Vincent Rossmeier

Huckabee’s radical religious friends

A list of religious extremists linked to the GOP candidate.

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Huckabee's radical religious friends

Mike Huckabee, the former Baptist preacher turned Arkansas governor and now Republican presidential candidate, has deep connections to some conservative Christians with radical political ideas. As Salon’s Mike Madden details here, while Huckabee talks up his experience visiting Israel in response to questions about foreign policy, he is also campaigning with the support of prominent figures who see Israel as the site of a coming Armageddon. Huckabee’s connections within the evangelical movement also extend to leaders whose focus is on the United States; a number of those leaders are working to transform the United States into a Christian nation governed by what they see as biblical principles. On Monday, as Salon columnist Joe Conason notes, Huckabee seemed to hint that he shares at least some of that vision. “It’s a lot easier to change the Constitution,” said Huckabee, “than it would be to change the word of the living God, and that’s what we need to do, is to amend the Constitution so it’s in God’s standards.”

Ideas like the ones some of Huckabee’s supporters hold stem from two radical doctrines, reconstructionism and dominionism. As Conason writes, these ideas come down to “the notion that America, indeed every nation on earth, is meant to be governed by biblical law.” Additionally, they stem from a belief that the United States was founded as a Christian nation, then betrayed by secular humanist liberals who created a myth of separation of church and state in the 20th century, leading the country to immorality and godlessness, and that the United States must be taken back by Christians. Some of the proponents of this idea are unashamed about using the word “theocracy” to describe their goal. The most radical among them — including two of the movement’s leading lights and progenitors, R.J. Rushdoony and his son-in-law Gary North — advocate a return to the practice of stoning as a method of execution, and expanding this death sentence to the crimes of homosexuality, blasphemy and cursing one’s parents.

One of the early organizations to promote reconstructionist ideas was the Coalition on Revival. Rushdoony and North were members of its steering committee. In 1986, two years after its founding, the group produced “A Manifesto for the Christian Church,” which says, among other things, “[The] Bible is the only absolute, objective, final test for all truth claims … The Bible is not only God’s statements to us regarding religion, salvation, eternity, and righteousness, but also the final measurement and depository of certain fundamental facts of reality and basic principles that God wants all mankind to know in the spheres of law, government, economics, business, education, arts and communication, medicine, psychology, and science.” The group also released 17 tracts laying out its prescription for what the “Christian Worldview” should be on topics from government to law, medicine, family and economics. The introduction to these states, “We believe America can be turned around and once again function as a Christian nation as it did in its earlier years. We believe that wherever the pastors of any city in the world join together in unity to make Christ Lord of every sphere of life, and, with Spirit-led strategy, mobilize their people into a unified spiritual army; that city can and will become ‘a city set upon a hill.’”

The list that follows is an examination of some of Huckabee’s connections within the Christian right, including his most prominent connections to members and supporters of the Coalition on Revival and other proponents of reconstructionist and dominionist theology.

D. James Kennedy: Like Huckabee, Kennedy — who died in 2007 — denied that he was a reconstructionist or dominionist. But Kennedy, known in certain circles as the most influential evangelical leader no one outside the evangelical world has ever heard of, long associated himself with prominent members of both disciplines and was an important conduit for their mainstreaming. He was a member of the Coalition on Revival’s steering committee and a signatory to the manifesto. Even if he had been just your run-of-the-mill televangelist, Kennedy’s reach and influence during his life couldn’t have been dismissed: His ministry, Florida’s Coral Ridge Presbyterian Church, claimed 10,000 members, and his radio and television shows reached millions in the United States and worldwide.

It was from Coral Ridge that Kennedy hosted an annual “Reclaiming America for Christ” conference. In 2005, a packet of information handed out at the conference included a message from Kennedy. “Our job is to reclaim America for Christ, whatever the cost,” he wrote. “We are to bring His truth and His will to bear on every sphere of our world and our society. We are to exercise godly dominion and influence over our neighborhoods, our schools, our government … our entertainment media, our news media, our scientific endeavors — in short, over every aspect and institution of human society.” Kennedy also embraced the standard reconstructionist idea that the United States was founded as a Christian nation and should return to its roots. David Barton, one of the leading revisionist historians in this vein, was a speaker at some of the conferences. Along with Barton, Rushdoony and North were frequent guests on Kennedy’s broadcasts. In 2006, Huckabee spoke at an awards dinner during “Reclaiming America for Christ.” But Huckabee’s primary connection to Kennedy is through his strong ties to Kennedy’s followers and former employees.

George Grant: The former executive director of Kennedy’s Coral Ridge Ministries, Grant co-wrote one of Huckabee’s books, “Kids Who Kill: Confronting Our Culture of Violence,” which was released in 1998. About 10 years before, Grant, a prolific author and, according to Reason Magazine, a “militant” reconstructionist, had written a book called “The Changing of the Guard: The Vital Role Christians Play in America’s Cultural Drama.” In one now infamous passage from that book, he wrote:

Christians have an obligation, a mandate, a commission, a holy responsibility to reclaim the land for Jesus Christ — to have dominion in civil structures, just as in every other aspect of life and godliness.
But it is dominion we are after. Not just a voice.
It is dominion we are after. Not just influence.
It is dominion we are after. Not just equal time.
It is dominion we are after.
World conquest. That’s what Christ has commissioned us to accomplish. We must win the world with the power of the Gospel. And we must never settle for anything less…
Thus, Christian politics has as its primary intent the conquest of the land — of men, families, institutions, bureaucracies, courts, and governments for the Kingdom of Christ.

Janet Folger: Folger is the founder of Faith2Action, an antiabortion, anti-gay Christian conservative organization dedicated to winning the “cultural wars.” She also hosts her own Faith2Action radio show. In the 1990s, she worked as the national director at the Center for Reclaiming America, D. James Kennedy’s group. A longtime associate of Huckabee, she is a co-chair of his Faith and Family Values Coalition, a group of campaign supporters and advisors. Her support of Huckabee became even more vociferous after he won the straw poll that followed the Values Voter Presidential Debate, which Folger organized. (Huckabee was the only leading Republican presidential candidate to attend.) At the debate, Folger personally arranged to have the Grand Avenue Choir of God perform its version of “Why Should God Bless America,” a song that asks, “Why should God bless America?/ She’s forgotten He exists/ And has turned her back on everything/ That made her what she is.” Folger gained notoriety in the liberal blogosphere recently for her satirical prediction that, if elected, Hillary Clinton would imprison all Christians.

Pastor Rick Scarborough: Scarborough is the founder of Vision America, a group dedicated to increasing Christian conservatives’ participation in politics. Huckabee depended on Scarborough’s group, among others, to win Iowa; Vision America members gave Huckabee supporters rides to the polls. Scarborough describes himself not as a Republican but rather as a “Christocrat.” In her book “Kingdom Coming,” former Salon reporter Michelle Goldberg quotes from Scarborough’s monograph “In Defense of … Mixing Church and State,” where the pastor asserts that the separation of church and state is “a lie introduced by Satan and fostered by the courts.” Upon meeting Scarborough, Karl Rove told the pastor that his positions were “too strident and conservative.” Tom DeLay, a close friend of Scarborough’s, spoke via video at the 2005 “Confronting the Judicial War on Faith” conference that Scarborough organized, where conservatives assailed “activist judges” and one speaker suggested the best way to gain control of the U.S. Supreme Court was through Justice Anthony Kennedy’s death. Scarborough also led a 2004 national campaign to protest the dismissal of Alabama Supreme Court chief justice Roy Moore, removed from the bench for installing a Ten Commandments tablet in his courthouse. Scarborough opposes all high school sex education courses and vehemently spoke out against Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s promotion of HPV vaccines in high schools, stating “the governor’s action seems to signify that God’s moral law regarding sex outside of marriage can be transgressed without consequence.”

Michael Farris: Farris is the co-founder and chairman of the board of the Home School Legal Defense Association, as well as the founder and now chancellor of Patrick Henry College, which is dedicated to educating home-schooled children in right-wing evangelical doctrines so they can pursue, in particular, careers in government. He serves on Huckabee’s Faith and Family Values Coalition, and his endorsement is the main reason that home-schoolers were an important force for Huckabee and his victory in the Iowa caucuses. Farris traveled to Iowa ahead of last year’s straw poll to organize for Huckabee and — along with Scarborough — participated in a conference call with Iowa pastors just before the caucuses, exhorting them to get their congregations out to vote, presumably for Huckabee. In the early 1990s, Farris ran unsuccessfully for lieutenant governor of Virginia; his campaign was derailed at least in part by charges of extremism stemming from his association with the Coalition on Revival. At the time, he claimed that he was a member of the group in 1984 and 1985, but left before the manifesto was issued in 1986. “It started heading to a theocracy,” he said, “and I don’t believe in a theocracy.” But he was listed as a steering committee member, a signatory to the manifesto, as the coauthor of another of the group’s documents, “The Christian World View of Law,” and on group letterhead from 1990. “They put my name on stuff. I can’t help their print shop,” he said at the time. At Patrick Henry, Farris’ ideas are put into a strict code for both students and faculty. While on campus, students are prohibited from dancing, kissing and any “prolonged embrace.” They are not allowed to drink alcohol or smoke unless they are in the presence of their parents or they are out of the greater Washington, D.C., area while the school is on vacation.

Rev. Don Wildmon: The Huckabee campaign has embraced the “significant endorsement” of Wildmon, the chairman and founder of the American Family Association, a virulently antiabortion, anti-gay Christian conservative group, and Wildmon joined Huckabee on the campaign trail in Iowa. On his campaign Web site, Huckabee said of Wildmon that “Rev. Wildmon and I share the same values on faith and family, which are key issues for the Republican party.” A member of the steering committee of the Coalition on Revival, since founding the AFA in 1977, Wildmon has dedicated much of his time to advocating for the censorship of such “controversial,” “offensive” television programs as “Donahue,” “The Wonder Years” and “Seinfeld.” In 1988, Wildmon attracted attention for his claim that Mighty Mouse snorted cocaine in one of the show’s episodes. Wildmon has also spearheaded boycotts against Ford and Ikea because of the companies’ portrayal of gay consumers in their advertisements. Wildmon has frequently been accused of being anti-Semitic for numerous comments alleging Jewish control of the media.

Steven Hotze: When Huckabee went to a fundraiser at Hotze’s home in December 2007, even conservative columnist Robert Novak had to stand up and take notice. Hotze, a signatory to “A Manifesto for the Christian Church,” was for a time influential in Texas Republican Party politics, bringing reconstructionist ideals with him. A practicing doctor, Hotze is also, as the Houston Press revealed in a long investigation in 2005, a quack who claims board certifications he apparently does not hold, offers treatments without scientific basis for medical problems not ever documented to exist, and “tells his patients it’s their fault if they don’t get better.” Later in 2005, the president of the American Association of Clinical Endocrinologists sent CBS a letter complaining about Hotze’s appearance on the network.

James Robison: The president of the Christian organization Life Outreach International, Robison is best known as a television evangelist and minister, but he was also Huckabee’s religious mentor in the late 1970s. Huckabee worked in Robison’s church as an announcer and public relations spokesman before leaving to establish a ministry of his own. Robison is firmly opposed to homosexuality. He came under scrutiny in the early 1980s for saying on his television program that he was “sick and tired of hearing about all of the radicals and the perverts and the liberals and the leftists and the Communists coming out of the closet,” that it was “time for God’s people to come out of the closet, out of the churches and change America.” Huckabee’s national media job at the time was to defend his boss’s words. In 2002, Robison co-wrote a book, “The Absolutes: The Indisputable Principles of Civilized Society,” with George Grant.

The Republicans who would’ve impeached Bush?

Not so long ago, members of Congress put the rule of law above partisan politics and loyalty to the White House.

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The Republicans who would've impeached Bush?

During the past six years, leading Republicans in Congress have prioritized allegiance to a Republican president above all other governmental and constitutional concerns. But there was a time when U.S. lawmakers, regardless of party affiliation, actually voted the way of their conscience. There was a time when a president could not break the law or ignore a summons from Congress with impunity. Indeed, by the height of Richard Nixon’s Watergate scandal, a number of congressmen — including Republicans staunchly loyal to their party — acted to uphold the law and make Nixon accountable.

Today, the main concern of lawmakers seems to be the preservation of power and the entitlements that come with it. Republican allies of the White House have blocked congressional investigations into the Bush administration’s alleged misdeeds, including illegal spying on Americans’ phone calls. In 2006, the Senate Intelligence Committee, led by Pat Roberts, R-Kan., thwarted an investigation into warrantless eavesdropping by the National Security Agency. While serving as chairman of the Judiciary Committee prior to the Democratic takeover of Congress in 2006, Arlen Specter, R-Pa., though a vocal critic of the spying, failed to initiate any investigations into Bush’s wiretapping program, despite ample evidence that it violated the existing FISA laws. Meanwhile, top Democrats, including Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia and Dianne Feinstein of California, have shown a willingness to cave into Bush’s demands, including retroactive immunity for American telecom companies that assisted the government’s spying.

The Bush era has drawn various comparisons with the Nixon era, but what seems forgotten from that time is the courage exhibited by a handful of lawmakers, once fiercely loyal to the president, who ultimately decided to impeach him. In recent interviews with Salon, some of those former congressmen spoke about their reasons for risking their political career and taking a principled stand, the kind that seems so unlikely on Capitol Hill today.

In the spring of 1974, allegations filled the airwaves that Nixon had misused the CIA and FBI and had spied on Democratic opponents. A summer of contentious televised deliberations, conducted by the House Judiciary Committee, resulted in a vote in favor of three articles of impeachment. After thoroughly examining the evidence, a handful of Republicans decided to break ranks with the party and vote with the majority. They were joined by two Democrats from conservative Southern districts who ignored pressure and even threats of violence from their Nixon-supporting constituencies to vote the way the facts demanded. (The release of an audiotape directly implicating Nixon in the Watergate burglary led to his resignation on Aug. 9, before the full House could vote on the impeachment.)

At the outset of the deliberations, Rep. Peter Rodino of New Jersey, the Democratic chairman of the 38-member committee, stated that “the law must deal fairly with everyone.” But particularly for the Republicans from conservative districts, voting for impeachment meant not only going against their party, but also potentially angering their constituents and sacrificing their political career.

One them was M. Caldwell Butler of Virginia. In Nixon’s 1972 landslide reelection, Butler’s district had voted 73 percent in Nixon’s favor. In an interview given for a 1984 PBS documentary titled “Summer of Judgment: The Impeachment Hearings,” Butler said that when the Judiciary Committee began its deliberations, he was “still very defensive of the president.” Yet, by the end of that summer, he became one of the decisive Republican votes that sealed Nixon’s fate.

Behind his large, Coke-bottle glasses, Butler gave a rousing and emphatic speech to the committee that today seems both resonant and remote:

If we fail to impeach, we have condoned and left unpunished a course of conduct totally inconsistent with the reasonable expectations of the American people. We will have condoned a presidential course of conduct designed to interfere with and obstruct the very process he has sworn to uphold. We will have condoned and left unpunished an abuse of power totally without justification. In short, a power appears to have corrupted. It is a sad period in American history, but I cannot condone what I have heard, I cannot excuse it and I cannot and will not stand still for it.

Now 82, Butler told Salon in a recent interview that impeachment was “warranted because of the president’s conduct.” From his perspective, the impeachment was never a partisan issue. “I didn’t have any problem separating the Republican problem,” he said. “It was my first term in Congress, and I wasn’t all that crazy about the job anyway … I think it would have been a terrible thing if we had decided to vote strictly along party lines in the committee.”

However, Butler did feel pressure from his constituency to vote against impeachment. “Everyone one of us Republicans and Southern Democrats were from areas that had strong Nixon support in the previous election, so we all felt in jeopardy.”

Other Republicans who voted for articles of impeachment were Tom Railsback of Illinois, William Cohen of Maine, Harold Froehlich of Wisconsin, Lawrence Hogan of Maryland, Robert McClory of Illinois and Hamilton Fish of New York.

Railsback, now 75 and living in California, said in an interview that voting for impeachment was especially difficult for him because he considered Nixon a friend. But Railsback emphasized that despite this relationship, and despite his being a Republican, he made an independent decision. “I was never pressured directly by any of the White House people or the president or [White House chief of staff] Al Haig or John Mitchell or anybody else, nor was I pressured by the leadership of the Republican side of the House or Senate,” Railsback said. “I did talk to George Herbert Walker Bush. [Bush was then chair of the Republican National Committee.] He and I are good friends, and he was interested in my opinion. I didn’t tell him how I was going to vote or anything like that, but I let him know that I had some concerns.”

Railsback says that his party affiliation only made him more resolute in seeking the truth. “Because I was a Republican, I felt an additional responsibility to get what I thought was an accurate view of the facts and the evidence,” he said. “I just couldn’t worry about [voting against a Republican president]. I felt that the best thing we could do was what we thought was right.”

Like Butler, Railsback received considerable pressure from his conservative constituency to vote against impeachment. “There were some people in my district who were upset and we also had — this was not in my district — but we also had some bomb threats by mail that were being examined by the Postal Service prior to delivery,” he said. “I think for us, particularly the Republicans, [the impeachment] wasn’t something we were very happy about or wanted to celebrate,” he added. “Looking back, I think all of us on the committee knew that what we were doing would likely be the most important legislative work that we would ever be required to do.”

Democrats from conservative districts, James Mann of South Carolina and Walter Flowers of Alabama, also took a risky stand. Mann, whose district had voted 78 percent in favor of Nixon in 1974, became the most outspoken and influential of the Southern Democrats on the Judiciary Committee. During the committee proceedings, Mann addressed his colleagues in his distinct Southern drawl: “Are we so morally bankrupt that we would decide that the system that we have is incapable of sustaining a system of law because we are imperfect?” Mann worried about the precedent the committee would set if it ignored Nixon’s assaults on the Constitution — future presidents might use Nixon’s example as justification for their own transgression of the law.

Mann developed Alzheimer’s in 2000 and was unable to be interviewed for this article. But his son, James Mann Jr., who helped his father write the first and second articles of impeachment in 1974, recently explained his father’s reasons for voting for Nixon’s ouster. “He would not have gone against his convictions to get reelected, of that I’m certain, and everybody that knows him would say the same,” said Mann Jr. “He felt strongly that the evidence was there.” Mann Jr. explained that his father became convinced of Nixon’s guilt only after plowing his way through volumes of evidence provided by John Doar, special counsel to the Judiciary Committee, who had conducted the committee’s investigation. His father had not gone into the hearings already convinced of Nixon’s guilt.

However, Rep. Mann’s decision was a fraught one. “He heard from hundreds of people, including his own mother, that you just can’t do this,” said Mann Jr. During the televised Watergate hearings, he said, two U.S. marshals were stationed outside the Mann household in South Carolina at all times. His father received numerous death threats once it became clear that he was going to vote in favor of impeachment. “My mother stayed in the kitchen in the back of the house to watch TV, where she normally would have watched in the front of the house. And she tried to stay out of the view of the windows,” he said. But his father “did not waver once he made his decision.”

It should not seem far-fetched for a politician to put conscience before party loyalty or political prospects. As Butler and Railsback put it, and as Mann Jr. said about his father, they and the other lawmakers who held Nixon accountable were only doing their job. But it is hard not to label their efforts as heroic in light of today’s inaction on Capitol Hill.

Near the close of the Watergate committee’s proceedings, James Mann Sr. issued a prophetic statement. He said, “If there be no accountability, another president will feel free to do as he chooses, but the next time, there may be no watchmen in the night.”

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