoenwald admits. “That might alienate the rest of the group. What I usually do is, I go out and talk to the facility hostess. She waits a few minutes. Then she comes in and tells the guy, sir, you have a phone call, and, oh, by the way, bring your coat and bag.”

There is, though, a consolation prize for these lost souls of consumerdom. “They get to nosh a little bit,” Schoenwald says. “That guy on Friday, he grabbed a whole handful of leftover cookies.” As long as he stays away from the flavorless Jell-O.

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Little Caesars — “Focus Group”: Cliff Freeman & Partners, New York

A Little Caesars pizza ad shows how focus groups have become an object of parody.

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Open outside door of research facility. A researcher is sliding a placard reading “pizzas” into slot on door. Heroic music starts low and builds throughout.

Move through door revealing focus group in session. Pan down table past group to moderator asking them questions.

Moderator: OK … how many of you would like more cheese on your pizza?

Cut to entire group slowly raising hands.

Moderator: OK.

Cut to moderator. Drift from moderator through one-way mirror to a group of researchers in suits observing the questioning.

Moderator: How many of you would like more toppings on your pizza?

Cut to shot from behind researchers as focus group again raises hands. One researcher clenches his fists in excitement.

Moderator: OK … more cheese?

Cut to group of kids raising their hands positively.

Moderator: OK … more toppings?

Cut to group of old veterans raising hands.

Moderator: OK … more cheese? More toppings?… more? … More?… More? … More toppings?

Cut to group of people with big noses raising hands.

Cut to hands raising as different clipboards fly towards us and researchers celebrate. The clipboards read — hairy figure skaters, slightly effeminate lumberjacks, over-the-hill rock stars.

Moderator: Cheese? … toppings? … more?

Cut to more groups. Star Trekkies, clowns and a Brazilian rain forest tribe are all raising their hands. Music reaches crescendo.

Cut to researchers grouped around map of America totally covered in push pins. One researcher fills in a final empty space.

Researcher: Well … that’s every man, woman and child.

Cut to group of orangutans all affirmatively raising hands.

Cut to moderator smiling.

Cut to shots of Little Caesars Pleasers pizzas.
Announcer (voiceover): By popular demand, it’s the new Little Caesars Pleasers menu. More meat … more cheese … more pepperoni … more toppings.

Cut to animated Little Caesar with two “Pleasers” boxes.

Announcer (voiceover): Any two for one low price. Satisfaction guaranteed or your money back.

Little Caesar: Pizza! Pizza!

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