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Leaked recordings reveal what Joe Manchin really thinks about the filibuster

In a private call this Monday that was obtained by The Intercept, Joe Manchin, D-W.V., talked to major political donors during a meeting organized by the group No Labels, which The Intercept describes as a big-money operation co-founded by former Sen. Joe Lieberman “that funnels high-net-worth donor money to conservative Democrats and moderate Republicans.”

Interestingly, Manchin seemed open to filibuster reform — a private stance that contradicts his public one.

“The call included several billionaire investors and corporate executives, among them Louis Bacon, chief executive of Moore Capital Management; Kenneth D. Tuchman, founder of global outsourcing company TeleTech; and Howard Marks, the head of Oaktree Capital, one of the largest private equity firms in the country,” writes The Intercept’s Lee Fang and Ryan Grim. “The Zoom participant log included a dial-in from Tudor Investment Corporation, the hedge fund founded by billionaire Paul Tudor Jones. Also present was a roster of heavy-hitting political influencers, including Republican consultant Ron Christie and Lieberman, who serves as a representative of No Labels and now advises corporate interests.”

Manchin told the meeting’s attendees that he needed help getting Republicans to vote in favor of a Jan. 6 commission in order to strip the “far-left” of their best argument against the filibuster.

In regards to Missouri GOP Sen. Roy Blunt, Manchin said, “Roy Blunt is a great, just a good friend of mine, a great guy.”

“Roy is retiring. If some of you all who might be working with Roy in his next life could tell him, that’d be nice and it’d help our country,” Manchin continued. “That would be very good to get him to change his vote. And we’re going to have another vote on this thing. That’ll give me one more shot at it.”

Read the full report over at The Intercept.

Peter Thiel’s army: Big Tech “disruptor” sets out to shake up the GOP

Republican megadonors who ponied up huge sums of cash to fund former President Donald Trump’s presidential runs and election-related legal battles are now investing in candidates who could mainstream Trumpism beyond the GOP base, namely Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Trump acolyte with his sights set on 2024.

Others big Trump donors are looking to invest in outsider candidates with no political experience — or even their own campaigns. Few have made a bigger splash than Peter Thiel, the co-founder of PayPal and Palantir, who has already doled out $10 million donations to super PACs backing J.D. Vance, the author of “Hillbilly Elegy” turned venture capitalist who is eyeing a Senate run in Ohio, and Blake Masters, a fellow Silicon Valley protege expected to launch his own Senate bid in Arizona. The donations are the largest individual contributions ever made by Thiel and the most ever to outside groups supporting single Senate candidates, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Thiel, a Facebook board member, was one of few Silicon Valley titans to publicly support Trump in 2016, buying face time with $1.5 million in donations to pro-Trump groups, making him one of the biggest Trump donors of the cycle. Thiel also served on Trump’s transition team, though he later reportedly soured on his presidency and did not contribute to his 2020 run. However he recently brought Vance, who once said he had “no love” for Trump, to meet the former president at Mar-a-Lago, Politico reported last month.

Thiel has long supported Republican causes, backing Libertarian-leaning candidates like Sens. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., Rand Paul, R-Ky., and Mike Lee, R-Utah. His massive investment in Vance and Masters is a sign not just of their personal relationships but their embrace of the anti-globalization rhetoric that attracted him to Trump in the first place, according to the Politico report.

Vance, who is also backed by far-right Trump megadonors Bob and Rebekah Mercer, became a hot commodity in the political world as some in Washington pointed to his best-selling memoir about life in Appalachia as insight to reaching working-class white voters Democrats struggled to win over in 2016. But as a would-be candidate, Vance, a Yale Law School grad and longtime tech investor, has resorted to Trump’s culture warrior playbook while rebranding himself online.

Vance has railed on Twitter against “critical race theory,” outdoor masking, the “fake news” media, echoed Fox News Tucker Carlson’s “great replacement” conspiracy theory rhetoric, and has even adopted Trump’s penchant for inexplicable capitalization.

And, like Trump, his statements are often tinged in glaring hypocrisy as he wages a newfound war on “establishment” Republicans. Earlier this year, he criticized Republican “apologies for our oligarchy,” writing they should come with a disclaimer saying “Big Tech pays my salary” even though he has earned a fortune from his career in Big Tech.

The Thiel and Mercer money “obviously helps,” a veteran Ohio Republican consultant told Salon. “But once you get the money you have to have the right message, particularly if you’re going to… kind of skirt the Trump lane and try to be that traditional conservative with a populist bent that isn’t an asshole. That’s a fickle thing.”

Masters, a fellow tech venture capitalist who met Thiel while attending Stanford Law School, co-wrote the book “Zero to One” with Thiel and heads the venture fund Thiel Capital and the Thiel Foundation, which backs tech nonprofits. Like Vance, Masters has railed against Big Tech censorship, teacher unions, the “media elite,” and President Joe Biden’s decision to cancel border wall construction. While he doesn’t share Vance’s penchant for provocative original statements, his Twitter feed is filled with retweets complaining about “wokeness” and “critical race theory.”

But Masters enters a crowded field that includes Attorney General Mark Brnovich, who is trying to appeal to the Trump base after facing criticism for not doing enough to support the state’s dubious election “audit,” Arizona Republican strategist Paul Bentz told Salon, and businessman Jim Lamon, who is expected to self-fund his campaign and is even buying TV time in New York and New Jersey in an apparent bid to “get Trump’s attention.”

“It will be challenging – even with $10 million – to carve out a niche of GOP support,” Bentz said of Masters. “The two major issues for Republican primary voters are immigration and election fraud. It will be difficult for the candidates to set themselves apart on either issue.”

Thiel is also looking to grow his influence in the Republican Party by wading into next year’s House primaries and is expected to back Joe Kent, an “America First” Republican challenging Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler, one of the few House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump.

“Thiel helped shape Silicon Valley into its current disruptive, monopolistic incarnation, he helped elect Trump, and he’s shaping up to be a major player in 2022 and beyond,” Max Chafkin, the author of the upcoming book “The Contrarian” about Thiel’s pursuit of power, said on Twitter. “The political donations we already know about–$10 million to JD Vance, $10 million to Blake Masters–already put him in the ballpark of Koch, Mercer, Soros, etc. There are signs that this is just the beginning,” he added.

It remains to be seen whether Thiel’s cash will pay off.

Earlier this year, he donated to Brian Harrison, a former Trump administration official who ran in a special House election in Texas to “keep the Trump movement alive.” Harrison finished fourth in the race with just 10.8% of the vote, failing to qualify for the runoff. Last year, he donated $2 million to back Kris Kobach, a staunch Trump ally and immigration hardliner, in his failed Kansas Senate primary bid to establishment-backed Republican Roger Marshall. Vance, who has launched an exploratory committee and is expected to formally announce his bid next month, is currently polling between 4% and 6%.

Thiel has also met privately with DeSantis, who is up for re-election next year and is already attending fundraisers across the country ahead of a potential 2024 presidential bid, according to Politico.

While Trump has soured on former allies like Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp and Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey, blaming them for not doing enough to overturn his electoral loss in their states, the former president has continued to embrace DeSantis, even floating him as a possible running mate if he runs in 2024. Of course, DeSantis appears to have even higher hopes for 2024 and is quickly carving out a large berth in the Trump lane of the 2024 GOP primary, signing bills and executive orders to make voting harder, ban “critical race theory” in schools, ban vaccine passports, ban social media “deplatforming,” ban transgender athletes from playing on public school teams that do not match their biological gender, require school prayer, and impose tougher criminal penalties on protesters.

Having hit just about all of the big Republican culture war issues, DeSantis has attracted a who’s who of former Trump donors, raking in more than $11 million for his reelection from October to April, according to Politico, more than 25 times as much as Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Nikki Fried, the state’s agriculture commissioner.

Along with interest from Thiel, DeSantis has received six-figure contributions from top Trump donors like Bernie Marcus, the Home Depot founder who gave Trump $7 million in 2016, venture capitalist David Blumberg, and developer Steven Witkoff, according to Politico. Much of the money has come from out-of-state. Chicago hedge fund manager Ken Griffin, one of the biggest GOP donors in the country, has also contributed $5 million. Other Trump donors like former United Nations ambassador Kelly Craft, mine owner Andrew Sabin, conservative activist Doug Deason, and Don Tapia, a businessman Trump tapped to serve as his ambassador to Jamaica, are also planning big fundraisers for the governor.

Republican donors have described DeSantis as a “nicer version of Trump” and numerous benefactors that did not give much money to Republicans before 2016 appear to be coalescing behind DeSantis as well.

Julie Jenkins Fancelli, an heiress to the Publix fortune, spent little on politics before contributing more than $2 million to Trump and Republican causes since 2016. After Trump’s election loss, she contributed $300,000 to the January 6 rally that preceded the Capitol riot and is now backing DeSantis.

Ike Perlmutter, the reclusive chairman of Marvel Entertainment and Trump’s Mar-a-Lago buddy who served as an informal adviser on veterans affairs, and his wife Laura donated less than $7,000 to political causes before 2016 but have since dropped more than $31 million to back Trump and GOP causes, according to ProPublica. The couple has since contributed at least $1.5 million to back DeSantis.

Republican strategist John Feehery told Salon that donors have gravitated toward DeSantis because he is a “better version of Trump.”

“He takes on the left with relish. He doesn’t back down from a fight. He believes in America and the free market,” Feehery said. “But he is fundamentally better in two key ways. He was much better on Covid than Trump, who never could get a handle on the health bureaucracy. And unlike Trump, he knows what he’s doing.”

Mac Stipanovich, a longtime Florida Republican strategist, noted that DeSantis’ response largely tracked Trump’s before he began to muscle local governments on Covid restrictions.

“Florida has not suffered markedly worse than some other large states but on the other hand it hasn’t done a lot better than many other states. We’re kind of like everybody else,” he said in an interview with Salon. “But because DeSantis is turning out to be a pretty able propagandist, he is turning the lack of disaster into triumph.”

DeSantis has also benefited from the attention to his closely-watched re-election, allowing big donors to act as sort of early-stage investors by “establishing a relationship” with the governor “without actually committing” to his potential 2024 run, Stipanovich said.

 “These folks are percentage players,” he added. “DeSantis is the shiny new thing. So they will gravitate toward you. That does not mean they will remain there.”

As 2024 moves closer, he will likely have to compete for big donations with other Trump backers like Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas. Oculus founder Palmer Luckey, who never contributed to political campaigns before dropping over $2.7 million to back Trump and GOP causes since 2016, is planning to host a fundraiser for the Texas senator.

Former Vice President Mike Pence, Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., former United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley, and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo are also expected to compete for the 2024 nomination if Trump does not run.

Trump also appears to have inspired a growing number of major Republican donors to launch their own campaigns rather than invest in other candidates.

Lynda Blanchard, who served as Trump’s ambassador to Slovenia after donating $1 million to pro-Trump super PACs, has already contributed $5 million to her own campaign for a Senate seat in Alabama. But Blanchard has apparently angered Trump by implying that he was backing her, prompting the former president to throw his support behind Rep. Mo Brooks, R-Ala., who has been linked to the organizer of the January 6 “Stop the Steal” rally that preceded the Capitol riot. Blanchard’s implication prompted former Trump campaign manager to warn Republicans against faking Trump’s endorsements, telling Politico that most candidates claiming to have Trump’s support are “full of shit.”

Lewandowski and former Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway have signed on to help Trump megadonor Charles Herbster in his Nebraska gubernatorial campaign. Herbster owns numerous agricultural businesses across the country and helped the Trump campaign’s fundraising operations after befriending the former president at Mar-a-Lago.

Craft, the former UN ambassador who along with her husband donated over $1 million to pro-Trump groups, is considering a 2023 run against Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear, according to Politico. MyPillow founder Mike Lindell, who has spent months pushing lies about the election, has also expressed interest in challenging Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz but raised baseless concern that the voting machines would “steal” the election.

And Vance is not the only big-money candidate in Ohio. Jane Timken, the former Ohio GOP chief who along with her husband donated nearly a quarter-million to Trump’s 2020 campaign and loaned $1 million to her own campaign, and Mike Gibbons, who co-chaired Trump’s fundraising in Ohio, are both vying to run in the Trump lane as well.

“YUCK,” an Ohio Republican consultant told Salon describing the Senate race, which he said he chose to avoid this cycle after working for numerous top Republicans in the state because “I have to look at myself in the mirror in the morning.”

Trump is a “bit of a model, if you have the resources,” he said, adding that even with deep pockets it may be difficult to outspend donors like Thiel and the Mercers. At the same time, candidates who perhaps hoped to rely on Timken’s and Gibbons’ donations will have to look elsewhere.

“This is probably a $30 to $50 million campaign,” he said. “That’s a hell of a lot of money. So that’s why when you have $10 million coming to J.D. and then whatever the Mercer family is raising, that’s significant. That puts you in the upper echelon resource wise.”

While megadonors and PACs have long provided the bulk of the money raised by many Republican candidates, the rise of WinRed has allowed other Trump allies who have scared off major donors to raise staggering sums of money. Republicans have tried for years to launch a service to rival the success of ActBlue on the left but it was only when Trump put his people in charge that the party cut off other vendors.

“WinRed succeeding is one of the many ways that the infrastructure of the Republican Party now belongs and continues to belong to Trump,” Dave Karpf, a George Washington University professor who studies online political fundraising and organizing, said in an interview with Salon.

While corporate PACs and some major donors pulled back after the Capitol riot, small-dollar donations from grassroots donors on WinRed skyrocketed for lawmakers like Hawley and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., two of the most prominent backers of Trump’s “Big Lie,” as well as committees that raise money for House Republicans, most of whom voted to block the certification of the election results.

“The way you make a ton of money as a Republican candidate is that you say things that get you on Breitbart and Fox News,” Karpf said. “Marjorie Taylor Greene is raising a ton of money [because] she is saying and doing doing things that make her insanely popular on these big conservative platforms that talk her up.”

But while some big donors pulled back after the Capitol riot, many are already returning and there is little difference between what attracts megadonors and grassroots supporters, Karpf argued.

The small-dollar donations and big money contributions “go hand in hand with saying and doing very Trumpy things that get you seen and heard in conservative media,” he said. “There’s basically no daylight between their interests and so it’s just another spigot for them bringing more money into politics.”

Both big and small donors are expected to throw money behind a growing group of QAnon followers running for Congress in the wake of the Trump era. At least 33 candidates who have expressed support for the QAnon conspiracy theory are currently running for federal office, according to a Media Matters analysis.

“We are going to have more QAnon believers in Congress after 2022 than we have now,” Karpf said. “And that is part and parcel of the stealing of American democracy. Big money in politics certainly doesn’t help… [but] now big money is one of the ensemble cast members ruining politics. There’s all these other forces also making America entirely uncomfortable.”

Robert Reich on the truth about the U.S. border-industrial complex

Inequality, corruption, poverty, climate change, and violence are driving migrants to our border.  Much of this is tied to U.S. support for authoritarian regimes, right-wing paramilitary groups, and corporate interests in Latin America.

Some politicians want you to believe the way to address this is to double down on border security and build walls. This has been attempted and failed every time.

The true beneficiaries have been the corporations who profited from the militarization of the border. Between 2008 and 2020, the federal government doled out an astounding $55 billion in contracts and immigration enforcement budgets have increased by more than 6,000% since 1980.

So what can we do? Acknowledge the role U.S. policies have played, build a positive relationship with our neighbors, ensure that aid doesn’t benefit transnational corporations and local oligarchs, support local activists, reverse the militarization of borders, expand legal avenues of immigration, and help build a system that respects human rights.

Right-wing media fawn over Putin following summit with Biden

A summit in Geneva, Switzerland garnered national attention and international headlines Wednesday as President Joe Biden and Russian overload Vladimir Putin met in a highly anticipated showdown to discuss diplomacy and the path forward for the two world superpowers. 

While there appears on the surface to be some sort of progress being made between the two nations, conservatives online ripped into Biden over appearing both “weak” and not “confident” during the portions seen by the world on national television. 

“Putin presser approaching one hour with no signs of stopping. This is what Putin sees as [a] show of confidence and endurance in what appears to be an effort to make Biden look weak/small when he ends up taking relatively few questions from handpicked reporters before exiting,” The Hill’s media columnist Joe Concha remarked

Stephen Miller, a popular right-wing Twitter personality and contributor at The Spectator, tweeted following the duo’s meeting, “Joe Biden was tougher with Kaitlan Collins than he was with Vladimir Putin.”

Former Trump White House communication director Mercedes Schlapp chimed, “Putin threw that list in the trash. He knows Biden is weak. Putin will continue his aggressive behaviors to tear down any opposition in Russia, rule in fear, and eventually take over Ukraine.” 

Republican Senator Ted Cruz further took potshots at the two world leaders’ meeting by posting an edited photo of Biden and Putin sitting among a pasture of flowers. 

Fellow GOP Senator Tom Cotton responded, “Joe Biden talks tough. But when it comes to action, he’s pathetically weak towards Putin.” 

Former Trump deputy national security advisor KT McFarland commented on Fox News that she was glad the duo “didn’t stand together!”

“Joe Biden is a kindly old man, and he looked tired, and he didn’t have vigor,” she added. “Compare that to Putin, who is a killer, who does have the wind at his back!”

The Murdoch-owned tabloid, The New York Post, additionally ran a headline, “Biden appears to have ‘cheat sheet’ at summit meeting with Putin,” which sparked liberal Twitter users pointing out former President Donald Trump likewise used notes when the presser to perform on the world stage was full-on. 

Over the course of the three-hour meeting, Putin told reporters that there was “no hostility” directed at either side amid talks. Both Putin and Biden spoke at separate press conferences following their joint talks, with neither taking aim at the other. Instead, the Russian leader “noted that Biden repeated wise advice his mother had given him and also spoke about his family — messaging that Putin said might not have been entirely relevant to their summit but demonstrated Biden’s ‘moral values,'” according to the Associated Press

Alex Jones is “claiming that he coordinated” with the White House on the events of Jan. 6: report

Before Donald Trump’s presidency, conspiracy theorist Alex Jones’ Infowars was considered a fringe outlet in right-wing media circles; even former Fox News pundit Bill O’Reilly dismissed Jones as a buffoon. But the Trump White House treated Infowars like a serious news organization, and according to Free Speech TV, Jones “is now claiming that he coordinated with the Trump White House on the events of Jan. 6.”

Free Speech TV, in a page for David Pakman’s show, explains, “The Infowars host made the claim last week that he even put up $500,000 of his own money to make it happen. Jones said, ‘The White House told me three days before: We’re going to have you lead the march.’ He went on to say that 30 minutes before the end of Trump’s speech at the Rotunda, the Secret Service planned to take Jones out of the crowd to the spot where the march was supposed to begin. He went on to say, ‘Trump will tell people: Go, and I’m going to meet you at the Capitol.’ Jones’ statements are basically a full-on admission about his involvement in the riots, although he can always hide behind saying he did not intend for the rally to get violent.”

Pakman, however, stressed that Jones has a long history of lying.

This week on his show, Pakman explained, “Bear in mind: Alex Jones lies all the time. He may be lying here, but he may not be. And even if a fraction of this is true, it’s a whole new level of insanity related to those riots . . . If Alex Jones is to be believed, he got his marching orders from the Trump White House about the Jan. 6 riots. But understand that if one iota of this is true, the White House helped coordinate the Jan. 6 insurrection with extremist conspiracy theorists.”

Nonetheless, Pakman went on to say, “Alex Jones is a serial liar. And when he’s been put into legal hot water in the past for things he said, his lawyers run in — and they say, ‘He’s merely an entertainer. He’s playing a character on his program. The things he says on his program aren’t meant to be taken literally or seriously. He’s sort of like a performer.'”

You can watch the video below via YouTube

Trump falsely tells Fox News that he was 100% correct about was the power of hydroxychloroquine

Former President Donald Trump joined Fox News host Sean Hannity Wednesday night to sing his own praises and declare that he was right about a litany of things.

His comments were similar to a news post that Trump’s staff released on the website. One of those things he said he was 100 percent correct about was the power of hydroxychloroquine. Not only was he proven wrong about hydroxychloroquine, but some states that invested in the drug are also now losing money because they trusted Trump.

Oklahoma, for example, spent $2.6 million on the much-hyped drug to treat COVID-19. But when it came to May 2021, the state started scrambling to find places they could get rid of it before the drug expired.

“Oklahoma Attorney General Mike Hunter said Friday the state had reached an agreement with FFF Enterprises Inc. to take back the 1.2 million doses of hydroxychloroquine,” reported Oklahoma Watch. “The agreement means the company won’t face a lawsuit alleging the state overpaid for the drug, which is commonly used to treat lupus, rheumatoid arthritis and to prevent malaria. FFF denied overcharging the state.”

“The state of Oklahoma is no longer interested in owning or possessing the products purchased from FFF Enterprises and has sought to return the products in exchange for a refund of total purchase price,” the settlement agreement said, according to the report.

You can watch the video below via Twitter

Rick Schroder joins anti-vax protesters outside first full capacity Foo Fighters concert

The Foo Fighters held their first full-capacity concert since the pandemic on Tuesday night at Canyon Club in Agoura Hills, California, as the state shifts toward fully reopened status. The concert was exclusively open to attendees with proof of vaccination — a requirement that has been disappointingly but unsurprisingly politicized by anti-vaccine conspiracy theorists, including former child star Rick Schroder himself. 

Schroder was among what looked like dozens of anti-vax protesters who showed up in full force to protest the concert from outside on Tuesday, Variety reports. Protesters were armed with signs that carried such messages as, “Foo Fighters fight to bring segregation back,” and “event for vaccinated only, unvaccinated not allowed,” and, well, one of these is true. 

Schroder, star of “The Champ” and “Silver Spoons,” has been fairly vocal about his baseless suspicions about the COVID-19 vaccine, and his criticisms of policies that require or encourage it. In a Facebook post from the past weekend, he wrote about Foo Fighters frontman, “Dave Grohl is an ignorant punk who needs [to be] slapped for supporting Discrimination. Ignorance comes in all shapes & sizes. Kurt Cobain is laughing at you Dave along with Millions of Patriots. . . . Fool.”

Unfortunately, Schroder’s dangerous views about the vaccine, and even his delusion that it’s in any way comparable to the violent white supremacist politics of segregation, aren’t rare. Salon’s own Nicole Karlis has reported on anti-vax activists’ recent attempts to co-opt Juneteenth, a celebration of Black liberation from slavery in the United States, by rallying for “medical freedom for all” and “emancipation” for those who refuse to be vaccinated this coming June 19.

Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene has only just apologized for horrific comments she made comparing COVID vaccines to the Holocaust in a tweet from a month ago. “Vaccinated employees get a vaccination logo just like the Nazi’s forced Jewish people to wear a gold star,” Greene had posted. 

Conservatives co-opting oppression through baseless conspiracy theories and purposefully offensive false equivalencies is an American tradition as old as time. Throughout the unpredictability of the pandemic, the one thing any of us really could predict was that some version of this — protesters comparing the vaccine to slavery, a right-wing politician comparing it to the Holocaust, and a washed-up child star joining protesters calling concert safety protocols segregation — was going to happen, at some point. 

“This is what happens when you just want to attend a @foofighters concert at a small local concert hall and the next thing out know you’re a ‘Vaccine Segregationist,’” a local reporter at the event wrote in a tweet.

In any case, the Foo Fighters don’t seem too fazed by the Schroder-endorsed protesters. Grohl announced another show at Madison Square Garden in New York next week, which will also require proof of COVID-19 vaccination.

“We’ve been waiting for this day for over a year,” he said in a statement. “And Madison Square Garden is going to feel that hard. New York, get ready for a long ass night of screaming our heads off together to 26 years of Foos.”

Jameela Jamil will play the Marvel villain Titania in “She-Hulk”

“Loki” is currently burning up the charts at Disney+, but Marvel is already planning the next wave of MCU TV shows. One of the most exciting is “She-Hulk,” starring “Orphan Black”‘s Tatiana Maslany as title character Jennifer Walters, who gets super strength and green skin after getting a blood transfusion from her cousin Bruce Banner.

Or at least that’s how it happens in the comics. Also, unlike the Hulk, Jennifer never loses her calm when she hulks out; she’s always the She-Hulk, even when she’s plying her trade as an attorney.

But she’s still a superhero, which means she’ll fight supervillains. One of her oldest foes is Titania, who is very strong and very mean. Variety reports that “The Good Place” veteran Jameela Jamil will play her in the Marvel series. (I predict some confusion between Titania the supervillain and Tatiana Maslany the actor, but we’ll get through it.)

Jameela Jamil will play Titania in “She-Hulk” TV show

Jamil is mostly known for her comedic talents, and indeed, it sounds like “She-Hulk” will be taking a comedic angle on the MCU; I dunno if it’s possible to have a show about a super-strong green lawyer and not have it be at least a little tongue-in-cheek.

Jamil will join a cast that also includes Renée Elise Goldsberry, Ginger Gonzaga, Tim Roth and of course, Mark Ruffalo. Expect “She-Hulk” sometime in 2022.

“The Handmaid’s Tale” furious finale could turn the show around – and it’s all in the execution

In Greek mythology the Furies are deities charged with enacting vengeance upon men. Their origin story varies but since we’re talking about “The Handmaid’s Tale” fourth season finale, “The Wilderness,” let’s go with the poet Hesiod’s version. It says they sprang from blood spilled upon the Earth as Uranus’ son Kronos “hastily mowed off the genitals of his father and threw them backwards to be carried away behind him.” I’d say that’s on brand. 

In high school I frequently conflated the Furies with maenads, female worshippers of Dionysus who whipped themselves into a primal ecstasy before ripping apart a sacrifice, be it a bull or a man. Still, there’s a little bit of both in every woman. The many faces June (Elisabeth Moss) shows to former Commander Fred Waterford (Joseph Fiennes) before she metes out her own brand of justice serves as a reminder.

When June learns that despite her public testimony about being imprisoned, beaten and raped by Fred and Serena Waterford (Yvonne Strahovski), that the couple would likely be granted immunity in exchange for sharing vital intelligence about Gilead’s government, she grows enraged beyond control. Then something scarier happens – she becomes a vessel of pure calm. A Fury, calculating. She meets with Fred in his prison, has a drink with him, appears moved and tearful by his words of apology which are of course meaningless. Her smile is gentle, but her eyes are dagger sharp.

During this time she uses her power to negotiate a deal with America’s exiled government, in which June’s erstwhile Commander and still occasional ally Joseph Lawrence (Bradley Whitford) arranges for the release of nearly two dozen women in exchange for Waterford. “The Wilderness” holds this bait-and-switch close to the vest until late in the episode: Fred kisses Serena farewell, believing he’s heading to Geneva to confess his crimes and receive absolution, only to be tossed into a van bound for a bridge, and Joseph.

Scenes like this are made to showcase Whitford’s ability to balance wry humor and bleak apathy, especially when Lawrence casually shrugs in Fred’s face, all but laughing at his powerlessness as June’s lover Nick (Max Minghella) takes him into custody. From there Nick drives Fred to a dark forested area of No Man’s Land, where June is waiting with a choice: gun, or whistle? Fury, or maenad? Fred, a misogynist to the end, confidently tells June he knows she could never shoot him. A frenzy it shall be.

She blows the whistle, drawing a pack of women with flashlights lining up on the hill behind her. Together they run Fred down in the dark and rip him apart, reserving his finger and wedding band as a special delivery for Serena. June even bites him during the rampage. They hang the rest of his body on a section of concrete, their own version of Gilead’s Wall, with the phrase “Nolite te bastardes carborundorum” spray-painted beneath him.

This is June’s version of a “particicution,” Gilead’s version of capital punishment for rapists and others the government deems to have committed heinous crimes, a task allotted to Handmaids. Gilead is a Christofascist state and therefore removes the burden of choice from these women; all must take part so no single person shoulders emotional responsibility for delivering the death blow.

But the mob of women who beat Fred to his bloody end are there by choice, because they are compelled to take part. Because, as series creator Bruce Miller seems to be telling us throughout this season, invoking fury may be the only way the heinously wronged can heal.

Miller wrote “The Wilderness,” but Liz Garbus’ direction distinguishes it from other episodes. Garbus pairs well with Moss in that she’s a filmmaker expertly versed in drawing upon the palette of an actor’s expressiveness to color a scene. Moss shifts between June’s shuddering rage, disquieting chill, untethered pain and full warmth with the ease of a person peeling off a mask and slipping on another, but instead of pulling our attention to this by relying on close-ups Garbus draws that emotional hue outward.

In one scene, for instance, June leaves the Canadian justice building and stands on the street, hollowed out by the realization that’s the very thing, justice, that she won’t get if the system has its way. To make us experience that blankness Garbus captures Moss in a long shot, her head and shoulder floating low in a frame gobbled up by a building’s gray and dingy exterior.  In the dark forest she pulls in on Moss’s snarls as light and fellow hunters bounce behind June.

And Garbus’ contribution to the series’ signature overhead shots of symmetrical action capture the flashlights laid in a circle as the writhing mob consumes Fred, a pagan ritual through and through.

My distaste for “The Handmaid’s Tale” is not a secret at this point. I was well over it at the start of Season 3 when its white feminism and de-centering and disappearance of characters of color reached irritating heights, going as far as to end that arc by painting June as some kind of Harriet Tubman figure.

The monotony of June’s repetitive escape and re-capture cycles and torture scenes this season did nothing to win me back. And yet, the last three episodes of this current batch hint at a change in direction that could result in a legitimately provocative shift or be as repetitive as ever, but with the underdogs turned into the wolves.

It all depends on whether the will to forgive is stronger than the forces driving both fury and maenad: feeling and retribution.

“The Handmaid’s Tale” is at its best when it meets the culture’s debates about reproductive freedom and a woman’s agency in politics and society. That’s why its best season were its earliest, when the series followed June while managing to depict how Western democracy can slowly slide into a sadistic, totalitarian theocracy.

We see its characters in freer times, figuring out how to cope as their rights erode beneath them before vanishing entirely. One day June is insulted while she’s getting a coffee. Not long after that her job in publishing disappears and her bank accounts are frozen.

Emily (Alexis Bledel) sees a fellow gay colleague at the university where she teaches hanged before she’s detained. Through all of this the reigning emotion is terror, which is true of any traumatic experience. Once June travels beyond the reach of that oppression, joining her best friend Moira (Samira Wiley) and her husband Luke (O. T. Fagbenle) there’s the expectation, voiced by Moira, that refuge and safety are adequate to begin the process of repair.

But this is the part of Season 4 that potentiates fresh possibilities for the series, in that it once again lines up with the partisan impasse imperiling America right now. A pile of problems created this obstacle threatening to crush us, most of them resulting from white conservatives’ refusal to acknowledge the truth about slavery and its lasting, ongoing contribution to structure inequality and systemic racism.  

“The Handmaid’s Tale” doesn’t have the guts to go there, of course. But it can and does speak to the hypocrisy of abusers and tormentors demanding forgiveness without earning it or changing the circumstances that created the crimes in the first place. More than this, the story critiques the expectation that the aggrieved be expected to forgive and move forward, that they must instead strive to be something positive – better, joyful, relieved – all of which is unfair and inhumane.

This being TV, the events of the finale’s climax probably negates the finer points of what built to Fred’s reckoning in those dark woods. The false notion of reconciliation permeates this show; one the first pieces of advice Emily’s gives June is not to defend herself to her oppressors. “Just apologize,” she says. “They love to be forgiving.”

But where does that leave the oppressed, once they’re free? Moira’s support group sessions with fellow escapees depicts a truer kind of answer when she counsels June and the others that one can’t live in an angry place if they want to heal.

“Why not? Why does healing have to be the only goal?” June demands. “Why can’t we be as furious as we feel? Don’t we have that right?” Then June tests that thesis when a former Aunt who caused Emily’s lover to be executed comes to their group and says, point blank, she wants Emily to forgive her, because “I haven’t had a moment’s peace.”

Emily refuses. Later, she drives out to meet the woman only to find she’s hanged herself. At the next support group the other survivors once again fall into the mode of supposing how Emily must feel – guilty? Distraught, as if it’s her fault. June finally silences the others and asks Emily to speak for herself.

“I feel . . . amazing. I’m glad she’s dead,” Emily says. “And I hope I had something to do with it.”

This admission leads to a cascade of confessions about real, dark revenge impulses. Moira is horrified. (And please add writing Wiley’s character as so wise and painfully forbearing as another example of Black women tropes this show peddles.) June realizes she’s on to something.

From that moment on the small friendly efforts to police women’s feelings in this supposedly liberated society become more noticeable. Multiple characters insist that June try to be happy for having attained her freedom, that she count her blessings, that she try to move on once the government has decided what Fred is giving them is more valuable than what he did to scar her.

But June’s rage makes other plans that ensure Fred gets what he deserves.

Now what? For June the future is murky. She returns home bloody-faced, and Luke can only guess at what she’s done. She takes her baby in her arms and says she only wants to hold her for a few moments before she goes. 

Recalling that the first season ends with June declaring, “They should have never given us uniforms if they didn’t want us to be an army,” Miller seems to be hinting at a coming retaliation arc, which could either provide the catharsis this narrative achingly requires, or could become as redundant as recent seasons have felt. Much of it depends on what the show chooses to do with its heroine’s deserved fury and what the writers choose to sacrifice to it, for better or worse.

All episodes of “The Handmaid’s Tale” are streaming on Hulu.

From workplaces to politics to Instagram influencers, “cultish” language is everywhere

The word “cult” gets thrown around a lot today, which suggests it is losing its specificity. Everyone agrees that Heaven’s Gate or the Peoples Temple were cults; not everyone believes QAnon and its followers constitute a cult, even though psychologists specialize in “deprogramming” QAnon followers. Then, there are things that few may recognize as cults, but which have some cultish traits — like, say, Crossfit. 

Cults are usually defined by devotion toward a particular figure or object, which makes it difficult to decipher whether something like the popular exercise regimen is a cult. Though Crossfit fancies itself a branded fitness regimen, anyone who has been around anyone who does Crossfit will notice, simply by the way Crossfitters speak, that it is a very tight-knit community. The gym is called a “box,” trainers are “coaches,” and your WoD (workout of the day) can consist of both BPs (bench presses) and BSs (back squats).

Though Crossfit might not be a cult cult the way that Heaven’s Gate was, writer Amanda Montell argues that people who do Crossfit do suffer what she describes as a “cultish” influence. In other words, who and what you worship may not be the defining line between what is and isn’t a cult; rather, it’s all about the way a group speaks.

That’s the thesis of Montell’s new book “Cultish: The Language of Fanaticism.” The book explores how many of us fall under a cultish influence, whether we are aware or if or not, and how it connects to language. Her objects of study range from SoulCycle to Silicon Valley startups, while she simultaneously explores the power of language used in these communities.

As Montell writes, charismatic leaders do not draw followers using some “freaky mind-bending wizardry.” Rather, it is a matter of language, plain and simple. 

“From the crafty redefinition of existing words (and the invention of new ones) to powerful euphemisms, secret codes, renamings, buzzwords, chants and mantras, ‘speaking in tongues,’ forced silence, even hashtags, language is the key means by which all degrees of cult like influence occur,” Montell explains in her book.

As a linguist and the author of “Wordslut: A Feminist Guide to Taking Back the English Language,” Montell opens readers’ eyes to the power words hold in all the cultish groups we may brush up against in our lives. I spoke with Montell over the phone about how we define cults, what “cultish” means, and how Instagram’s health influencer culture can be cultish; as always, our interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

First, I was wondering if you could explain what the book’s title, “Cultish,” means?

Well, it’s sort of a double entendre; there are a few ideas I wanted to communicate with the title. First off, cults are really a spectrum. This word has become incredibly sensationalized, romanticized, judgment-loaded and subjective over the years, such that it’s hard to know what it really means. So many groups that have been or could be called “cults” aren’t necessarily any more dangerous or outlandish than a better-accepted religion.

That’s not to say that some cults aren’t dangerous. Some absolutely are, but the word “cult” is not really specific enough to let us know what we’re really talking about, and it can often be used as just a judgment to morally divide us. Like, “you’re in a cult.” “No, you’re in a cult.” “You’re the brainwashed one, you’re in a cult.”

So I tend to think of cults on this spectrum, on this continuum of groups that can range from fanatical, but ultimately pretty harmless, all the way to really exploitative and abusive and in some cases life-threatening. So I tend to call this the “cultish spectrum” — groups that are all cultish, groups I discuss in the book ranging from Scientology to SoulCycle. We might not agree that they are full-blown cults, but they’re at the very least cultish.

And then the other meaning of cultish is this language that I describe in the book. It’s this system of linguistic techniques that leaders and gurus from Jim Jones to Jeff Bezos to spin instructors use to influence their following. 

The language aspect of it was fascinating. And I didn’t even know where the phrase “drink the Kool-Aid” came from ( which originates from the Peoples Temple movement), even though that was so obvious when I read it in your book. I’m curious if you could explain more why you chose to focus on the role that language plays in cults and cultishness.

Yeah. Well, my background is in linguistics. Language is just the lens through which I see the world. When someone is talking to me, I am listening to their delivery and their word choice and the different features of their speech as much as I’m listening to the content of it. I don’t know why. Some combination of nature and nurture has made me this very nerdy language-focused person.

I also grew up on stories of an infamous cult called Synanon, because my dad was forced to join it when he was a teenager by his father who was sort of negligent as a dad. He was a communist. He was very counter-cultural. He fancied himself an intellectual. And in the late 60s, he found himself quite bored with nuclear family life and decided to move my dad and my grandfather’s new wife and his two little replacement kids to this compound in the Bay Area called Synanon, which was like a “socialist utopia.” It started as a quack drug rehabilitation center and then grew to accommodate so-called lifestylers, people who just wanted in on this alternative way of living.

And my dad would tell me these riveting stories growing up. Just because I’m the way that I am, the most fascinating part of his stories of Synanon to me was always the special language that they used, terms like “lifestylers” and phrases like “act as if,” which was this imperative to get people to not to question a certain policy or rule or procedure in Synanon. You were just supposed to act as if you believed until you did.

There was a Synanon school that all the children were supposed to attend, but the randomly-selected adults who ran the school weren’t called teachers. They were called “demonstrators.”

So I was always really sensitive to cult-y sounding rhetoric, whether it was in the start-up office where I was working or in the high school theater program I was in. was always really tuned into language that kind of reminded me of Synanon language. And so when it came time to think of a second book idea, and I’d always obviously been interested in cults, the only angle I could really feel like I was qualified to write about within this topic was language.

In the book, you talk a bit about what you call “thought-terminating cliches.” I see them often in wellness circles and on Instagram — influencers encouraging people to say a specific “mantra.” They always seemed harmless. Can you explain why they can be dangerous sometimes?

So a “thought-terminating cliche” is a concept, a term that was coined in the early 1950s by this psychologist named Robert Jay Lifton. And it describes these stock phrases that are catchy, easily memorized, easily repeated that are aimed at shutting down or questioning analytical thoughts. So an example of a thought-terminating cliche that you might hear in one of those New Age-y Instagram circles would be dismissing a very valid fear or anxiety or question as a limiting belief. Or saying something like “Don’t let yourself be ruled by fear,” which could be harmless in certain contexts, but when talking about, say, the global pandemic, it’s definitely not productive. It is, in fact, quite destructive. So yeah, I was fascinated to discover this phenomenon of the thought-terminating cliche and these phrases aren’t just used in cultish groups. We really hear them in our everyday lives in phrases like, “it is what it is,” or “boys will be boys,” or “it’s all in God’s plan,” or “everything happens for a reason.”

So the idea is that cultish language is not exclusive to these fanatical fringe groups. They really imbue our everyday lives, and so do thought-terminating cliches. And it’s important to be aware of them so that you can kind of clock them and be like, that sounds like a technique that’s trying to get me not to further question or think about this topic. And the motivation behind that might be someone is trying to take advantage of you. And I think thought-terminating cliches are really effective because it’s work to think about something super complex. It’s a relief not to have to, and thought-terminating cliches sort of assuage cognitive dissonance or that uncomfortable discord you feel when you have two conflicting ideas in your mind at the same time.

And so they’re really everywhere. And it’s true, not all of them in every context are going to be harmful. But whenever you have a sort of ill-intentioned leader with a repertoire of these stock phrases —”Act as if from Synanon” is one of them — if someone was feeling doubtful of a certain policy in the group, you could just say, “Oh, well act as if,” and that would be a cue to remember, oh yeah, I have my full confidence in this charismatic leader. And I’m just going to act as if I believe in this policy that he created until I do. And that sounds bananas, but when you’re conditioned by these thought-terminating cliches over the course of years or a lifetime, they become these really effective cues to not think about something any further.

I think it’s fascinating. And just how much we use, actually, these thought-terminating cliches, not even in, like you said, cultish groups, but it seems to be pretty mainstream. I’m curious if you have any thoughts on what to replace these thought-terminating cliches with or how to challenge them. I don’t know if you have any ideas on that.

Yeah. I mean, it’s always empowering to be able to label the technique of manipulation that somebody is trying to use at you. So if, I mean, this won’t be entirely appropriate in every context. Say if your boss just throws one of these thought-terminating cliches at you, you can’t just be like, “Hey, that sounds like a thought-terminating cliche, and I can tell that you’re trying to manipulate me.” But just having the ability to, in your own mind, clock that type of phrase is I think the most powerful thing you can do. And then you can in the safest ways that makes sense for you, you can sort of continue to gently push back instead of allowing that thought-terminating cliche to do what it was designed to do, which is to get you to be silent.


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Cultish rhetoric is used in so many industries: fitness, wellness, beauty, health, and even in our workforce, like at startups and at corporations. It’s often used as a way to subvert power within an organization and manipulate people. However, I couldn’t help but think while reading your book that humans seem to be really drawn to this cultish structure and language.

Well, I think we are quite cultish by nature. Study after study proves that we are communal inherently. We are attracted to groups of like-minded people. And there’s neuroscience behind why cultish language resonates with us. Studies of Buddhists chanting have found that it reduces stress hormones in the body and elevates feelings of bliss. We like to engage in a group chant. We like to have an exclusive code language.

I mean, everyone can relate to being a kid on the playground and first learning Pig Latin, and feeling so special that you have this code language that other people don’t know. It makes you feel really like you’re doing something right. You are intellectually superior, that you’re morally superior, that you’re in on the secret. And we’re tribalists. We are attracted to small groups of insiders versus outsiders. And I think language is such a powerful and underestimated marker of how you can tell who is in your group and who is on the outside.

I notice scientific language is co-opted by health and wellness influencers, particularly on Instagram. Many of them promote dangerous beliefs, especially in the alt-health world — like Joe Dispenza, who you mention in your book.

Well, co-opting technical terms from scientific fields and giving them new, metaphysical meanings is something that all of history’s most notorious New Age leaders from Marshall Applewhite to L. Ron Hubbard has done. This is what New Age groups have always done. They combine scientific language or language from the DSM [Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders], like psychological language with spiritual, mystical, metaphysical language in order to create this impression that they are tapped into a power higher than science.

And what someone like Joe Dispenza does, which is particularly grating and harmful, is he will co-opt terms from astrophysics. He’ll talk about quantum fields. And again, his credential is he has a degree in chiropractic from the university called Life University. He is a joke. But he will basically use really complex terms that are above the average follower’s head. And because he uses them with such confidence and he’s the picture of the type of person that we would expect to know about astrophysics, aka a middle-aged, balding white man. Either the average follower is not going to fact check that, you’re just scrolling through Instagram or you’re just surfing the internet.

With this overload of information that you’re getting on Instagram or on the internet, you’re not going to fact check every little thing. It would take you all day. It would be like a full-time job. And, study after study shows that misinformation spreads more quickly on the internet than true stories, especially on Twitter. And it’s really difficult to differentiate between false information that feels more novel …  and we’re more likely to spread or retweet or re-share information that feels new because it makes us feel, again, like we are accessing something special that we are in the know. And sometimes true information feels boring.

So yeah, the combination of metaphysical language and science language is really dangerous because it devalues actual science. And in an era like we are now, when there is a civil war over disinformation — when people think that science is a conspiracy, when people have such mistrust in the healthcare system, in academia — that becomes incredibly dangerous. Especially because people like Joe Dispenza — and he’s a dime a dozen, by the way — aren’t spreading this ideology because they really think it’s going to help people. They’re spreading it to make a buck. The roster of products and services that Joe Dispenza has for sale would blow your mind. It’s really like the metaphysical Disney store. And so he’s reaching for attention. That’s what he wants. He doesn’t want to help people. He wants attention and followers and money. How do you get attention? You spread the news that’s going to feel most novel to people. That news that is going to feel most novel to people is probably going to be false. And that’s just destructive for so many reasons.

I’m fascinated by why people are so drawn to these people. I have always wondered if it is because traditional religion is on the decline, and maybe people gravitate towards those who seem to have this “connection” to something that they don’t.

It’s partially that. And I have found time and time again that the people who are most attracted to these New Age gurus in particular are ex-Christians, particularly ex-evangelicals. New Age ideology really just put a boho spin on a lot of old evangelical rhetoric. These good and evil binaries. The idea of a “great awakening” is very similar to the idea of a second coming or a rapture. And there’s a lot of black and white ideology going on that really hearkens back to evangelical rhetoric.

If you are rejecting the church that you grew up in, you’re going to connect to something that’s different, but also feels familiar. We’re just utterly lacking moral and spiritual leadership right now as Americans. We feel like when we get sick or when we get hurt or when we are poor or anything, nobody is going to be there for us.

So we end up putting our stake in these alternative gurus rather than the mainstream institution. But also, as I was saying before, on Instagram, or on social media in general, you don’t actually have to be a super-charismatic mass manipulator like dangerous, new religious leaders of years past. You just have to be able to tap into an algorithm. And being able to do that is the key to gaining a following now. You just have to tap into whatever’s trending, whatever is garnering a big emotional response from people and just feed them that. Yeah. So there’s a lot going on there, but that’s some of it.

So we know how dangerous cultish rhetoric can be, but what’s the solution?

I think there are a couple of solutions. I think something in our culture that is really damaging is that there are all these little ideological cults that really separate us, and really cause us not to empathize with one another or see one another as human. We see one another as this nefarious “other” if we don’t align perfectly with the ideology of a certain group. It’s really important to notice the cultish language that is causing you to feel so confident that you’re right and everyone else is not only wrong, but morally inferior and a bad person. It’s important to recognize, “what do I really think about this?” Or, “am I just being conditioned by these slogans and buzzwords to think that this is the right way?”

And if we can recognize the cultish language that’s having an effect on us, not only will we feel more empowered to go and cross-check and fact check and make sure that we really believe what we think we do, but it will also help us be more compassionate and empathetic toward people who disagree because they’re under a similar type of influence. They’re under these very specific techniques of cultish manipulation. And if we can understand what that looks like, then we can hopefully open up communication pathways and be able to empathize with these people and talk to them — because that’s the only way that we’re going to be able to bridge these massive schisms in our culture.

“There is no shame or blame in victimhood”: “Cruel Summer” boss on grooming & that finale twist

Young adult dramas that don’t hypersexualize their teenage girl leads, oversimplify teenagers’ lives, or throw in romanticized sexual relationships with teachers are a rare breed. Refreshingly enough, Freeform’s “Cruel Summer” (which streams on Hulu next day) delivers all this and more.

From the same network that once brought us “Pretty Little Liars,” a show that glorifies the forbidden “love story” of a male teacher and his teenage student, “Cruel Summer” is an entirely different kind of show, and its explosive popularity has already led to its renewal for a second season. The show has also been widely praised for its accurate portrayal of grooming — when an older person targets an underage person by befriending them, with the goal of having a sexual relationship.

Taking place over the course of three consecutive summers, the mystery series about two teenage girls examines how they deal with life-changing events from 1993 to 1995. Popular girl Kate Wallis (Olivia Holt) had gone missing for several months, and later it’s revealed she was imprisoned in the basement of high school assistant principal Martin Harris (Blake Lee), with whom she had a romantic relationship. After her rescue, it’s revealed that she had gone to Harris “willingly,” seeking safety after an explosive fight with her mother, before he turned on the teen when she tried to leave. 

Meanwhile, over the course of Kate’s disappearance, Jeanette Turner (Chiara Aurelia) had gone from socially awkward teen to essentially becoming the new Kate, right down to claiming Kate’s best friends and boyfriend. That all comes crashing down, however, when Kate insists that during her captivity, Jeanette saw her and did nothing to help her. As a result, Jeanette becomes a pariah, leading her to sue Kate for defamation.

In the finale, a case of mistaken identity appears to show that it wasn’t Jeanette who Kate saw when she was imprisoned. All seems to be neatly and tidily resolved . . .  until the jaw-dropping last moments of the episode, taking viewers back to Kate’s captivity in 1994 when we see what really happened: Jeanette breaks into the house, hears Kate scream for help and smiles while doing nothing to help – before the show cuts to credits.

Salon spoke to showrunner Tia Napolitano about Season 2, the show’s careful approach to Kate and Martin Harris’ relationship, victim-blaming, and, of course, those shocking final seconds of the finale, that not even the most dogged Reddit sleuths saw coming.

The following interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

So, “Cruel Summer” has been renewed for a second season — very exciting! Given some of those shocking ending twists, what do you envision for Season 2 that you can share with fans at this point?

We really just started, so I don’t know anything about Season 2. I know we talk a lot about how Season 1 had this untie-able knot, where we set ourselves up with this impossible situation that Kate is telling her truth, and Jeanette is telling her truth, and they can’t possibly co-exist. And we found our way to what we think is a really interesting way out of that mystery that gives you every piece of the puzzle. So we will aim to do that again, and be able to tell important issues, like grooming in Season 1, and have some social messaging and exploration in there, too.

What makes the show really unique from a lot of other stories and real life is it focuses on young women’s credibility without comparing it to a man’s — especially since Martin is dead, and not the one refuting Kate. Was this a deliberate decision to center the show around the conflict between Kate and Jeanette’s credibility, rather than including a man’s perspective, as we often see onscreen and in real life?

It’s an area that I think all women think about, and we see it in the media, women’s credibility being questioned left and right. It’s our burden always to face that, and it’s infuriating, and it’s maddening, and to live with two people going through that was something that I felt was important to show.

“Cruel Summer” has received widespread praise for its accurate portrayal of grooming, and not romanticizing an underage relationship. Of course, this is an incredibly sensitive issue area that could have been a risky project if not done right — why was telling this story worth taking that risk for you?

Telling any worthwhile story is worth the risk. It’s a matter of someone taking the responsibility to do it right, do their research — we consulted with Hollywood Health & Society, we had a therapist who was also a writer as one of our writers on staff, we did a lot of research. We looked at projects that maybe missed the mark, and tried to do better.

Throughout the show, on top of the trauma Kate endured, we see her struggle to trust and forgive herself, because she knows she isn’t a “perfect” victim. Over time, we see her process this, move forward, and even find new love. What do you hope survivors and anyone who might blame themselves for their trauma are able to take away from Kate’s story?

That’s a really important question. I would say there is no shame or blame in victimhood. The victim is never at fault, very simply. 

The accuracy of how “Cruel Summer” portrayed the dangers of grooming and underage “relationships” has sparked a lot of conversation about how previous shows have romanticized or glorified underage relationships. Were there any shows or stories you looked to for inspiration or as cautionary tales for how you did not want to portray Kate and Martin’s relationship?

I actually stayed away from looking at other projects in that area. I think we wanted to do it our way, and I didn’t want to be influenced one way or another by comparing us.

The love and gentleness of queer couples in this show — Vince and Ben (Allius Barnes and Nathaniel Ashton), and later Kate and Mallory (Harley Quinn Smith) — are such a bright spot in an otherwise pretty grave show. Why was it important to inject that comfort and joy in Kate’s life, and show Ben and Vince come back to each other even knowing the risks?

I wanted “Cruel Summer” to be a show that talked about important issues with a lot of care, but also, show a world that you want to return to week after week. We weren’t interested in relentless trauma, relentless agony and pain. That was not of interest to me.

And I wanted the characters who go through so much, especially Kate, to have joy, just as a character, for her to have a little happy ending, a bright spot, scenes that put us at ease, let us breathe a little after all we’ve been through as the audience. 

OK, let’s talk about those shocking ending twists. First, we learn who “Annabelle” is when Martin takes out the gun, at first presumably to kill himsel. Even after Kate shoots him, she says she stayed by his side all night. What does this memory show about the depths of Martin’s manipulation of Kate? And what does Kate’s reaction to killing him reveal about the complicated ways victims may feel about their abusers?

Kate says, I think in a voiceover in that scene, that she felt paralyzed without him, and I think that’s the absolute truth. When someone’s been controlling everything you do, down to when you eat and get water, he’s still the one who keeps the electricity on and the roof over her head, in the worst of ways, and that is a prison. To have that person leave, she’s been on autopilot in someone else’s care for nine months. This switch — she freezes, and has to process everything that’s happened, that’s now over, and what does walking out the door look like for her. She’s processing all of that.

So, there were some pretty big warning signs about who Jeanette really is, prior to those last 20 seconds — namely, the way she seems to victim-blame Kate upon discovering Kate went to Martin willingly, the ease with which she lies about repeatedly returning to Martin’s house, the small spark of joy she seems to get when she first hears Kate is missing. Is there a deeper message here about not believing survivors, and lack of accountability for those who harm them? What was behind this shocking choice to turn the show upside down in the last seconds?

“Cruel Summer,” as much as it’s a psychological thriller, it’s also a character study. I love the show has scenes where we live alone with these characters, we see them looking in a mirror or making choices when it’s only them, or watching the news, and kind of are able to get inside their brain.

I think people take different things away from what they’ve seen of Jeanette, and to me, she is a person who made a bad decision that spiraled out of control. It was a terrible decision, but more so than her being a sociopath or psychopath, I think it’s something she might really harbor guilt about, and compartmentalize somewhere within her. The answer is no, I don’t think there’s an overarching message wrapped up in that scene of Jeanette.

“Cruel Summer” was a very interactive show, in that social media and the internet were constantly discussing it. Did you have any favorite fan theories, stories or reactions? 

I read some, I haven’t seen all of them because there are so many, which has just blown me away and really humbled me. I’m just so grateful for the fans – they’re amazing! I love how fiercely loyal they are, the way they’ll defend Kate and Jeanette, and Mallory, and Vince — it’s like they’re defending a member of their family. That, I just love that people go hard for our characters on a multitude of sides, and it’s very varied, there hasn’t been one singular fan response, which is what we were hoping for, which is great.

I’m just proud that this is a show where we talk about it resonating with people, and I’m proud that it’s a show that gives these two young women a microphone, and private moments. We aimed to make them complex, so when we go home with them, they aren’t a trope, they aren’t simple, they have a rainbow of emotions. I think that’s resonated with audiences and I’m really proud of it.

Can food halls help diversify the post-pandemic restaurant industry? Yes, if done right

Daniel Wu, the former owner of Atomic Ramen, described the closing of The Barn, which was the first-ever food hall in Lexington, Ky., as a gradual shuttering. The project had been the subject of a lot of local hype, serving as a centerpiece of a $156 million mixed-use suburban development called The Summit. 

When it first opened, Wu told me during an early June phone call, the energy at The Barn was electric. Customers would move in packs from stall to stall — featuring burgers and seafood, Greek food, a full whiskey bar, and local ice cream — before congregating in the dining room. The camaraderie between the stall owners was solid, too. 

“My favorite part of doing that whole venture was that I was in there with a whole bunch of people I liked, and honestly, we worked well together,” Wu said. 

But then the pandemic hit and, one by one, Wu and his fellow chefs began to debate closing their respective stalls. The success of food halls is predicated on in-person business. As lockdowns were enacted, there was no telling when operating at capacity would be possible again. 

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“We kind of discussed it among ourselves, all the owners, and some people wanted to stay open, some wanted to be closed and I was like, ‘Man, if half of us are open and half are closed, it’s going to look so bad in here,’ like kind of dystopian, you know?” Wu said. “It looks slapdash and unprofessional, and we ended up finally deciding we were going to ‘close down for now.’ So we shut down temporarily, and then, of course, temporarily became permanent when we realized it wasn’t going to turn around for most of us anytime soon.” 

The Barn officially closed its doors in May 2020 — only four months shy of the business’ third anniversary. But now, as shutdown-born restrictions begin to lift, communities all across the country are eying food halls as a potential avenue towards economic revitalization. Some also recognize the potential therein to more deeply invest in local restaurant owners and culinary professionals of color, two communities largely left to flounder last year without federal government assistance. 

The prevalence of food halls has skyrocketed over the last decade. Some publications initially dismissed the concept as a millennial redux of the tried-and-true mall food court (and, thereby, another example of food-centered nostalgia like the return of Pizza Hut’s original logo and the re-release of New Coke), but there are some key differences. Instead of Sbarro and Jamba Juice, most food halls are filled with independent vendors. 

It’s not a new concept, per se. Cleveland’s West Side Market, for instance, began operating in 1840, while the world-famous Chelsea Market — which was purchased by Google parent company Alphabet Inc. in 2018 for $2.4 billion — was redeveloped to have a concourse of food-based tenants in the early ’90s. 

However, as interest in both fast-casual dining and supporting local chefs has continued to surge, food halls found their way into the center of that Venn diagram, much like food trucks did before them. In 2010, there were only 25 food halls in the entire country. By 2016, the Wall Street Journal reported that there were more than 100.

Experts then predicted that, by 2020, there would be close to 300 food halls in America. As with the case of The Barn in Lexington, the pandemic was the first real disruption to the trend, which is now picking back up again as a spate of new food halls are opening in the coming weeks and months. 

S&W Market is opening next week in Asheville, N.C., with a “starting lineup of five locally based stalls, encompassing everything from tacos to ice cream to Thai steamed buns,” according to Eater. Atlanta is gaining another food hall in 2022, which is being described as a 28,000-square-foot “boutique food market” with 21 stalls.

In St. Louis, City Foundry— the city’s first food hall — will open later this summer. In an emailed statement, a representative from the business said it anticipated that the food hall model would only continue to gain traction as pandemic restrictions lift. 

“The restaurant industry went through a transformation during the pandemic,” they wrote. “Guests expect variety at their fingertips, given the ease and rise of ordering online. However, people crave that personal experience again more than ever. Food halls can offer a wide range of cuisine while also offering that dine-in experience. It provides a network effect for restaurant owners who can now benefit [from] sharing common space with each other and satisfying customers’ desire to try several different dishes in one sitting.”

For stall tenants, this is one of the biggest upsides to the food hall model. In normal times, there is a nearly guaranteed level of foot traffic that can be hard to mimic at brick-and-mortar restaurants, especially if you aren’t in an urban hub. The diversity of choices draws a steady crowd. 

According to Wu, stall tenants help each other in more tangible ways, too. 

“We did marketing together, as well as little ‘economies of scale’ stuff, where let’s say we had to get pest control,” he said. “We’re in one building, so we just had the company come and regularly spray the whole space, and we’d split that. We’d talked about going in together on a linen service because it would be cheaper.”

Stall tenants are also not typically charged with building out their own spaces. 

“Food halls represent an opportunity for a restaurateur to set up for business at a relatively modest cost,” said Rick Moses, the developer of Citizen Public Market, which opened in Culver City in November. “The developer builds out the common areas, including seating and all utilities and service functions. The tenant simply has to pay for the kitchen and the counter, which allows talented chefs to get back in business on a faster and more affordable basis.”

This isn’t to say that the stalls themselves are cheap. Per Wu, his operating space for Atomic Ramen was about 600 square feet and was “probably some of the highest rents for that kind of space and Lexington.” However, for many, the barrier to entry and overhead costs definitely feel lower than those associated with launching a 2,000 square-foot standalone restaurant. 

The appeal to investors and developers is apparent, too. While many brick-and-mortar retail spaces are having to contend with changing shopping habits, food halls draw crowds. Additionally, many serve as the ground floor of mixed-use buildings, while the floors above are office or residential. It’s a tremendous amenity for tenants, which can drive up both in-building rents, as well as the rents of the surrounding properties, enough so that some view food halls themselves — especially those of the sleek, upscale variety — as harbingers of gentrification. 

However, while local chefs are so often the cogs that keep the food hall machines running, the pandemic revealed that their respective businesses weren’t prioritized in the same way that the Shake Shacks and Ruth’s Chrises of the country were amid shutdowns. Last year also spotlighted once again how the contributions of chefs of color are often dismissed or underfunded. 

This raises an important question: As food halls continue to build back, can they build back better instead of just bigger?  

Caleb Zigas, the executive director of La Cocina in San Francisco, thinks so. Founded 16 years ago, La Cocina is a nonprofit organization dedicated to providing affordable commercial kitchen space and industry-specific technical assistance to low-income women of color and immigrant women — most of whom started with less than $5,000 in capital — who are launching, growing or formalizing food businesses. 

Until this year, their mission was carried out completely through a 4,400 square-foot commissary kitchen, which customers weren’t allowed to enter. However, in April, they opened the doors to their own ambitious food hall, the La Cocina Municipal Marketplace. Filling the space are seven women-owned businesses, including Estrellita’s Snacks, a pupusa stall by Estrella Gonzalez, and Teranga, where chef Nafy Flatley will sell Senegalese dishes. 

According to Zigas, La Cocina moved towards opening a food hall to show other cities that there was a “different way they could invest in institutions to support a working-class entrepreneurial landscape.” 

“What tends to be the business model of those marketplaces was really real estate and developer-driven,” he said. “They didn’t often include a commissary kitchen space, so while they might have been cheaper by the square foot with lower start-up costs, the actual ceiling was too low to really envision making a living there. With all of the costs that were included, your percentage of rent was almost always too high, and you needed to have additional commissary kitchen space outside of the site.” 

The organization’s Municipal Marketplace includes kitchen space for its tenants, who represent the core values of La Cocina’s longstanding mission to uplift women of color. Filling the space are seven women-owned businesses, including Estrellita’s Snacks, a pupusa stall by Estrella Gonzalez, and Teranga, where chef Nafy Flatley will sell Senegalese dishes. 

“And if we do this right, these working-class entrepreneurs might be able to serve food that working-class residents of our community can also afford,” Zigas said. “It doesn’t have to be an act of violent gentrification, right? This can be a participatory process.” 

Zigas said food halls are an opportunity to support local food entrepreneurs — the kind who were overlooked during the distribution of Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans, unlike big chains — who otherwise wouldn’t be able to sustain themselves financially through cooking. 

“The Marketplace is an attempt to create a space where businesses can make a living, essentially making one great thing,” he said. “Maybe there’s this woman in your neighborhood who makes the best pupusas you’ve ever had. We want her to be able to make a living and have some economic freedom making that product without having to build out a big fancy restaurant.” 

 

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Conservatives follow Fox News’ Tucker Carlson to baselessly claim FBI was behind Capitol riot

Fox News primetime host Tucker Carlson was quick to give air to a relatively new fringe theory that the January 6 Capitol riot was an inside job hatched and carried out by FBI operatives — and other conservatives pundits were even quicker to buy into the baseless claims. 

On the Tuesday episode of his top-rated Fox News show, hours after military officials and FBI Director Christopher Wray testified before Congress, Carlson claimed that there remain a series of “basic factual matters” to which the nation still doesn’t have answers stemming from the riot. 

“Why is the Biden administration preventing us from knowing?” Carlson asked his audience before citing an article posted on the far-right website Revolver News, which was founded by disgraced Trump speechwriter and white nationalist conference speaker Darren Beattie

The story penned by Beattie speculated that it wasn’t fervent pro-Trump activists who breached the Capitol and took marching orders from Trump, but rather undercover agents of the federal government. 

“Some of the key people who participated on January 6th have not been charged. Look at the documents. The government calls those people unindicted co-conspirators,” the Fox host commented. “What does that mean? Well, it means that in potentially every single case, they were FBI operatives,” Carlson concluded. “Really! In the Capitol on January 6th.”

Conservatives were quick to pounce on the notion after Carlson’s promotion of it. 

“This is common sense,” conservative commentator Candace Owens tweeted on Wednesday. “The most obvious clue that the DOJ was behind January 6th were the pipe bombs that were dropped off the night before by an anonymous person who the FBI claims to still be searching for.”

Republican Congressman Matt Gaetz, who is currently embattled in a scandal, along with the Students for Trump founder Ryan Fournier billed the theory nothing less than a matter of fact while further pumping it out online to their respective massive followings.

But as numerous justice reporters have pointed out, Carlson is floating “Alex Jones-level” conspiracy theories on cable news. 

Ryan Reilly, a senior justice reporter at The Huffington Post, remarked, “The entire basis of this segment is that unindicted co-conspirator = FBI informant, which is anyone with even a rudimentary understanding of federal investigations understands is an absurd premise.”

“Tucker Carlson descends into Alex Jones-level territory while publicizing his complete ignorance about what an ‘unindicted co-conspirator’ is,” Adam Klasfeld, an editor at Law and Crime, replied on Twitter to the Carlson theory.

As for the theory pushed by Carlson, that idea has long been debunked, dating back to a mere few days after the riot on January 11 when the Associated Press headlined a report, “Who were they? Records reveal Trump fans who stormed Capitol.” 

Jared Holt, a fellow at The Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, called out Republicans over the hypocrisy on full display by calling the Capitol riots an “inside job,” but not supporting a congressional commission to dig into what occurred that dark day in Washington D.C. 

Others also called out the Carlson commentary via Twitter: 

America dominant again (in arms sales)

When it comes to trade in the tools of death and destruction, no one tops the United States of America.

In April of this year, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) published its annual analysis of trends in global arms sales and the winner — as always — was the U.S. of A. Between 2016 and 2020, this country accounted for 37% of total international weapons deliveries, nearly twice the level of its closest rival, Russia, and more than six times that of Washington’s threat du jour, China. 

Sadly, this was no surprise to arms-trade analysts.  The U.S. has held that top spot for 28 of the past 30 years, posting massive sales numbers regardless of which party held power in the White House or Congress.  This is, of course, the definition of good news for weapons contractors like Boeing, Raytheon, and Lockheed Martin, even if it’s bad news for so many of the rest of us, especially those who suffer from the use of those arms by militaries in places like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Israel, the Philippines, and the United Arab Emirates.  The recent bombing and leveling of Gaza by the U.S.-financed and supplied Israeli military is just the latest example of the devastating toll exacted by American weapons transfers in these years.

While it is well known that the United States provides substantial aid to Israel, the degree to which the Israeli military relies on U.S. planes, bombs, and missiles is not fully appreciated. According to statistics compiled by the Center for International Policy’s Security Assistance Monitor, the United States has provided Israel with $63 billion in security assistance over the past two decades, more than 90% of it through the State Department’s Foreign Military Financing, which provides funds to buy U.S. weaponry.  But Washington’s support for the Israeli state goes back much further. Total U.S. military and economic aid to Israel exceeds $236 billion (in inflation-adjusted 2018 dollars) since its founding — nearly a quarter of a trillion dollars.

King of the Arms Dealers

Donald Trump, sometimes referred to by President Joe Biden as “the other guy,” warmly embraced the role of arms-dealer-in-chief and not just by sustaining massive U.S. arms aid for Israel, but throughout the Middle East and beyond.  In a May 2017 visit to Saudi Arabia — his first foreign trip — Trump would tout a mammoth (if, as it turned out, highly exaggerated) $110-billion arms deal with that kingdom. 

On one level, the Saudi deal was a publicity stunt meant to show that President Trump could, in his own words, negotiate agreements that would benefit the U.S. economy. His son-in-law, Jared Kushner, a pal of Prince Mohammed Bin Salman (MBS), the architect of Saudi Arabia’s devastating intervention in Yemen, even put in a call to then-Lockheed Martin CEO Marillyn Hewson. His desire: to get a better deal for the Saudi regime on a multibillion-dollar missile defense system that Lockheed was planning to sell it.  The point of the call was to put together the biggest arms package imaginable in advance of his father-in-law’s trip to Riyadh.

When Trump arrived in Saudi Arabia to immense local fanfare, he milked the deal for all it was worth. Calling the future Saudi sales “tremendous,” he assured the world that they would create “jobs, jobs, jobs” in the United States.

That arms package, however, did far more than burnish Trump’s reputation as a deal maker and jobs creator.  It represented an endorsement of the Saudi-led coalition’s brutal war in Yemen, which has now resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of a million people and put millions of others on the brink of famine. 

And don’t for a second think that Trump was alone in enabling that intervention. The kingdom had received a record $115 billion in arms offers — notifications to Congress that don’t always result in final sales — over the eight years of the Obama administration, including for combat aircraft, bombs, missiles, tanks, and attack helicopters, many of which have since been used in Yemen.  After repeated Saudi air strikes on civilian targets, the Obama foreign-policy team finally decided to slow Washington’s support for that war effort, moving in December 2016 to stop a multibillion-dollar bomb sale. Upon taking office, however, Trump reversed courseand pushed that deal forward, despite Saudi actions that Congressman Ted Lieu (D-CA) said “look like war crimes to me.”

Trump made it abundantly clear, in fact, that his reasons for arming Saudi Arabia were anything but strategic.  In an infamous March 2018 White House meeting with Mohammed bin Salman, he even brandished a map of the United States to show which places were likely to benefit most from those Saudi arms deals, including election swing states Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin.  He doubled down on that economic argument after the October 2018 murder and dismemberment of Saudi journalist and Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi at that country’s consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, even as calls to cut off sales to the regime mounted in Congress.  The president made it clear then that jobs and profits, not human rights, were paramount to him, stating:

“$110 billion will be spent on the purchase of military equipment from Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, and many other great U.S. defense contractors. If we foolishly cancel these contracts, Russia and China would be the enormous beneficiaries — and very happy to acquire all of this newfound business. It would be a wonderful gift to them directly from the United States!”

And so it went.  In the summer of 2019 Trump vetoed an effort by Congress to block an $8.1-billion arms package that included bombs and support for the Royal Saudi Air Force and he continued to back the kingdom even in his final weeks in office. In December 2020, he offered more than $500 million worth of bombs to that regime on the heels of a $23-billion package to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), its partner-in-crime in the Yemen war.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE weren’t the only beneficiaries of Trump’s penchant for selling weapons.  According to a report by the Security Assistance Monitor at the Center for International Policy, his administration made arms sales offers of more than $110 billion to customers all over the world in 2020, a 75% increase over the yearly averages reached during the Obama administration, as well as in the first three years of his tenure. 

Will Biden Be Different?

Advocates of reining in U.S. weapons trafficking took note of Joe Biden’s campaign-trail pledge that, if elected, he would not “check our values at the door” in deciding whether to continue arming the Saudi regime.  Hopes were further raised when, in his first foreign policy speech as president, he announced that his administration would end “support for offensive operations in Yemen” along with “relevant arms sales.” 

That statement, of course, left a potentially giant loophole on the question of which weapons would be considered in support of “offensive operations,” but it did at least appear to mark a sharp departure from the Trump era.  In the wake of Biden’s statement, arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE were indeed put on hold, pending a review of their potential consequences.

Three months into Biden’s term, however, the president’s early pledge to rein in damaging arms deals are already eroding. The first blow was the news that the administration would indeed move forwardwith a $23-billion arms package to the UAE, including F-35 combat aircraft, armed drones, and a staggering $10 billion worth of bombs and missiles. The decision was ill-advised on several fronts, most notably because of that country’s role in Yemen’s brutal civil war. There, despite scaling back its troops on the ground, it continues to arm, train, and finance 90,000 militia members, including extremist groups with links to the Yemen-based Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.  The UAE has also backed armed opposition forces in Libya in violation of a United Nations embargo, launched drone strikes there that killed scores of civilians, and cracked down on dissidents at home and abroad. It regularly makes arbitrary arrests and uses torture.  If arming the UAE isn’t a case of “checking our values at the door,” it’s not clear what is.

To its credit, the Biden administration committed to suspending two Trump bomb deals with Saudi Arabia.  Otherwise, it’s not clear what (if any) other pending Saudi sales will be deemed “offensive” and blocked. Certainly, the new administration has allowed U.S. government personnel and contractors to help maintain the effectiveness of the Saudi Air Force and so has continued to enable ongoing air strikes in Yemen that are notorious for killing civilians.  The Biden team has also failed to forcefully pressure the Saudis to end their blockade of that country, which United Nations agencies have determined could put 400,000 Yemeni children at risk of death by starvation in the next year.

In addition, the Biden administration has cleared a sale of anti-ship missiles to the Egyptian regime of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the most repressive government in that nation’s history, helmed by the man Donald Trump referred to as “my favorite dictator.”  The missiles themselves are in no way useful for either internal repression or that country’s scorched-earth anti-terror campaign against rebels in its part of the Sinai peninsula — where civilians have been tortured and killed, and tens of thousands displaced from their homes — but the sale does represent a tacit endorsement of the regime’s repressive activities.

Guns, Anyone?

While Biden’s early actions have undermined promises to take a different approach to arms sales, the story isn’t over.  Key members of Congress are planning to closely monitor the UAE sale and perhaps intervene to prevent the delivery of the weapons.  Questions have been raised about what arms should go to Saudi Arabia and reformsthat would strengthen Congress’s role in blocking objectionable arms transfers are being pressed by at least some members of the House and the Senate.  

One area where President Biden could readily begin to fulfill his campaign pledge to reduce the harm to civilians from U.S. arms sales would be firearms exports.  The Trump administration significantly loosened restrictions and regulations on the export of a wide range of guns, including semi-automatic firearms and sniper rifles. As a result, such exports surged in 2020, with record sales of more than 175,000 military rifles and shotguns.

In a distinctly deregulatory mood, Trump’s team moved sales of deadly firearms from the jurisdiction of the State Department, which had a mandate to vet any such deals for possible human-rights abuses, to the Commerce Department, whose main mission was simply to promote the export of just about anything.  Trump’s “reforms” also eliminated the need to pre-notify Congress on any major firearms sales, making it far harder to stop deals with repressive regimes. 

As he pledged to do during his presidential campaign, President Biden could reverse Trump’s approach without even seeking Congressional approval. The time to do so is now, given the damage such gun exports cause in places like the Philippines and Mexico, where U.S.-supplied firearms have been used to kill thousands of civilians, while repressing democratic movements and human-rights defenders.

Who Benefits?

Beyond the slightest doubt, a major — or perhaps even the major — obstacle to reforming arms sales policies and practices is the weapons industry itself. That includes major contractors like Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon Technologies, and General Dynamics that produce fighter planes, bombs, armored vehicles, and other major weapons systems, as well as firearms makers like Sig Sauer

Raytheon stands out in this crowd because of its determined efforts to push through bomb sales to Saudi Arabia and the deep involvement of its former (or future) employees with the U.S. government.  A former Raytheon lobbyist, Charles Faulkner, worked in the Trump State Department’s Office of Legal Counsel and was involvedin deciding that Saudi Arabia was not — it was! — intentionally bombing civilians in Yemen. He then supported declaring a bogus “emergency” to ram through the sale of bombs and of aircraft support to Saudi Arabia. 

Raytheon has indeed insinuated itself in the halls of government in a fashion that should be deeply troubling even by the minimalist standards of the twenty-first-century military-industrial complex. Former Trump defense secretary Mark Esper was Raytheon’s chief in-house lobbyist before joining the administration, while current Biden defense secretary Lloyd Austin served on Raytheon’s board of directors.  While Austin has pledged to recuse himself from decisions involving the company, it’s a pledge that will prove difficult to verify.

Arms sales are Big Business — the caps are a must! — for the top weapons makers.  Lockheed Martin gets roughly one-quarter of its sales from foreign governments and Raytheon five percent of its revenue from Saudi sales.  American jobs allegedly tied to weapons exports are always the selling point for such dealings, but in reality, they’ve been greatly exaggerated. 

At most, arms sales account for just more than one-tenth of one percent of U.S. employment. Many such sales, in fact, involve outsourcing production, in whole or in part, to recipient nations, reducing the jobs impact here significantly. Though it’s seldom noted, virtually any other form of spending creates more jobs than weapons production. In addition, exporting green-technology products would create far largerglobal markets for U.S. goods, should the government ever decide to support them in anything like the way it supports the arms industry.

Given what’s at stake for them economically, Raytheon and its cohorts spend vast sums attempting to influence both parties in Congress and any administration.  In the past two decades, defense companies, led by the major arms exporting firms, spent$285 million in campaign contributions alone and $2.5 billion on lobbying, according to statistics gathered by the Center for Responsive Politics.  Any changes in arms export policy will mean forcefully taking on the arms lobby and generating enough citizen pressure to overcome its considerable influence in Washington.

Given the political will to do so, there are many steps the Biden administration and Congress could take to rein in runaway arms exports, especially since such deals are uniquely unpopular with the public.  A September 2019 poll by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, for example, found that 70% of Americans think arms sales make the country less safe. 

The question is: Can such public sentiment be mobilized in favor of actions to stop at least the most egregious cases of U.S. weapons trafficking, even as the global arms trade rolls on?  Selling death should be no joy for any country, so halting it is a goal well worth fighting for. Still, it remains to be seen whether the Biden administration will ever limit weapons sales or if it will simply continue to promote this country as the world’s top arms exporter of all time.

Copyright 2021 William D. Hartung

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Make Giada De Laurentiis’ luscious zuccotto, a frozen cake with a whipped chocolate filling

If you’re looking for a light dessert that doesn’t require turning on the oven, look no further than Giada De Laurentiis’ zuccotto, a semi-frozen cake with a luscious whipped filling. 

The cake is made by lining a large bowl with plastic wrap and thin slices of store-bought pound cake. The center is then packed with a simple chocolate mousse, sweetened whipped cream and sliced. After freezing for several hours, the cake is turned out of the bowl where it maintains a beautiful round shape. It is widely believed that the cake originated in 16th century Florence and its appearance was made to resemble the dome of the famous Florence Cathedral.

The zuccotto takes about 3.5 hours from start to finish, but the majority of that time is spent waiting for it to chill — perfect for lazy summer days. And while the finished product looks really elegant, especially after a final sprinkle of cocoa powder, you don’t need any special baking tools. Just a mixing bowl, a saucepan, some plastic wrap and a hand mixer (or a good whisk) for whipping the cream. 

https://www.instagram.com/p/CP_bt7PjTtO/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link

There are some tips for making better whipped cream. If whipping by hand, place the cream, bowl and whisk in the freezer for at least 20 minutes This makes for a more efficient whipping process because the cold keeps the fat in the cream chilled, which leads to an airier product faster.

Be careful not to whip for too long, as it might turn the cream into butter. (Though If it does, you can simply add another spoonful or two of cream and beat again until the mixture reaches the right consistency.) Also, feel free to substitute whipped ricotta or even ice cream for the zuccotto’s center. 

The finished product is chilled, sweet and creamy with a little welcome bitterness from the cocoa powder dusting. Eat it for dessert, serve it for breakfast or share it with friends. The full recipe can be found here, and here is an instructional video

 

“Happy to correct you”: Joy Behar confronts Meghan McCain on “The View”

As President Joe Biden meets with Vladimir Putin in Geneva after the G7 summit, Meghan McCain slammed the decision. On Wednesday morning’s episode of “The View,” McCain cited Putin’s crimes against humanity in Russia and Biden’s decision not to sanction the Nord Stream pipeline as reasons he should not be meeting with Putin.

“The meeting for me is almost pointless because President Biden already signaled in May when he withheld the sanctions Nord Stream pipeline, from Germany to Russia, where Russia already has complete control over natural gases,” McCain said. “They’re going to have control over oil and gas in most of the EU.”

Of course, former President Donald Trump met with Putin several times while in office and had over a dozen private conversations with him.

In her tirade, McCain also cited Russia’s treatment of Alexei Navalny as a reason Biden shouldn’t pay him a visit. She went on to say this is a reason to remove Russia from the G7 summit, which it is currently not a part of. — a point co-host Joy Behar was quick to note. It created an awkward moment as McCain quickly interrupted her to cover up the error. 

“Sorry, that was my mistake, Joy,” McCain interjected. “I’m very sick. I apologize. You’re correct.” 

In response to the faux pas, Behar shot back: “That’s fine. I am happy to correct you.”

McCain also continued to state that the situation in Russia is like “a coup,” and how many members of Congress, across both aisles, are against the Biden-Putin summit. 

After the 90-minute meeting with Biden, in a press conference with reporters, stating that Both countries’ foreign ambassadors will be returned to their posts, effective immediately. Putin said, despite their differing opinions on various issues, and deflecting the blame when asked about cyber security threats to the United States, he said, “The talks were quite constructive.” 

The media is being duped by Republicans on the “lab leak” theory

Last month, seemingly spurred on by this column from a controversial former science reporter for The New York Times, it became suddenly fashionable in some journalistic circles to scold the mainstream press for dismissing or ignoring something called the “lab leak theory” regarding the origins of the coronavirus that causes COVID-19. To be sure, the possibility that the coronavirus was released in a lab accident in Wuhan, China, has never been fully discounted by the scientific establishment but long treated as less likely than that it emerged from a purely natural origin. Still, led by Matt Yglesias from his (sigh) Substack blog, a narrative started to form in May that the mainstream media was deliberately ignoring a scientifically valid hypothesis because of a, heaven help us, bias against conservatives. Otherwise reputable opinion writers like Jonathan Chait of New York, eager to demonstrate that they are Not Biased© and Care About Hearing All Sides©, took up the mantle, scolding the mainstream press for supposedly dismissing the “lab leak hypothesis” out of hand, simply because Donald Trump and Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., were fond of it. 

The scolding worked.

As Jon Allsop of Columbia Journalism Review wrote earlier this month, “we’ve seen a gusher of opinion essays in the same vein, indicting the mainstream press and prominent experts for characterizing a plausible hypothesis as a conspiracy theory for essentially political reasons.” This, in turn, resulted in a slew “of news articles asserting that the lab-leak theory has ‘gone mainstream,’ and is getting a ‘second look.‘” Here at Salon, we addressed the sudden surge of interest in this theory by highlighting the basic reality: Scientists do not think it’s likely, plus there is no new evidence that would suggest that it’s become any more likely than it was before the pearl-clutching about “bias” began. Soon, however, President Joe Biden gave in to the pressure and ordered an intelligence investigation into the theory


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The problem with all this moralizing about “bias,” however, is that the original reason that the media wasn’t doing more to hype the “lab leak” hypothesis had little to do with politics and everything to do with science. As science educator Rebecca Watson explained in a video responding to the controversy last week, “There is currently no evidence that COVID-19 originated in a lab. None.” And, as Justin Ling of Foreign Policy argued Tuesday, “Despite proclamations to the contrary, there has been scant new, hard evidence pointing to the lab leak theory,” and, in fact, the hype around the idea is literally “just speculation.”

Indeed, the finger-waggers had it backwards. The media isn’t biased against the right but biased in favor of the right.

If it weren’t for conservative pressure, there would probably be no substantive media interest the “lab leak” hypothesis. Typically, news outlets are loathed to publish speculation that emerges from fringe conspiracy theory boards that have offered little in the way of real evidence for their claims. But when the conspiracy theorists are politically motivated right-wingers, they tend to get more of a media hearing than say, Bigfoot enthusiasts. 

Wednesday morning, the “why won’t the media do more to indulge this evidence-free right-wing speculation” crowd got egg on their face with a new report from the Washington Post that wreaked havoc on claims that the “lab leak hypothesis” failed to get a fair hearing. On the contrary, there has been “an ongoing, sometimes politicized and so far fruitless effort inside the U.S. government to determine whether the virus, SARS-CoV-2, could be the result of engineering or a lab leak.”

The report documents an extensive hunt for evidence of the “lab leak” theory throughout the federal government. Much of it driven by Donald Trump’s desire to blame someone else, ideally China, to divert attention from his own failures. But more responsible actors in the federal government, including prominent health officials like Director of the National Institutes of Health Francis Collins and Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Anthony Fauci also gave the “lab leak” hypothesis a good deal of time and attention. But while the White House was heavily pressuring every bureaucrat in sight to give them something, anything, they could use to push this “lab leak” hypothesis, the evidence simply wasn’t there. 

The report doesn’t completely rule out the possibility of a lab leak, to be clear. But it is a reminder that it was incredibly irresponsible of mainstream media to hype an unevidenced theory simply to prove they aren’t “biased” towards Republican actors like Cotton, Trump, and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, people who have proven time and again that they will lie through their teeth for political gain. 

The people with unsavory political motivations in this situation are not journalists who hesitated to run stories about a theory that has no real evidence to support it. It’s Trump and his Republican enablers who, as Lindsay Beyerstein of Alternet explains, feel that if they “can convince his supporters that COVID is China’s fault, they’ll forget the parts that were his fault.”


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Attention journalists: The way to avoid political bias in media is to, well, avoid political bias. Which means avoiding giving life to poorly evidenced ideas, simply because they’re being hyped by the right. What happened instead is that the press gave into right-wing bullying. In doing so, the press ignored the usual journalistic standards for weighing facts and evidence. Now it’s likely most Americans have heard more about lab leaks than they have about the far more plausible theory that the coronavirus pandemic emerged from nature. 

To make it all worse, the hyping of the “lab leak” hypothesis meant politely ignoring the fact that Trump, Cotton, and Pompeo were winking at an even less plausible conspiracy theory that holds that China deliberately manufactured the coronavirus as a bioweapon. People who have heard this bioweapon conspiracy theory and see headlines or cable news chryons touting the “lab leak” theory will assume that’s what is being discussed, and assume that it’s now been proved. And once that kind of misinformation is out there, it’s pretty hard to claw it back. 

A lot of critics who accused the media of ignoring the “lab leak” hypothesis claim to be interested in putting facts before political bias. They worry that mainstream journalists are disregarding good information simply because the sources are conservative or even because they have a history of lying. (As if credibility isn’t an important consideration in sourcing information!)

But what this debacle shows is that the mainstream media has the opposite problem. They all too often give in to Republican bullying and allow themselves to be used as conduits for right-wing disinformation campaigns. Yes, prioritizing truth over politics often leads to news stories that have a “liberal” feel to them. That’s because the American right is wholly committed to lying and disinformation. But journalism should put reality before the tender feelings of lying right-wingers. Especially when it comes to scientific disputes where we all supposedly agree it would be better if politics were kept out of it. 

These 4th of July cakes are all sweet showstoppers

It seems like our 4th of July gatherings may be back to normal this year — think: gathering around a pool with your loved ones, a drink in one hand and a burger in the other. Sounds pretty good, right? In our opinion, every celebration calls for a spectacular dessert, so we’ve gathered 29 of our all-time favorite 4th of July cake recipes. Serve them with a dollop of whipped cream or a scoop of ice cream because after all, this is America’s birthday.

A stellar dessert table should include a solid lineup of pies, ice cream, cookies, and so on. But, in my mind, if you really want a holiday showstopper, you need a cake — one that looks super fancy, but that you don’t need to be an expert baker to pull off. From a classic red, white, and blue American flag cake to a zippy citrus upside-down cake that’s popping with color, these cakes make the sweetest 4th of July standouts. The best part? Just about all of them are beginner-friendly.

* * *

Our Best 4th of July Cakes

1. American Flag Cake

I couldn’t round up the best 4th of July-ready cakes without putting this American flag cake from Erin McDowell right at the very top. It takes a little bit of maneuvering (and math) to achieve that red, white, and blue surprise inside, but luckily there’s a video to guide you every step of the way.

2. Chocolate Birthday Sheet Cake with Strawberry Marshmallow Frosting

Happy Birthday America! If you’re hosting a crowd for the 4th of July and want a no-fuss dessert, look no further than this stunning sheet cake. The moist chocolate cake is topped with a luscious frosting made from strawberry purée and homemade marshmallow cream.

3. Cherry Almond Crumb Cake

Wondering what to do with the abundance of glossy, bright red cherries that you just picked up from the market? Add them to this classic streusel-topped crumb cake; the combination of their tart flavor and the sweet almond-brown sugar topping is what our all-American dreams are made of.

4. Tahini Cake With Blueberry Swirl

When you want to bake a 4th of July cake that puts less emphasis on stars and stripes and more broadly embraces summer flavors, bake this blueberry Bundt that gets some nuttiness from tahini. Recipe developer Sarah Jampel calls it “a dessert with effortless summer glow.”

5. Samantha Seneviratne’s Blackberry Cuatro Leches

There’s not one, not two, not three, but four kinds of dairy (whole milk
, heavy cream
, sweetened condensed milk
, and evaporated milk) are used for the milk soak in this twist on a classic berry tres leches cake. The result is an extra-sweet, particularly decadent dessert — what’s not to love about that?

6. Yellowest Yellow Cake with Fudgy Chocolate Frosting

This cake, which gets its amber hue from ground turmeric, is truly a national treasure. Of course, no yellow cake is complete without its partner in crime — chocolate frosting! Food editor Emma Laperruque’s is enhanced with brewed coffee, which brings out the cocoa flavor.

7. American Flag Ice Cream Cake

We’d be remiss to not include this cool (literally — it’s all ice cream!) cake, which is inspired by the American flag. All you need is a festive trio of flavors — vanilla, strawberry, and blueberry ice cream — plus homemade whipped cream, which is spread over the top and sides for the finale.

8. Blueberry Cake with Peanut Streusel

“Read beyond the title and look at the ingredient list, which calls for cayenne pepper, peanut butter, and lime juice,” says recipe developer Sarah Jampel, who is the brains behind this spicy-sweet blueberry cake recipe. It’s as much of a showstopper as a 4th of July fireworks show.

9. Extra-Fudgy Flourless Chocolate Cake

This over-the-top chocolate cake comes together in less than an hour, which gives you plenty of freedom to step out of the kitchen and celebrate the holiday with your loved ones. After all, the 4th of July is all about independence, which also means you could pass on the pulled pork and hot dogs and just eat this dessert.

10. Nigella Lawson’s Very Smart Strawberry Streusel Cake

In this clever, sweet-tart strawberry cake from Nigella Lawson, a single dough does double the work. That means you can make your crumbly streusel topping and moist cake all from the same mixture.

11. Lemon Raspberry Layer Cake

This lovely layer cake — in which both the base layer and Italian buttercream frosting are lightly flavored with lemon — is perfect for special occasions. The raspberry jam sandwiched between makes it feel especially at home during the 4th of July.

12. Light, Fluffy Butter Cake

This crowd-favorite cake delivers on everything its title promises: It’s rich and buttery, but doesn’t feel heavy thanks to its airy texture. Best of all, it’s got a simple ingredients list that makes it accessible to many home cooks.

13. Simple Summer Peach Cake

This extra-simple cake recipe highlights the best that summer has to offer, the most important of which is ripe, seasonal peaches. Make a few of these for your big summer holiday and I guarantee every slice will be gone.

14. Louisa’s Cake With Peaches

Speaking of peaches, this peachy riff on Louisa’s ethereally light and fluffy cake (it’s one of our all-time most popular recipes) is perfect for any warm-weather gathering. But I especially like it for the 4th of July, as that’s when peach season hits its peak.

15. “World’s Best Cake” with Banana and Coconut

This towering beauty is stacked with layers of whipped cream, fresh banana slices, and a fragrant, spiced cake — oh, and don’t forget the golden-brown meringue topping and toasty coconut flakes — before getting cooled in the refrigerator an hour before serving.

16. S’mores Layer Cake

Few things evoke the nostalgia of summer more strongly than gooey, chocolatey s’mores roasted over an open fire. But if an open flame is out of the cards this 4th of July, bake up this s’mores layer cake instead, which calls on chocolate ganache, whipped marshmallow frosting, and a graham cake to bring all those familiar flavors to the party.

17. Perfect Chocolate Cake

If chocolate’s more your vibe, you’ll want to make this simple cocoa-packed number (complete with thick chocolate frosting) for the holiday. It is, in a word, perfect.

18. Olive Oil Ricotta Cake with Plums

There are just two things you need to do to make this tasty olive oil cake shine: Use super-ripe plums (if they’re too firm, you’ll notice later) and don’t worry about sifting the flour (according to recipe developer Kenzi Wilbur, you can’t tell the difference).

19. Strawberry Not-So-Short Cake

Make this bright and colorful not-so-short cake the centerpiece of your 4th of July celebration, and kids and adults alike will be impressed.

20. “Coke and Peanuts” Sheet Cake

For an even bigger dose of nostalgia, make this “coke and peanuts” sheet cake, which really does call for both Coca-Cola and roasted, salted peanuts in the recipe. Although the combination may sound odd, the ingredients team up to make a rich yet fluffy cake with some of the best frosting you will ever find.

21. Banana Pudding Icebox Cake

If the weather is shaping up to be especially hot on the 4th of July, make this banana pudding ice box cake — it’s just five ingredients, no-bake, and, thanks to a stint in the freezer, extra refreshing.

22. Pistachio Cake With Lemon, Cardamom and Rose Water

If you want to bake something with a bit of added sophistication for the holiday, make this delicate pistachio cake with the slightest hints of lemon, warm cardamom, and floral rose water.

23. Heavenly Apple Cake

Instead of making an apple pie, however classic it may be, try this heavenly apple cake. It stays fresh and moist for days (meaning you can easily make it ahead of time), and it’s totally irresistible.

24. Orange Upside-Down Sheet Cake

This eye-popping upside-down cake might be beautiful to look at, but that shouldn’t stop you from taking a bite. You can use any type of oranges you like, but recipe developer Erin Jeanne McDowell recommends using a combination of whatever is in season.

25. Our Best Carrot Cake

Who says carrot cake need only be enjoyed in the spring? There are two things that make this one especially special. First: Using a Microplane, or even just the finest-side of your box grater, makes for a spiced cake batter laced with wisps of carrot (because cake should never remind you of salad). Second: Often dense cream cheese frosting gets lifted with a hit of vinegar, and whipped until ultra-fluffy.

26. Campari Olive Oil Cake

Nothing says party quite like a cocktail and cake rolled into one. “On its own it’s a pretty plain-looking thing,” NYT columnist Melissa Clark writes. “But you can dress it up for a party, adding orange segments, berries, and dollops of whipped cream or crème fraîche to the top.” We’re thinking sugared blueberries for blue, soft-whipped cream for white, and strawberries (and a Campari soda) for red.

27. Strawberry and Butterscotch Whipped Cream Cake from Jami Curl

This no-stand-mixer-required, one-bowl-wonder of a cake came to us from pastry chef Jami Curl. Top this simple, incredibly moist vanilla cake with jammy strawberries and butterscotch whipped cream. Or, let your pantry odds and ends be your guide: Mix chocolate chips, toasted coconut, frozen fruit, or spiced nuts right into the batter.

28. Groovy Chocolate Cake

A riff on a Texas sheet cake, this deeply chocolatey, thickly frosted chocolate cake defined writer Megan Giller‘s childhood. “The magic lies in its simplicity — along with sour cream, which makes it super moist,” she writes. “After it cooled, my mom would top it with a simple chocolate buttercream frosting made with a splash of rum extract.”

29. Homemade Funfetti Cake

What is funfetti, if not edible fireworks in miniature form? Blogger and Food Network star Molly Yeh calls for artificially-colored sprinkles or nonpareils for the brightest effect, and imitation vanilla for the truest funfetti boxed-cake flavor. To ensure the sprinkles pop, she ditched the yolks for a pure white batter.

Republican drops opposition to Juneteenth holiday — but conservatives still triggered by Senate vote

In a rather surprising move, the Senate passed a bill on Tuesday by unanimous consent that makes Juneteenth, a day of remembrance to the belated end of slavery following the Emancipation Proclamation, into a federal holiday. The sudden passage of the legislation, which was held up by one Republican senator, triggered some conservative and far-right activists online.

Juneteenth, which occurs on June 19, pays tribute to those enslaved African Americans and, more specifically, serves as a staunch reminder of the moment the final enslaved African Americans were freed in 1865 after confederate soldiers finally surrendered more than two and a half years after President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

Instead of celebrating that much-delayed tribute, conservatives mocked what could soon be a new federal holiday. The first ones to get in on the mockery of Juneteenth in a rather distasteful way were no other than the cast of pro-Trump pundits over at the right-wing Daily Wire

“After hearing about Juneteenth for the first time 14 seconds ago, it is now deeply meaningful and important to me, and I feel passionately that this day, whatever it is, ought to be celebrated not just in America but across the Earth, and the entire solar system,” Daily Wire commentator Matt Walsh sarcastically tweeted. “You should thank me for giving some of you the chance to show off your anti-racist bonafides in the comments by bragging about how long you’ve know [sic] of and celebrated Juneteenth,” he added in a seemingly snarky tone. 

“What was accomplished by making ‘Juneteenth’ a national holiday?” fellow Daily Wire pundit Michael Knowles snarked.

Anti-Muslim organizer Brigitte Gabriel further remarked, “Is racism over now that Juneteenth is a holiday?” 

Other right-wingers also weighed in on the new federal holiday: 

Courtney Hagle, an associate research director at Media Matters for America, further pointed out on Twitter that rank-and-file type of conservative users on the platform were “complaining about how they’ve never even heard of Juneteenth until now.”

When the bill first came to the senate’s attention back in 2020, Republican Sen. Ron Johnson blocked the measure citing the expensive nature that implantation of the federal holiday would entail, but over the course of this past week, he has reversed his objection. 

“Although I strongly support celebrating Emancipation, I objected to the cost and lack of debate,” Johnson, who is running for reelection in Wisconsin, previously stated. “While it still seems strange that having taxpayers provide federal employees paid time off is now required to celebrate the end of slavery, it is clear that there is no appetite in Congress to further discuss the matter.”

“He can handle it”: Michael Cohen recalls the time Trump offered up Don Jr. for prison before Ivanka

In a wide-ranging interview with The Lincoln Project, former lawyer to Donald Trump, Michael Cohen responded to the recent news that Trump Organization CFO Allen Weisselberg could be indicted as early as this summer.

Among the many things Cohen revealed, he cited an occasion in which some legal things seemed to be getting complicated and it was possible that Donald Trump Jr. or Ivanka Trump could be held accountable for it. It was something that Cohen said he included in his 2020 book “Disloyal,” but appeared to go largely unnoticed. Cohen recalled Trump saying that if it comes down to Don Jr. or Ivanka going to prison that it should be Don Jr. because “he can handle it.” Cohen explained that he would shoot for keeping both children out of prison.

The comment came as Lincoln Project hosts Tara Setmayer and Rick Wilson were talking about a past appearance Cohen had on MSNBC in which he predicted that Trump would flip on Weisselberg as well as his children and even his wife if necessary.

Cohen went on to talk about the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol and the hosts asked him what he thought Trump was thinking or feeling as he watched the U.S. Capitol falling under siege by his supporters. Cohen predicted that Trump was elated and that for him, the attack was probably “better than sex.”

He went on to describe the Trump cult as being akin to the Jim Jones cult that ended with the mass suicide of over 900 people. He confessed that without enduring what he had, he would still be embedded in the cult today.

At one point, Wilson asked if Trump knows that he’s despised in New York, which Cohen said he likely does. It’s one of the reasons that he thinks Trump moved to Florida along with Don. Jr. and Ivanka.

“The only one that I think is still left here is Eric, you know, nobody even knows where Melania and Barron are. I mean, for all you know, they’re on Jeff Bezos’ space shuttle now,” he joked. “So, nobody even knows. And truth be told, nobody even cares. But he knows that he’s despised and that’s one of the reasons he walks around Mar-a-Lago, right? Which is sort of an insane asylum for incredibly wealthy sycophants who want to sit there and pet the fat ass of Donald Trump.”

Among the other things Cohen explained, he noted that Vladimir Putin is someone that Trump sees as having and being all of the things that he wants to have and be. The difference is that Trump secretly knows that he’ll never be able to be as powerful or as wealthy as Putin.

Trump “is just a wannabe,” Cohen said. “He thinks he’s a tough guy out there, walking the walk and talking the talk, but he waddles and he mumbles.”

When asked about the alleged “pee tape,” a conspiracy that the ex-president was in a Russian hotel room with prostitutes, Cohen said that he’s convinced the tape doesn’t exist because he would have been able to find it.

He then blasted Rudy Giuliani, predicting that Giuliani will soon learn that Trump isn’t ever going to be there for him and even took down former White House counsel Don McGahn, too.

You can watch the video below via Facebook

Ice cream loaf is your new favorite kitchen sink frozen treat

For a brief period in my childhood, my family and I lived in a small town outside of Boston. I don’t remember much about that time, except that it was the year I discovered that New Englanders do not mess around when it comes to ice cream. Though it’s hard to verify if the region’s outsized reputation for consumption holds true, its pedigree in making the stuff is indisputable. Vermont has Ben & Jerry. And Massachusetts has Steve.

You can thank Steve Herrell and his original Somerville shop for helping popularize the ice cream parlor theatrical flourish known as the “smoosh-in.” You know, like Benihana, but with Heath bars! The concept translated successfully into other mix-in ice cream chains, as well as the kitchen sink confections currently lining our grocery freezer sections. And most of the time, a carton full of premixed layers or tunnels or swirls gets the job done just fine.

Sometimes, however, you want to what you want exactly how you want it. You want that old school mix-in experience. I was reminded of this recently when a Molly Baz instagram post stopped me in my tracks. It was  a photograph of her  Salty Coffee & Peanut Slice Cream, a dish in which “sweet coffee ice cream gets swirled with salted cream and strewn with roasted peanuts,” and which comes together in minutes.

The image took me back instantly to the glory days of Herrell’s, as well my enduring fondness for ice cream terrines — a taste traced directly to the once ubiquitous Viennetta. It was also a perfect encapsulation of Baz’s light, accessible style, which is all over her bestselling debut “Cook This Book.” As she told Salon earlier this year, “The purpose of this book was to make it as easy and stress free as possible for those people for whom I know cooking is overwhelming. There are roadblocks. There’s a lot of reasons to say, ‘You know what? I’m just not going to do it tonight.'”

But you can do this. You can stir stuff into softened ice cream, and feel like you’re getting something special. I’ve made my version closely akin to Baz’s, because coffee and peanuts are two essential food groups, but you can play endlessly with the possibilities here. Start with your favorite flavor of ice cream. Swirl in Nutella or Marshmallow Fluff, stir in candy, cookies, or cereal. (I find Frosted Mini Wheats and ice cream strangely addictive.)  It’s your ice cream party, make it your own. If you’re feeling ambitious, after your ice cream sets, you can scoop it into balls and refreeze them for  DIY bon bons, but you will get no complaints if you just slice and serve.

***

Recipe: Salty Coffee Ice Cream Loaf
Inspired by Molly Baz and BBC Good Food
Makes 8 generous servings

Ingredients:

  • 3 pints of coffee ice cream (or your favorite flavor)
  • 1 cup of salted peanuts, lightly crushed (Reserve a few for topping.)
  • 1 cup of creamy peanut butter, if you are so inclined

Directions:

  1. Soften the ice cream for about 20 – 30 minutes on the countertop, or 15 to 30 seconds in the microwave. Meanwhile, line a loaf pan with plastic wrap, leaving an overhang on the sides.
  2. Transfer ice cream to a large bowl.
  3. Add your peanuts and stir quickly to mix throughout the ice cream.
  4. If using peanut butter, dollop it on to the ice cream one tablespoon at a time. Swirl it gently throughout the ice cream.
  5. Spoon the ice cream into the loaf pan and smooth it down. Cover loosely with plastic wrap.
  6. Chill in the freezer for at least two hours.
  7. To serve, remove from the freezer and give it a minute or two to soften a little. Ease it out of the pan using the edges of the plastic wrap to lift. Flip it over on to a plate and remove the plastic. Top with reserved peanuts. Slice and serve immediately.

Extra credit: Add a chocolate shell to drizzle over your ice cream. In a microwave safe bowl, melt 1 cup of dark chocolate for one minute, stirring gently halfway through. When the chocolate is completely melted, spoon over your ice cream, and top with more peanuts.

 

More Quick & Dirty: 

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Mike Pompeo’s whitewashing of Trump’s record backfires

President Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin just met for their first summit since Biden was sworn in. They’ve known each other for years and there are many stories about their frosty interactions in the past. But hopefully, there will be something of a proverbial “reset” between the two countries coming out of this meeting after the disastrous embarrassment of the Trump years.

Back at home, however, we are very much haunted by the ghosts of old troubles. There used to be a quaint old tradition of members of outgoing administrations keeping quiet for a period of time to allow the new regime to set their own policies and establish their own relationships with foreign leaders. Needless to say, like all other norms and traditions, that one has been chucked in the garbage can and Trump and his top henchmen are all screaming that Biden has already failed.

On Tuesday, Trump issued one of his usual statesmanlike press releases in which he reminisced about his “great” meeting in Helsinki and admitted that he trusted the Russian government more than the “lowlives” who worked in US Intelligence:

Trump’s closest Senate ally, South Carolina’s Lindsey Graham, delivered a headache-inducing spin on Fox News accusing Biden of appeasement telling Sean Hannity that “the liberals believe that we’re the problem, not Russia” and exhorting him to threaten Putin:

“We need to go on the offense. We’ve lost deterrence when it comes to the Biden administration, and we’ve lost respect. Our allies no longer respect us. Our enemies are not deterred by the president and his administration. He needs to tell Putin, ‘If there’s another cyberattack in America coming from Russian soil, you’re going to pay a price.'”

Are you feeling just a little bit disoriented reading that? It’s like a dispatch from Bizarro World. Graham’s comments are absurd, of course, and only on Fox News would they be met with anything but shock or hysterical laughter.

Trump’s behavior toward Putin was one of the most surreal and suspicious relationships between an American president and a foreign leader in American history and all you have to do is look at his statement from this week to be reminded of it. (Too bad Democrats in Congress are in such a rush to forget it.)

While Graham is just a sad toady to the president in exile now, he’s not alone.

No Trump henchman has been out there criticizing and gaslighting more than former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. As a paid Fox News contributor he’s been all over the network in recent days but he’s very obviously preparing his run for the 2024 election with appearances in early primary states. And his interpretation of the Trump national security and foreign policy “achievements” is just as deluded as Graham’s. In a scathing op-ed at the Fox News website, Pompeo wrote:

Biden has already signaled to Putin that he is timid and unprepared to confront the Russian challenge – a weakness that ex-KGB agent Putin surely senses. We in the Trump administration created real leverage against Russia he could have used. Instead, he has chosen to abandon it,

He claims that Biden’s belief that climate change is the greatest threat to our survival is a  “ridiculous mindset – one apparently shared by what are supposed to be some of America’s most gifted military leaders” and says that Biden must tell Putin that he sees Russian aggression “in the highest echelon of threats” and will “support our armed forces in deterring it.” And he said that Biden really needs to crack down on all the cyberattacks and advised him to “put America first and back up your language with real deeds and not just rhetoric and name calling you’re exceedingly more likely to be successful.” Seriously.

This is coming from the man who loyally served the Putin genuflecting Donald Trump as CIA Director and Secretary of State for four years as Trump traipsed all over the world cuddling up to every tyrant he could find, excusing any and all bad behavior (other than trade infractions which he dealt with with a wrecking ball).

Even some Fox News journalists have been nonplussed by Pompeo’s whitewashing of the past. Sunday host Chris Wallace pointed out that Trump never condemned the poisoning of Russian opposition leader Alexy Navalny and Pompeo laughably replied “with respect to human rights, I — we take a backseat to no one.” That has to be the most fatuous comment he’s ever made and that’s saying something. There are dozens of examples of Trump’s grotesque dismissal of human rights all over the world and here in the U.S. by the Trump administration. He pardoned war criminals and made them into heroes, he celebrated the use of torture and pledged to do it again “only worse” if needed. But perhaps the most egregious was Trump’s admission to Bob Woodward that he helped to cover up the dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi:

“I saved his [Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s] ass. I was able to get Congress to leave him alone. I was able to get them to stop.”

Pompeo went along with all of it. There is no question that Pompeo eagerly did Trump’s bidding while laying the groundwork for his own run at the presidency. (Recall that one of the many scandals of the administration was Pompeo and his wife’s extravagant taxpayer-funded “salons” at the State Department with lots of influential political benefactors.)

In fact, his weird mischaracterization of the last administration as a hawkish aggressor that dominated Putin and Chinese Premier Xi Jinping and gained massive respect from America’s allies for his (and Trump’s) adroit global leadership is obviously how he plans to present himself to the voters. He’s going to be Trump but a lot more warmongery. He’s already going all over the country, ostensibly to help with midterms but he’s actually collecting chits for his own run. He’s even ventured into the culture wars, making silly comments like “I met with the Taliban, I met with Chairman Kim. None of that scares me as much as what’s happening in our universities and on our campuses today.”

This week he announced that he’s starting a new PAC which caused quite a kerfuffle on social media:

https://twitter.com/mikepompeo/status/1404836432368312324

Many people may think “pipehitter” refers to someone who smokes crack, so it’s a good thing they explained it.

This definition is a Navy Seal thing that Pompeo is clearly using to boost his cred with the far-right gun and camo crowd. (He went to West Point but he got out of the service very quickly.) He may run into some trouble with that name, however. It’s also the name of accused war criminal Eddie Gallagher’s foundation. For his sake, I hope they worked that out ahead of time.

You have to wonder if he’s discussed his presidential plans with Trump as well. If not, he’d better tread carefully. You know his old boss is watching all these maneuvers with interest. Despite Pompeo’s monster ego, being Donald Trump’s loyal servant is really all he has going for him. It’s pretty clear he doesn’t realize that.

Changing the way the military handles sexual assault

Given the more than 60 Democratic and Republican votes lined up, the Senate is poised to move forward with a new bill that would change the way the military handles sexual assault and other felony crimes by service members. Sponsored by Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) and Joni Ernst (R-IA), the new law would assign decision-making on sexual-assault cases and a host of other felonies, including some hate crimes, to a specially trained team of uniformed prosecutors. While the bill will indeed inch the military away from its antiquated practice of allowing commanders to decide whether to prosecute their own officers and soldiers on sexual-assault allegations, if baffles me that it’s still allowed to handle its own violent crimes rather than having them dealt with through our criminal justice system.

Why should our troops enjoy such protected status, as though they exist in a separate reality from the rest of society? Arguably, in these years, the face of America has indeed been militarized, whether we like it or not. After all, we’ve just lived through two decades of endless war, American-style, in the process wasting significantly more than $6.4 trillion dollars, more than 7,000 uniformed lives, and scores of health- and safety-related opportunity costs.

Meanwhile, it’s taken years for the public and members of Congress to begin to recognize that it matters how the military treats its own — and the civilians with whom they interact. (After all, many felonies committed by such personnel against civilians, at home and abroad, are prosecuted within the military-justice system.) That Congress has taken so long to support even such a timid bill in a bipartisan fashion and that few think to question whether felonies committed by American soldiers should be prosecuted within the military, suggests one thing: that we’re a long, long way from taking responsibility for those who killmaim, and rape in all our names.

I’m a military spouse. My husband has been a U.S. Navy officer for 18 years. During the decade we’ve been together, he’s served on two different submarines and in three Department of Defense and other federal staff jobs in Washington.

In many ways, our family has been very fortunate. We have dual incomes that offer us privileges the majority of Americans, let alone military families, don’t have, including being able to seek healthcare providers outside the military’s decrepit health system. All this is just my way of saying that when I critique the military and my experiences in it, keep in mind that others have suffered so much more than my family.

The Military Criminal Justice System

Let me also say that I do understand why the military needs its own system for dealing with infractions specific to its mission (when, for instance, troops desert, defy orders, or make gross errors in judgment). The Uniform Code of Military Justice(UCMJ) is federal law enacted by Congress. Analogous to our civilian legal system, it is of no small importance, given the potential cost to our nation’s security should the deadly equipment the military owns not be operated with the utmost sobriety and discretion.

In such cases, the standards listed in the UCMJ are implemented according to procedures outlined in another document, the Manual for Courts-Martial (MCM). Essentially, the MCM provides a framework for trying alleged offenses of various kinds within the military, laying out the maximum penalties that may be imposed for each of them.

Included in this are procedures for nonjudicial punishments in which a commanding officer, rather than a court-martial judge and a panel of other personnel (functionally, a jury), determines what penalties are to be imposed on a service member accused of a crime. Crucially, the results of such nonjudicial punishment do not appear on an officer’s criminal record.

Among other things what this means is that a commanding officer can decide that a soldier accused of sexual assault will be subjected to nonjudicial punishment rather than a military trial. In that case, the public will have no way of knowing that he committed such an act. No less crucially, the MCM leaves it entirely up to the commanding officer of a soldier’s unit whether or not such allegations will be dealt with at all, no matter the format. That’s why the Senate bill under consideration is of importance. At least it will remove the decision-making process on prosecuting reported assault cases from officers who may have a vested interest in covering up such assaults.

Because here’s the grim reality, folks: sexual assault in the military is a pandemic all its own. According to a 2018 Defense Department survey across five branches of the armed services (the most recent such document we have), 20,500 assaults occurred that year against active duty women and men. Yet fewer than half of those alleged crimes were reported within the military’s justice system and just 108 convictions resulted.

What this tells us is that commanding officers exercise a stunning decision-making power over whether allegations of rape get tried at all — and generally use it to suppress such charges. Consider, for example, that, of the 2,339 formally reported sexual assaults that military investigators recommended for arbitration in 2019, commanders took action in only 1,629 of those cases. In other words, they left about a third of them unexamined.

Of the ones brought to the military justice system, fewer than half were actually tried in front of a judge through the court-martial system. At worst, the remainder of the accused received nonjudicial punishments from commanders — extra duties, reductions in pay or rank — or were simply discharged from the service.  And all this happened entirely at the discretion of commanding officers.

Those same commanders, who have the power to try (or not try) allegations of violence, generally have a vested interest in covering up such accusations, lest they reflect badly on them. And while you might think that sexual-assault survivors would have a say in command culture, as it happens their “anonymous” contributions to such reports sometimes turn out not to be anonymous at all. In smaller units, commanders can sometimes figure out who has reported such incidents of violence and misconduct, since such reports regularly include the gender and rank of those who have come forward.

All of this explains why the Gillibrand-Ernst bill is a welcome departure from a classic case of the fox guarding the henhouse. At least those with less of a conflict of interest and (hopefully) more than just a token amount of training when it comes to sexual assault, harassment, and other forms of violence will be assigned the job of deciding whether or not to try alleged felonies.

Let’s Take This Further

And yet, while that bill is far better than nothing, it’s distinctly a case of too little, too late. The real problem is that Americans generally view the military just as the military views itself — an island apart from the general populace, deserving of special allowances, even when it comes to sexual crimes.

I recently spoke with a young female Air Force recruit who saw the military as her sole means of paying for a four-year university without carrying crippling debt into middle age. What struck me, however, was how much more she feared attacks by male airmen than the possibility that she might ever be wounded or killed in a combat zone. And in that ordering of fears, she couldn’t be more on target, as the stats on combat deaths and reported sexual assault bear out.

In addition, these days, new recruits like her enter the military in the shadow of the bone-chilling murder of Spc. Vanessa Guillen, a 20-year-old Army soldier. She went missing in April 2020 from Fort Hood, Texas, shortly after reporting that a superior officer had sexually solicited her, repeatedly made an example of her after she refused him, and finally approached her while she was taking care of her personal hygiene. Her dismembered body was later found in a box on the base. Her alleged killers included a soldier who had been accused of sexual harassment in a separate case and his civilian girlfriend. An Army report on Guillen’s murder and the events that led to it concluded that none of her supervisors had taken appropriate action in response to her allegations of sexual harassment.

The murder sparked public outrage, including among women in the armed services who quickly coined the Twitter hashtag #IamVanessaGuillen, and went public with their own accounts of being assaulted while in the military. Her case would, in fact, be a major catalyst driving the Senate bill, which has attracted support from a striking range of sponsors, including Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Ted Cruz (R-TX).

Though I never thought I’d find myself quoting Ted Cruz, let me echo his reaction to the bill: “It’s about damn time.”

A Small Start

Yet Guillen’s murder and the legislation it sparked begs this question: If it took the death of a young woman who reported sexual harassment to launch such a relatively timid bill, what will it take to move the judging of violent crimes entirely off military bases and into the regular court system? I shudder to think about the answer to that question.

The morning I went into labor with my daughter, my husband was on a military base a few minutes away, carrying out his duties as executive officer on a ballistic missile submarine. As the pains grew stronger with each passing hour, I phoned the base to let him know that I was in labor. I was eager to reach him in time to be taken to the hospital before a pending snow storm made driving through the foothills of the Cascade Mountains treacherous.

His colleagues repeatedly insisted that he was unavailable, even to them. Finally, I said to one of them between gasps, “Oh for Christ’s sake, just tell him I’m in labor and I need him to drive me to the hospital!”

Four hours later, having heard nothing from the base, I watched my husband, looking beleaguered and sad, walk through the door. No one had even bothered to give him my message. As I sat up on the floor where I was trying to cope with the pain, he slumped momentarily on the couch in his blue camo uniform and told me that he’d been called upon to assist in the hearing of a sexual-abuse and possible rape case involving the daughter of one of his sailors. I listened, while he prepared to take me to the hospital, as he described what he had dealt with. I could see the stress on his face, the drawn look that came from hours of listening to human suffering.

At least, that case was heard. However, another point is no less important: that a group of men — my husband and other commanding officers with, assumedly, zero knowledge about sexual assault — had been placed in charge of hearing a case on the possible rape of a child.

In scores of other cases I’ve heard about in my years as a military spouse and as a therapist for veterans and military families, I’ve been similarly struck by the ways in which male commanders without training have treated the survivors of such assaults and women more generally. I’ve seen some of those same men joke about how women’s behavior and moods, even abilities, change depending on their “time of the month” or pregnancy status. I’ve heard some make sexist or homophobic jokes about female and gay service members or heard about them threatening to “rip them another asshole” when fellow shipmates failed to meet expectations. Within the military, violence is the first thing you notice.

That day, trembling with the pangs of late-stage labor as my husband rushed me through the falling snow to the hospital with our daughter about to be born, I thought: Where will she be safe in this world? Who’s responsible for protecting her? For protecting us? I hugged my belly tighter and resolved to try to do my part.

And today, years later, I still wonder whether anyone beyond a group of senators and military advocates will show an interest in holding service members accountable for respecting the dignity of the rest of us.

Copyright 2021 Andrea Mazzarino

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NASA is returning to Venus to learn whether the planet was ever habitable in the past

NASA is finally headed back to Venus. On June 2, 2021, NASA Administrator Bill Nelson announced that the agency had selected two winners of its latest Discovery class spacecraft mission competition, and both are headed to the second planet from the Sun.

I’m a planetary scientist and a self-confessed Venus evangelist, and here’s why I’m so excited that humanity is going back to Venus.

This is the first time since the Magellan mission in 1989 that NASA has committed to sending spacecraft to study the shrouded planet just next door. With the data these two Venus missions – called VERITAS and DAVINCI+ – will collect, planetary scientists can start tackling one of the biggest mysteries in the solar system: Why is Venus, a planet almost the same size, density and age of Earth, so very different from the world humanity calls home?

An Earth gone wrong?

Venus is a rocky planet about the same size as Earth, but despite these similarities, it is a brutal place. Although only a little closer to the Sun than Earth, a runaway greenhouse effect means that it’s extremely hot at the surface – about 870 F (465 C), roughly the temperature of a self-cleaning oven. The pressure at the surface is a crushing 90 times the pressure at sea level on Earth. And to top it off, there are sulfuric acid clouds covering the entire planet that corrode anything passing through them.

But perhaps the most fascinating aspect of Venus is that it may have once looked a lot like Earth. Recent climate models suggest that in the past the planet could have had liquid water oceans and a mild climate. It may have been habitable for as long as 3 billion years before succumbing to some sort of climate catastrophe that triggered the runaway greenhouse. The goal of these two new missions to Venus is to try to determine if Venus really was Earth’s twin, why it changed and whether, in general, large rocky planets become habitable oases like Earth… or scorched wastelands like Venus.

Fresh eyes on Venus

What might come as a surprise is that in the 1960s and 1970s Venus was the central focus of space exploration like Mars is today. The U.S. and Soviet Union sent more than 30 spacecraft in total to the second planet from the Sun. But since 1989, only two missions have gone to Venus, and both were focused on studying the atmosphere – the European Space Agency’s Venus Express and Japan’s Akatsuki.

In contrast, the VERITAS and DAVINCI+ missions will take a holistic view by exploring the geological and climatological history of Venus as a whole, in two very different but complementary ways.

The thick, global layer of sulfuric acid clouds covering Venus make it almost impossible to see the surface with normal cameras. That’s why the VERITAS orbiter – short for “Venus Emissivity, Radio Science, InSAR, Topography, and Spectroscopy” – will carry a powerful radar system. This radar can peer through the clouds and gather images and topographic data up to 10 times higher-resolution than any previous mission to Venus. This will allow scientists to look for clues about Venus’ earlier climate that may be preserved in rock formations on the surface and might also answer whether the planet is geologically active today. And, finally, this exciting mission will use a special, infrared camera to peer through the atmosphere at very specific wavelengths to take the first global measurements of what Venus’ rocks are made of – something scientists know very little about.

VERITAS’ stablemate is DAVINCI+, or “Deep Atmosphere Venus Investigation of Noble gases, Chemistry and Imaging.” The DAVINCI+ mission also involves an orbiter, but the real star of the show will be the meter-wide atmospheric probe. The probe will drop into Venus’ atmosphere and free-fall through the thick clouds for about an hour before reaching the surface.

On the way down, it will take samples of the atmosphere, specifically measuring a variety of gases including argon, krypton and xenon. Different climate histories for Venus would lead to different ratios of these noble gases in the atmosphere – and so by analyzing these ratios, scientists will be able to work out how much water the planet formed with, and even how much water it has lost over the past 4.5 billion years.

But that’s not all the probe will do. Just before impacting crash landing into an area called Alpha Regio that has some of the oldest rocks on the planet, the probe will take infrared images of the surface as it comes into view through the gloom of the lower atmosphere. Those images will be the first ever taken from above the surface but below the cloud deck, showing planetary scientists Venus as never before.

Studying Venus can offer valuable insight into how other rocky, potentially habitable planets in the galaxy – like Kepler-186f, seen here in an artist’s rendition – might evolve. NASA Ames/SETI Institute/JPL-Caltech

Now is the time to go back to Venus

I have argued before for returning to Venus, so to say I’m enthusiastic about these missions is an understatement. Venus may hold the key to understanding the past – and possibly the future – of Earth. As astronomers discover more and more Earth-size worlds around other stars, they need to understand whether the outcome we see on Earth – blue skies, water oceans and even a thriving biosphere – is the norm, or if the hellish, barren wastelands of Venus are the rule.

Several decades of sustained Mars exploration have shown that each mission answers earlier questions and also raises new ones. I don’t know what surprises VERITAS and DAVINCI+, scheduled to launch in the late 2020s, will uncover at Venus, but I do know they’ll discover aspects of the planet that no one had ever imagined. Scientists and mission teams across the world have worked hard to realize a “Decade of Venus,” and it’s starting to pay off. In fact, only a week after NASA’s announcement, the European Space Agency declared its plans for a Venus mission, too. With these new missions, it’s my guess – my hope – that we’re at the start of a new, golden age of Venus exploration.

Paul K. Byrne, Associate Professor of Planetary Science, North Carolina State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.