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In “Wrath of Man,” Jason Statham shoots his way through an overblown, yet fun revenge thriller

Maybe all one needs to know about “Wrath of Man,” the new Guy Ritchie film is that Jason Statham shoots his way through it with “unambiguous precision.” This enjoyable action heist film is tough and, like Statham, gets the job done. Alas, if only it was as tight-lipped as Statham; Ritchie still insists on larding his film with excruciating macho swagger dialogue. An early locker room scene features so much talk about cocks one might expect the guys to start measuring themselves. (Alas, this is not a Paul Verhoeven film).

A remake of the 2004 French film “Le Convoyeur” (aka “Cash Truck”), “Wrath of Man” opens with a Fortico armored truck being stopped and robbed. The two employees are killed as is a civilian who was in the wrong place at the wrong time. 

Enter Patrick Hill (Statham), who is hired by Fortico and quickly nicknamed “H” (as is H-bomb, or Jesus H. Christ) by Bullet (Holt McCallany in what might be called the Gerard Butler role). H undergoes the fitness training and target shooting, scoring a passable 70%, which is enough to get hired. He goes out on his first job, picking up cash with Boy Sweat Dave (Josh Hartnett), and everything goes smoothly. Then, on his next job, H’s truck gets jacked, and without a dollar disappearing, he efficiently and effectively kills all the robbers. Not only does H not get a scratch, he barely breaks a sweat. While he’s offered desk duty to deal with his possible PTSD, H says hell no to that and goes right back to work.

This bravura posturing causes some folks at Fortico to wonder aloud about this dark horse who seems overqualified (70% test score?) and must have “a history.” Is something else at play here? It is hard not to shout at the screen: Of course, there is! It’s Jason Statham. He’s made an entire career out of playing cool cucumbers who have a secret vengeful agenda! Besides, the film is called “Wrath of Man!”

So yes, that secret vengeful agenda comes to light in the second act of the film, which jumps back in time five months and reveals H’s “history” that includes the robbery that opens the film and shows who the civilian killed was, and why Statham is a man of wrath. 

Ritchie’s film may spend a little too much time fleshing out the details here. There are several scenes that involve H’s prior associates, which include Mike (Darrel D’Silva) and Moggy (Babs Olusanmokun), who are charged with tracking down the men who robbed the truck that caused the civilian’s death. A scene where H oversees the torture of Jerome (Thomas Dominique) borders on the excessive. It also feels like a red herring, which can also be said about an earlier scene featuring Agent King (Andy Garcia), a man who knows who Statham is, but allows him to go about his business.

Ritchie overly convolutes “Wrath of Man” during this mid-section and the third act, which introduces a crew of bored ex-soldiers, whose leader, Jackson (Jeffrey Donovan) has masterminded a plan to rob armored trucks. (Cue the opening robbery repeated a third time, now from the perspective of the criminals). Jackson’s crew includes Sam (Raúl Castillo), Carlos (Laz Alonso), Tom (Chris Reilly) and Jan (Scott Eastwood), among others, and, most importantly, they rely on an inside man who works at Fortico. Viewers only know that the coconspirator is not H.

As the plots converge in the film’s epic and violent fourth act, “Wrath of Man” commands attention. There is an intense shootout where hundreds of bullets fly fast and furiously. Although this lengthy set piece could have been edited a bit more smoothly, it is pretty clear who dies, who gets double crossed, and who survives. This film is not just about serving an ice-cold heaping of revenge, it is a bag of money flick where there is no honor among thieves. 

Even when viewers can see where the film is going — and there are surprisingly few surprises — “Wrath of Man” remains entertaining because Ritchie does not seem to be trying too hard or overcompensating (except in the aforementioned locker room scene). 

Statham is fun to watch as he gets intel on his Fortico coworkers, hoping to figure out some connection to the tragic event at the robbery. He is particularly ruthless questioning Dana (Niamh Algar) the team’s sole female member, and this scene shows Statham at his most unflappable. The actor and his deadpan delivery are why “Wrath of Man” succeeds.  

The large, multicultural supporting cast, which also includes Eddie Marsan, Jason Wong, and Rob Delaney, is, however, largely undistinguished. That is actually a compliment, because this film is hardly an actors showcase; the characters are not especially defined or developed. The film’s showiest turn, by Scott Eastwood, stands out because it is both broad and smug. Eastwood should underplay, like Statham, or his father.

It may be damning with faint praise to say “Wrath of Man” is one of Ritchie’s better efforts, but it is. The filmmaker resists his typical flourishes and tendency to be gimmicky. There is none of the too clever by half schtick of “The Gentlemen,” or the silliness of “Sherlock Holmes,” or the louche panache of the horrible but stylish “The Man from U.N.C.L. E.” Moreover, with this film, Ritchie has finally redeemed himself for “Revolver,” the terrible 2005 Statham vehicle he helmed. 

“Wrath of Man” is a Guy Ritchie film that even his detractors might like.

“Wrath of Man” opens in theaters on Friday, May 7.

Nancy Wilson of Heart: “We weren’t looking to marry or date the Beatles. We wanted to be them”

Acclaimed guitarist and singer-songwriter Nancy Wilson joined host Kenneth Womack to talk about her new album “You and Me,” being on the Beatles’ “amazing ride” through the years and much more on “Everything Fab Four,” a podcast co-produced by me and Womack (a music scholar who also writes about pop music for Salon) and distributed by Salon.

Wilson and her older sister Ann make up the legendary, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame-inducted band Heart – the first hard rock group fronted solely by women – who were behind such hit songs as “Magic Man,” “Crazy On You” and “Barracuda.” As Nancy explains to Ken Womack, they grew up in a “musical family,” but it wasn’t until she and Ann saw the Beatles on “The Ed Sullivan Show” in 1964 that the “lightning bolt” hit.

“The Beatles were the reason I even got into music,” she says. “It was like the call of the great beyond. They changed the trajectory of the rest of my life.” After having their “great seamstress” mother sew them Beatles uniforms (“except with skirts”) and procuring guitars, she and Ann started playing music locally as pre-teens.

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“I’ve had no real job to speak of except for music,” says Wilson. “We didn’t have a clue we were breaking any glass ceilings at first. We didn’t attach sexual identity to it – we just wanted to be players.” And that was evident when they attended the Beatles’ show at the Seattle Coliseum in 1966 and “didn’t scream. We were there to study them.”

Describing each new Beatles album released as “going to class and learning a new language,” it certainly paid off. As host Womack states, Heart’s songs are “structurally interesting” and tend to take “otherworldly journeys.” And Wilson continues to be impressed with Paul McCartney’s latest work (which Womack wrote about for Salon) and still applies a “dreamful” approach to her own songwriting, such as in “4 Edward” – the touching tribute to Eddie Van Halen on “You and Me,” her first ever solo album, which is out now. 

She says she’s been fortunate to have had so many musical influences in her lifetime – including Stevie Nicks, Neil Young, Joni Mitchell and Pink Floyd – but it’s still the Beatles that she equates with the lunar landing. “We wanted to be them.”

Listen to the entire conversation with Nancy Wilson, including how she and Ann once got kicked out while playing a dinner club, on “Everything Fab Four” and subscribe via SpotifyApple PodcastsGoogle or wherever you get your podcasts.

“Everything Fab Four” is distributed by Salon. Host Kenneth Womack is the author of a two-volume biography on Beatles producer George Martin, the bestselling book “Solid State: The Story of Abbey Road and the End of the Beatles,” and most recently “John Lennon, 1980: The Last Days in the Life.”

Supporters finally appear to be giving up on Parler following extended blackout

The alternative right-wing social media site Parler — which was used by a number of Jan. 6th insurrectionists to coordinate their attack on the U.S. Capitol — has now been offline for three days, sparking frustration among many in conservative circles. 

The platform claimed early Wednesday morning in a notice posted to Twitter, “Parler is currently inaccessible while we’re working on enhancements to the core system. In the long run, this will heighten the platform’s stability and user experience. We should be back online by 7 am PST.” 

Yet, Wednesday passed, then Thursday, and as of Friday afternoon the social media site remains offline. “The team is hard at work, tidying up and bringing you some cool changes. Take a break – we’ll see you in a few hours,” another note on their homepage currently reads. 

A Parler representative didn’t return a request for comment. 

The news didn’t sit well with many prominent right-wing pundits, who have pitched the platform as a conservative-friendly alternative to social media giants Twitter and Facebook, which continue to uphold a ban on former President Donald Trump.

Fox News contributor and self-proclaimed Parler “investor,” Dan Bongino said during his Thursday podcast that he has no idea why Parler is offline after he spent months hyping the site. “Parler them. But what, Parler’s been down. Don’t ask me why — again, haven’t been involved in forever,” Bongino said. 

Trump’s loyal supporters are also furious over the news that Parler remains down — a common occurrence that often lasts for extended periods of time.

“Is anyone else having a hard time getting into their Parler account? Haven’t been able to post in 4 days,” anti-Muslim activist and internet provocateur Laura Loomer asked on Telegram, an encrypted messaging service that has become increasingly popular among a group of far-right fringe characters after many were booted from Twitter and Facebook.

That question prompted other Telegram users to declare that they, too, have given up on Parler. 

“Yep, sick of Parler’s inability to get their sh*t together!” one user wrote on Telegram.

“Yes, I gave up on Parler. Just haven’t deleted my account yet,” another wrote.

“F*ck Parler,” a different user commented. 

This isn’t a new phenomenon for the floundering right-wing platform — Parler went down during the middle of April, with the blackout lasting for at least two days. 

After the Jan. 6th Capitol attack, Amazon’s web hosting platform, Amazon Web Services, booted Parler from their platform. This resulted in a multi-week outage for the site, one that appears to be still impacting the site’s ability to stay online. “Recently, we’ve seen a steady increase in this violent content on your website, all of which violates our terms,” an AWS Trust and Safety team member informed Parler in an email obtained by Buzzfeed in January. “It’s clear that Parler does not have an effective process to comply with the AWS terms of service.”

When not dealing with technical difficulties, the company has also been plagued by personal infighting.

At the end of March, Parler co-founder John Matze sued two of his platform’s backers, Jeffrey Wernick and Rebekah Mercer, over the duo’s alleged “hijacking” of the company by stripping his ownership stake. Adding to the drama, Matze claimed in the suit that Bongino might have been hoodwinked by Mercer into promoting the company — despite the fact that he allegedly doesn’t own any Parler shares in his own name. Bongino denies the allegation.

U.S. birth rates continue to decline, are now below replacement levels

Staying inside with one’s partner for extended periods of time seems like a recipe for a baby boom. Indeed, there is some data that suggests certain blackouts and snowstorms have a positive effect on fertility. 

But in the case of the pandemic, that seems not to have been the case. On Wednesday, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Center for Health Statistics released data confirming that the birth rate dropped precipitously in late 2020, when most states were experiencing a major surge in coronavirus cases.

According to the new data, the birth rate in the U.S. decreased more than 6 percent in the last quarter of 2020 compared to the same time period in 2019. The data includes statistics from December 2020, which would have been when babies were born if they were conceived during the beginning of the pandemic.

Yet demographers are not sure if the decline has to do with the pandemic, or if the data is following a larger trend that has surfaced over the past couple of years. Indeed, last year marked the sixth year in a row births in America declined. The CDC said the U.S. birth rate is so low that the country is “below replacement levels” — which means more people are dying than being born.

“It’s hard to separate out what would have been the decline potentially after the pandemic. . . . The birth rate is going down from previous quarters. It went down from 2018 to 2019 as well,” said Anne Driscoll, a demographer/statistician at the National Center for Health Statistics. “The direction of the overall trend hasn’t changed.”

When looking deeper into that data, births declined by 3 percent from 2019 to 2020 for Hispanic women, and 4 percent for white women and Black women. Teen births decreased among under–17-year-olds by 6 percent, and 7 percent for 18- to 19-year-olds; those marked records lows.

As Salon previously reported, the loss of jobs, income, childcare services, and an overburdened healthcare system fighting a highly contagious coronavirus, were all reasons why families said they actively decided not to have children last year.

One of those is Sandra Henderson, a love and dating coach in Los Angeles, who recently decided not to have a child with her partner. She told Salon via email she was “worried” about raising a child in a moment of “chaos.”

“For us, it is better to have a child when everything’s back to normal and where everything and every place is a safe place to be,” Henderson said. “Plus, we are both working from home now, and with lots of responsibilities we are currently juggling in our hands right now, we think we really can’t do it for now.”

Sarah Logan, editor of pet website The Bunny Hub, told Salon via email that she and her husband decided not to have another baby right now because of the pandemic.

“These difficult times are not the best time to have another family member,” Logan said.

But deciding not to have children during the pandemic is a choice that not everyone has the privilege to make. For some who were pregnant and seeking abortions just as the pandemic hit, lockdown limited their access to providers and clinics as a handful of states made it it nearly impossible to terminate pregnancies. Historically, birth rates decline during an economic crisis, but many experts are wondering if fewer children — or no children at all — is the new American way.

“The birthrate is the lowest it’s ever been,” Kenneth Johnson, a demographer at the University of New Hampshire, told The New York Times. “At some point the question is going to be: The women who delayed having babies, are they ever going to have them? If they don’t, that’s a permanent notch in the American births structure.”

Ron DeSantis got caught lying at his bill signing. He blocked all media but Fox News at his next one

Ron DeSantis, the Republican governor of Florida, supposedly the “Sunshine State,” blocked members of the press from covering a new election reform bill he signed into law on Thursday. The move comes on the heels of DeSantis spreading misleading claims about the last bill he signed into law which increased penalties for rioting.

The latest bill DeSantis signed, championed by the far-right, seeks to impose additional limited third-party voter registration and reduce the overall access to voting throughout the state. Local CBS12 reporter Jay O’Brien and Sun-Sentinel columnist Steve Bousquet confirmed the news about blocking access to the media via Twitter. 

“The news media is blocked from entering the hotel’s Majestic ballroom and must peer through a plate glass window as DeSantis signs one of the most controversial laws of the year. ‘Closed event,’ says his communications director, Taryn Fenske,” The Sun-Sentinel reported following the bill’s signing. Numerous local news stations and reporters declined to comment on the incident, but one reporter summed it up, telling Salon: “We’ll just keep doing our jobs.” 

But there is plenty of reason why DeSantis should be allowing the press to cover his events, as the potential 2024 GOP presidential contender frequently traffics in misleading claims, such as a recent claim made about increasing crime rates and cutting spending on policing, during an event where he signed a rioting bill onto law. 

“This bill actually prevents against local governments defunding law enforcement,” DeSantis said on April 19th at the signing. “We’ll be able to stop it at the state level. And if you look at some of these places that have done this, they’ve already seen crime go up.”

But DeSantis’ claim was deemed “mostly false” by PolitiFact

“An element of truth in DeSantis’ claim is that crime went up in six major cities. But he said it was because of budget cuts, when murder and gun violence were already trending up in 2020 before cities changed their budgets,” the site noted in a fact-check on DeSantis’ claim of there being a correlation between police funding and crime rates. 

The event on Thursday took place at the Hilton Hotel located next to the Palm Beach International Airport, which was later billed as an “exclusive” to “Fox and Friends” event where only Fox News was allowed to be in the room when DeSantis penned his signature to the new bill. Following the event, the governor remarked that the event wasn’t a secret, but rather “it was on national news.” 

A Fox News spokesperson told Deadline that “Fox & Friends did not request or mandate that the May 6th event and interview with Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-FL) be exclusive to Fox News Media entities.” DeSantis’ office didn’t return Salon’s request for comment on the matter as of Friday morning.

Notably, in attendance at the bill signing was anti-Muslim activist Laura Loomer, who wrote on Telegram: “It was great to be present today at the Hilton airport for governor DeSantis’s signing of the new Florida election integrity bill. Hopefully, Florida can lead the way on banning Zuckerbucks from our elections offices.” It remains unclear what other far-right characters might have also been on the scene. 

One right-wing blogger, allegedly a big supporter of the First Amendment, at RedState responded to DeSantis blocking members of the press overcome with joy. “You see, DeSantis had smartly told the mainstream media to go pound sand, instead choosing the sign the bill while he was being interviewed by Fox and Friends. It’s the kind of move that we see far too little of on the right,” blogger “Bonchie” wrote on Thursday. 

After prosecutions dove to 25-year low under Trump, will Biden DOJ crack down on corporate crimes?

A new consumer watchdog report out Monday shows that prosecutions of corporate lawbreakers fell to a 25-year low during former President Donald Trump’s final year in office, a finding that spurred calls for the Biden administration to make a priority of ending impunity for big business.

Titled Corporate Criminals Above the Law (pdf), Public Citizen’s analysis draws on federal sentencing data to show that just 94 corporations either pleaded or were found guilty of criminal activity in 2020—the lowest level since the U.S. Sentencing Commission began releasing business prosecution statistics in 1996. In 2000, by contrast, 296 corporations pleaded or were found guilty of violating the law.

At the same time as enforcement continued to decline in 2020, the report notes, deferred prosecution agreements and nonprosecution agreements spiked to 45 during Trump’s last year, letting corporations such as Bayer’s Monsanto, Chipotle, and JPMorgan Chase off the hook for wrongdoing ranging from improper storage of hazardous pesticide waste to violations of food safety laws.

Such “corporate leniency” agreements now represent nearly a third of all resolutions to federal cases against corporations accused committing crimes, Public Citizen found.

“Trump’s DOJ is infamous for pursuing a cruel ‘tough on crime’ approach to immigrants and low-level offenders,” Rick Claypool, a Public Citizen research director and author of the report, said in a statement. “It also should be infamous for letting corporate criminals off the hook. President Biden’s DOJ should ramp up enforcement to show that corporate criminals are not above the law.”

To ensure corporations are held accountable for illegal behavior that endangers workers, customers, and the environment, Public Citizen recommends that the Biden administration take a number of policy steps, including:

  • Rescinding a Trump-era policy that “reduces corporate penalties by limiting how much a single corporate violation can trigger penalties from multiple enforcement agencies”;
  • Ending the longstanding practice of negotiating leniency agreements with lawbreaking corporations;
  • Prohibiting businesses that plead or are found guilty from receiving contracts from the federal government; and
  • Breaking up criminal companies that are supposedly “too big to jail.”

Robert Weissman, the president of Public Citizen, said in a statement that “if corporations know they can commit crimes and—if caught—be required to do little more than promise not to violate the law in the future, it is a virtual certainty they will break the law regularly and routinely.”

“If we want corporations to follow the law, then it’s past time to do away with deferred and non-prosecution agreements,” Weissman added. “Declining corporate prosecutions and increasing corporate leniency agreements can be directly attributed to the soft-on-corporate-crime policies of the Trump administration. President Joe Biden and Attorney General Merrick Garland should swiftly rescind this destructive trend.”

Derek Chauvin charged with violating the civil rights of a Black child in 2017

On Friday, a federal grand jury charged Derek Chauvin, the former Minnesota police officer recently convicted of murdering George Floyd, with two new crimes over his use of excessive force against a 14-year-old Black boy in 2017. 

Video footage of the encounter shows Chauvin, who was responding to a domestic violence call, aggressively handling a 14-year-old Black boy accused of assaulting his mother. Chauvin is shown striking the boy in the head with a flashlight, causing an injury that later needed stitches, according to ABC News. The ex-cop then “applied a neck restraint, causing the child to lose consciousness and go to the ground,” per court documents, where Chauvin pinned the boy to the ground with his knee for 17 minutes despite alleged complaints from the boy and his mother that he was having trouble breathing. Chauvin eventually told the teen that he was under arrest before escorting him to an ambulance. 

Minnesota state prosecutor Matthew Frank, who prosecuted Chauvin during his trial in late April, said that the video footage “show[s] a far more violent and forceful treatment of this child than Chauvin describes in his report [of the incident].”

“As was true with the conduct with George Floyd, Chauvin rapidly escalated his use of force for a relatively minor offense,” Frank argued. “Just like with Floyd, Chauvin used an unreasonable amount of force without regard for the need for that level of force or the victim’s well-being. Just like with Floyd, when the child was slow to comply with Chauvin and [the other officer’s] instructions, Chauvin grabbed the child by the throat, forced him to the ground in the prone position, and placed his knee on the child’s neck with so much force that the child began to cry out in pain and tell Chauvin he could not breathe.”

During Chauvin’s trial, prosecutors argued that the footage was relevant to the case, as it demonstrated a pattern of Chauvin’s violence. However, Chauvin’s defense attorney rebutted that the ex-officer used proper police procedure at the time.

“The state makes a point of noting that the suspect was rolled onto his stomach and cuffed while Mr. Chauvin used his knee and body weight to pin the suspect to the floor,” Nelson wrote. “As noted previously, this is how MPD officers are trained to handcuff individuals — particularly suspects who are resisting.”

The evidence was ultimately dismissed by the presiding judge and was unable to be used in the trial. 

According to the New York Times, at least 22 civilian complaints had been made against Chauvin, a 19-year-veteran, over the course of the cop’s career. However, only one of them prompted disciplinary action. An expose by the Marshall Project, which interviewed several people who had run-ins with Chauvin during his time in the force, described a similar pattern of misconduct. 

Chauvin’s new indictment comes as his former colleagues – all of whom were at the scene of Floyd’s murder –come under greater legal scrutiny. On Friday, two officers were charged with “willfully [failing] to intervene to stop Defendant Chauvin’s use of unreasonable force,” according to the official indictment. All four officers, including Chauvin, are accused of “acting with deliberate indifference to a substantial risk of harm to Floyd.”

Trump’s Arizona vote “audit” is a mess by design

Any connoisseur of right-wing nuttiness can attest: It doesn’t get any weirder than the conspiracy theory carnival that is the Arizona vote “audit” of the 2020 election being conducted in Maricopa County.

The audit — which was ordered by Republican state senators in order to please their master, Donald Trump — has no legal impact and can’t change the results of the election, no matter what Trump likes to insinuate to his followers. Joe Biden won that county by over 45,000 votes, the kind of margin that any legitimate recount effort would never have a chance of closing since recount efforts rarely find more than a handful of ballots that were wrongly counted in the first place. 

But, of course, this is not a legitimate recount.

 As the New York Times reported Friday morning, it “is perhaps the most off-the-rails episode in the Republican Party’s escalating effort to support former President Donald J. Trump’s lie that he won the election.” Ballots are “receiving microscope and ultraviolet-light examinations, apparently to address unfounded claims that fraudulent ballots contained watermarks that were visible under UV light” and “[u]ntrained citizens are trying to find traces of bamboo on last year’s ballots, seemingly trying to prove a conspiracy theory that the election was tainted by fake votes from Asia.”

The whole thing is like trying to bake a cake off a recipe, but replacing the sugar and butter with fairy dust and leprechaun snot, and then throwing it at the sun instead of putting it in the oven to bake it.

Katie Hobbs, Arizona’s secretary of state, finally got fed up this week and sent a letter on Wednesday to the liaison to the Senate’s audit, warning him, “Though conspiracy theorists are undoubtedly cheering on these types of inspections — and perhaps providing financial support because of their use — they do little other than further marginalize the professionalism and intent of this ‘audit.'”

All of that is true, of course, but here’s the darkest part: It’s all by design. 


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The conspiracy theories, the sloppily handled ballots, the general disregard for security, facts, or even a modicum of fairness in the process? It’s all deliberate. This entire process is a dramatic production, put on for Trump and the GOP base, to illustrate how easy it would be to steal elections if their people could just gain control over state elections boards. 

Call it coup theater.

It’s about ginning up enthusiasm for the GOP’s continued efforts to undermine democracy and install the white conservative minority into power through cheating. It’s about reinforcing the Republican Party’s belief that they are entitled to rule, no matter how many Americans reject them at the polls. If manipulating ballots and conspiracy theories are required to get there, then so be it. That’s why Republicans aren’t embarrassed at how silly this entire fake audit is. It’s meant to be ridiculous, precisely because the more ridiculous it is, the more it undermines faith and trust in the very concept of free and fair elections. 

There’s a tendency in mainstream and even progressive media to view right-wing conspiracy theories through a prism of believability. Journalists and pundits look at polls showing, for instance, that 70% of Republicans believe that Biden didn’t win enough votes to be president and talk about how these folks live in such a major bubble of disinformation that they can’t even grasp basic realities. 

What this approach fails to take into account is that, for conservatives, facts matter less than justifications. How they can believe such nonsense isn’t as important as why they believe such nonsense.

It doesn’t matter that the accusations that Biden stole the election are false. What matters is such accusations provide the moral justification for future efforts by Republicans to steal elections. It doesn’t matter that conspiracy theories about watermarks and bamboo have no basis in reality. All that matters is that it’s a bunch of stuff Republicans can say that allows them to argue that they’re entitled to throw out the ballots of people who voted for Democrats. 

“There is a long-standing belief on the right that Democratic Party victories are inherently fraudulent,” Jonathan Chait of New York Magazine wrote on Thursday

This certainly isn’t a belief arrived at through a sincere and fair assessment of the evidence. It is more an article of faith and one that increasingly justifies, to Republicans, their fealty to winning at all costs. If that means throwing out all the votes of states that voted for Biden, so be it. If that means spooling out increasingly implausible conspiracy theories as a pretext for tossing Democratic votes, they’re fine with it. It’s not really about facts, so much as it is about polishing and refining the lies and strategies that will get them closer to being able to successfully do what Trump failed to do, which is to steal an election. 


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The fake audit in Arizona functions, for the right, much like Occupy Wall Street did for the left: As a theater of the possible. Moral concerns aside, of course. No one really thought that the death grip the investment class has over our politics would be destroyed by a few campers in Zuccotti Park. Still, the drama and intrigue of the whole thing did draw attention to the cause and, arguably, laid the groundwork for the shift to the left we’re seeing in the Democratic Party right now.

By a similar token, few on the right think they can overturn the 2020 election with this fake audit. But the whole thing sends a signal about how elections can be stolen by the GOP in the future. And Republicans are acting swiftly to turn that fantasy into a reality, passing laws to exclude voters who they perceive as too liberal and, perhaps even more importantly, to seize control of election boards. The ridiculousness of the Arizona audit helps conservatives to picture what the future might hold, and how they might turn real ballot counts into a similar circus that allows them to disappear all those inconvenient votes for Democrats. 

Liberals look at the antics in Arizona and flinch because it’s all so undignified, with people spouting conspiracy theories like idiots. But what we often fail to understand is that, for the hard right, dignity doesn’t matter at all. Nothing matters but power. If you have enough power, after all, you are the one who gets to dictate the meaning of concepts like “dignity” and “truth.”

It’s why Trump’s clownishness is so thrilling to his followers. He proved, time and again, that it doesn’t matter what kind of pompous idiot you are, because power means people have to kiss your ass anyway. Liberals can laugh as much as we want. Republicans know that, if they are successful in their efforts to end free and fair elections, they’ll be the last ones laughing. 

This chocolate chip cookie isn’t crispy or chewy — it’s better

In The Kitchen Scientist, “The Flavor Equation” author Nik Sharma breaks down the science of good food, from rinsing rice to salting coffee. Today: your new favorite chocolate chip cookies.

* * *

I’m big on cookies, so much so that I consider them pantry staples. Can you even consider them pantry staples? That’s a debate for another day. But a cookie or three with afternoon tea is simply non-negotiable.

If we were to sort cookies by texture, we could drop them into crisp like shortbread, chewy like oatmeal cookies, and smooth like Yo-Yos. Then we’ve got combo textures — chocolate chip cookies fall into this group.

Like a family cornbread recipe, chocolate chip cookies are highly personal. Some folks love them crispy, others prefer chewy, and others still like a mix (I like a mix).

Today, we’re making chocolate chip cookies that aren’t quite crispy, or chewy, or crispy-chewy. Thanks to a couple special ingredients — and science! — these new-fashioned cookies will melt in your mouth at first bite.

What decides the textural fate of a cookie?

It’s all about the ingredients and their ratios.

Most grain-based cookie recipes contain fat (like butter or shortening), sugar (say granulated or brown), flour (usually wheat), some kind of leavening agent (such as baking soda or baking powder, and in some instances both), a liquid binding agent (maybe milk), and sometimes eggs. Other ingredients focus on flavor (think vanilla or citrus zest) and texture (like chewy dried fruit or crunchy toasted nuts).

To make chocolate chip cookies with a singular, melt-in-your-mouth texture, we’ll need a couple ingredients that aren’t found in traditional recipes: custard powder and confectioners’ sugar. Let’s break them down one by one.

Custard powder

Custard powder, as it is known in the U.K. and the rest of the Commonwealth nations, is primarily cornstarch with food coloring and flavorings like vanilla. In America, custard powder isn’t readily available in supermarkets, but another, almost identical product is: instant pudding mix. It is important to note that most brands of instant pudding in America contain added sugar, which will make your cookies taste sweeter.

In the U.K., custards are viscous sweet sauces. You will see them in desserts like trifles (layers of custard between cake and or fruit). Meanwhile, British puddings refer to sweets like cakes and tarts but also savory dishes, from Yorkshire pudding to black pudding. In America, pudding also refers to a range of dishes, from rice to bread, but pudding itself indicates a spoonable custard. (Learn more about British puddings and desserts at Project Britain.)

When custard powder is mixed with cold milk and heated, the cornstarch thickens (a process called gelatinization), binding with water and forming a gel. This gel transforms the milk into custard. There are a variety of custard powders and instant pudding mixes to choose from: Bird’s is popular in the U.K. I grew up eating Brown & Polson in India. And in America, we’ve got Jell-O and Dr. Oetker. You could also simply use cornstarch to thicken milk, and flavor the custard any way your heart desires.

But what if you use custard powder for something other than custard? Or instant pudding mix for something other than instant pudding?

In cookies, cornstarch (and in turn custard powder and instant pudding mix) does something special. It reduces the amount of gluten formation by nestling itself between the flour particles. This is a good thing, because too much gluten development in a cookie will make it tough and unpleasant to eat. Cornstarch also gelatinizes with the water present in the dough as the cookie bakes, leading to that tender, melt-in-your-mouth texture.

Confectioners’ sugar

Typically we use granulated, superfine, or caster sugar for baking. But if you swap in confectioners’ sugar (aka powdered or icing sugar), the cookie’s texture will completely change.

Sugar does a few things in cookies. Besides adding sweetness, it prevents gluten formation and absorbs water from the dough and air. The sugar’s texture also affects the cookie’s texture.

The sugar particles’ size influences how fast they dissolve in the cookie batter. Large sugar crystals dissolve less quickly and leave behind large crystals, while confectioners’ sugar will dissolve rapidly and leave behind no visible traces of crystallization.

Of course, all of this depends on the ratio of the other ingredients in the recipe. Take for instance some of the cookies most of us are familiar with. If you make gingerbread cookies with granulated sugar, you can see those large crystals in the finished product because they don’t dissolve as well. In a chocolate chip cookie made with superfine sugar, you won’t necessarily see the crystals with your eyes, but because superfine sugar is made up of small crystals, you will notice how it contributes to a firm crispy or chewy texture.

Confectioners’ sugar takes it one step further. It’s made by grinding white sugar crystals. Because the particles are so tiny, they dissolve fast. They also occupy a smaller space between the flour and other ingredients in the cookie dough. In turn, the cookie dissolves faster in our mouths, tasting much smoother. Irish shortbread, for example, uses both confectioners’ sugar and a little bit of rice flour (a source of starch) to create that signature crumbly texture.

Confectioners’ sugar often contains anticaking agents, like cornstarch, to prevent the sugar from absorbing moisture and clumping. This additional cornstarch will also contribute to the cookie’s incredible texture.

Your new favorite chocolate chip cookie

Now let’s put the science behind cornstarch and confectioners’ sugar to work in a new, deliciously smooth take on the chocolate chip. Unlike the classic crispy-chewy texture, this cookie melts in every bite, leaving behind bits of bittersweet chocolate. Good luck eating just one.

Recipe: Meltaway Chocolate Chip Cookies

Prep time: 10 minutes
Cook time: 15 minutes
Makes: 20

Ingredients:

  • 3/4 cup (165 grams) unsalted butter, cubed and softened to room temperature
  • 1 1/4 cups (180 grams) all-purpose flour
  • 1/2 cup (70 grams) custard powder, preferably Bird’s (see author’s notes)
  • 1/2 cup plus 1 tablespoon (70 grams) confectioners’ sugar
  • 1/2 teaspoon instant espresso powder or instant coffee
  • 2 tablespoons whole milk
  • 1/4 teaspoon vanilla extract
  • 5 1/4 ounces (150 grams) bittersweet chocolate chips (or chopped bittersweet chocolate)
  • Flaky salt, for sprinkling (optional)

Directions:

  1. Add the butter to the bowl of a stand mixer and beat with the paddle attachment until it turns pale and fluffy, about 3 minutes.
  2. Remove the bowl from the mixer and, using a fine-mesh sieve, sift the flour, custard powder, confectioners’ sugar, and espresso powder on top of the butter. 
  3. Return to the mixer and mix on low speed until the mixture begins to resemble cookie crumbs. Scrape the sides of the bowl down with a bowl scraper or rubber spatula.
  4. Add the milk and vanilla and mix on medium speed until you get a smooth dough, about 1 minute. 
  5. Add the chocolate chips and mix on medium speed for about 30 seconds until evenly distributed. Scrape down the sides of the bowl and transfer the dough to a sheet of parchment paper or a container. 
  6. Divide the dough by weight into 20 equal pieces. Shape each into a 2-inch/5-centimeter circular disk. The cookie dough can be frozen for up to 1 month, if wrapped with plastic wrap and separated by parchment paper. 
  7. To bake the cookies, place two wire racks in the middle of the oven and heat to 350°F (180°C). Line two baking sheets with parchment paper and add the cookies, each about an inch (2 1/2 centimeters) apart. The cookies will not spread during baking. Sprinkle with flaky salt if you’d like (there’s salt in the custard powder so I personally skip this). 
  8. Bake for 15 to 25 minutes, until the edges start to turn golden brown, swapping the baking sheets between the racks and rotating them halfway through during baking.
  9. Let the cookies cool on the baking sheets for about 5 minutes, then carefully transfer them to a wire rack to cool completely. Store the cooled cookies in an airtight container for up to 1 week.

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Republicans find the perfect woman to take down Liz Cheney

I had never heard of congresswoman Elise Stefanik, R-NY, until the House of Representatives hearings for Trump’s first impeachment. She stormed into the national consciousness by repeatedly whining that Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff was refusing to let her speak and became an overnight sensation. (He was not — she just used the opportunity to rant about how unfair the process was, instantly endearing herself to Republicans all over the country.) Donald Trump was so impressed with her obnoxious behavior that he tweeted: “A new Republican star is born!”

And her star has been rising ever since.

But as it happens, Stefanik was a woman in a hurry long before her breakout role as a pugnacious Donald Trump defender. Prior to volunteering as a Trump henchwoman, she had been seen as a moderate from New York, someone who with reservations about his leadership. She had the perfect GOP establishment resume, having attended Harvard, worked on staff in the Bush White House, on Mitt Romney’s presidential campaign and participated in such projects as the 2014 Republican “autopsy” which had recommended that the Party moderate and work to appeal to women, and racial and ethnic minorities. She was considered on the moderate side of the dial although she partnered with Congresswoman Liz Cheney at one point on a bill to halt the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan which put her firmly in the right-wing hawk camp. She’s always had her bases covered.

But according to NPR reporter Brian Mann, who covered her since she first ran for congress in 2014, despite the stellar DC resume, Stefanik downplayed her credentials. Her pitch to the voters in her first race in 2014 was that she grew up in a small town in the district but it turned out that nobody there knew who she was. She was an excellent campaigner, however, who won her seat handily, and in the process making it clear to all the powers that be in the party that she was seriously pursuing a national profile.

2016 was a setback with the election of Donald Trump and she carefully calibrated her message to criticize while not making enemies. She sold herself as a “maverick” from a district that had long elected moderates but had voted for Trump by double digits. She voted against the Trump tax cuts, backed equal rights for LGBT citizens and supported the DREAM act. But in Trump’s GOP she was going nowhere with that agenda.

So she switched gears and by the time the first impeachment came around she had become an enthusiastic Trump sycophant, a junior member of the exclusive club of important Trump henchmen like Jim Jordan, Mark Meadows and Devin Nunes. She found a way to leverage her “bipartisan” record as a selling point by fatuously proclaiming that her support for Trump was particularly credible because it came out of her fealty to the Constitution, which is as Trumpy as it gets. By the time 2020 rolled around, she was one of the most vociferous purveyors of the Big Lie, even when some of the others were tiptoeing around the subject. As Mann put it on Twitter:

“Throughout the process [Stefanik] showed steady ambition, an ability to adapt and evolve her politics, and a willingness to shed old loyalties and allies while amplifying factual untruths when necessary. Her brand may be a perfect match for the modern GOP”

It’s clear that she is a shameless political shapeshifter. But it turns out that her real talent is demagoguery and flamboyant outrage which, again, makes her the perfect woman for the moment.

During Trump’s first impeachment trial, after her star turn on the Intelligence Committee, she was chosen to be on Trump’s team of defenders (as opposed to his defense team) along with Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, Rep. Lee Zeldin of New York and Rep. Mark Meadows of North Carolina. They would gather in the basement of the Capitol every day with members of the press eager to hear their latest broadsides against the Democrats and “the process.” They were obviously working hand in glove with the White House and the defense team to spin the trial although they insisted they weren’t.

The 2020 election found Stefanik in loony Trump lawyers Sidney Powell and Lin Wood territory when it came to The Big Lie. There were lots of Republicans hemming and hawing, trying to walk the line between Trump’s petulant refusal to accept his loss and the reality that they had to move on. But Stefanik was all in, even going so far as to issue a statement explaining her decision to vote against certifying the election on the morning of the January 6th Insurrection, in which she lied blatantly about the vote count in Georgia:

This week she went on former Trump adviser Steve Bannon’s podcast and enthusiastically backed the asinine Arizona recount in which an outside group is currently examining ballots for signs of bamboo in the paper in order to prove that they were part of a ballot-stuffing scheme sponsored by China.

It was a short trip from maverick, bipartisan, modern Republican to flagrant Trumpian liar in just a few years. Of course, she isn’t alone. Freedom Caucus members like Mark Meadows and Jim Jordan used to pretend to care about “fiscal responsibility” until Trump came along and made GOP politics solely about media attention, owning libs, and fighting the culture wars. (That’s what it had been for a very long time but Trump freed them from having to pretend otherwise.)

So now Stefanik is poised to join the leadership of the party by taking the place of Liz Cheney, the party’s human sacrifice to their angry god, Donald Trump. Both House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and his deputy Steve Scalise of Louisiana have thrown their support behind Stefanik and Trump released a statement on Wednesday giving her his “COMPLETE and TOTAL Endorsement,” calling her a “tough and smart communicator” so she’s pretty much a shoo-in. 

There are some distant rumblings from the ragged remnants of the right-wing conservative movement, like Ann Coulter and The Club for Growth, because of her record of squishiness on issues they care about such as immigration and tax cuts. In fact, her voting record is far more moderate than Cheney’s.

But that’s not really relevant, is it?

The Republican party is no longer concerned with old-fashioned notions like “issues.” This is about fealty to the Big Lie and The Big Liar to be sure. But it’s really about maintaining power for its own sake, by any means necessary. Elise Stefanik is a woman who instinctively understands that and has proven over and over again in her short career that she is willing to do whatever it takes. 

Chinese cooking wine brings tangy depth to, well . . . everything

I love cooking with alcohol. The magnificent aromas, the satisfying glug of rich liquid pouring from the bottle, and, of course, the drinking. Sure, French cooking gets well-deserved attention for its liberal use of wine, and Japanese cooking wouldn’t be nearly as delicious without mirin and sake, but there are few places where alcohol is used as effectively, or as liberally, as in Chinese cuisines. If your pantry (or liquor cabinet) is short a bottle of Chinese wine, for cooking and for drinking, it’s time to fix that. And we’re here to help.

What is Chinese cooking wine?

Chinese wines are made by fermenting grain (typically rice or sticky rice mixed with millet, barley, or wheat) with a starter of molds and yeasts. There is a huge range of styles, from light, clear mijiu (similar to Japanese sake) to dark, sweet xiang xue jiu (“fragrant snow wine”). But when someone refers to liaojiu (cooking wine), they are usually talking about a variety of amber huangjiu (“yellow wine”). The best huangjiu comes from the city of Shaoxing. The medium-dry huadiao (“carved flower”) wine produced in Shaoxing has a rich, slightly nutty taste perfect for braises, stir-fries, or for sipping in the kitchen. Careful, though — most exported wine labeled as Shaoxing is spiced and salted to get around taxes and import fees for drinkable wines. These salted cooking wines are generally inferior to genuine, unsalted Shaoxing wines, but they’ll do for most recipes. If you can find a bottle labeled huadiao, get it. If it’s unsalted, even better.

Why use Chinese cooking wine?

If you’re like me, it probably breaks your heart just a little bit to pour a bottle of perfectly sippable wine into a braise or stew, particularly if you’ll have to wait hours to actually eat it. It’s a little easier, of course, if that wine is puckeringly salty. But still, why bother cooking with alcohol when you could be drinking it instead?

The most obvious answer is that it tastes delicious. Take a little sip of your Chinese cooking wine (even if it’s salted) and swirl it around your tongue. You should find sweet, sour, astringent, and umami notes, along with a rich, complex aroma. All of those qualities will carry through to the final dish, along with the faintest trace of alcoholic sharpness (contrary to popular belief, some alcohol always remains after cooking). But there’s more! Alcohol itself is an excellent solvent and bonds to aromatic compounds in the dish, including some that are not soluble in water or oil. According to Harold McGee, author of “On Food and Cooking,” a small amount of alcohol in a dish actually helps release some of those aromatic compounds into the air, enhancing the fragrance of the finished food (think penne alla vodka). Finally, Chinese cooking wine is very effective at reducing gaminess, fishiness, or funk, finding its way into marinades and dishes containing lamb, pungent fish, or certain fermented products.

Where can I buy Chinese cooking wine?

Chinese cooking wine is available in Chinese groceries and markets catering to East and Southeast Asian communities. The salted varieties are also easy to find online. Again, it is always best to use an unsalted wine from Shaoxing labeled huadiao. Nicer varieties are often sold in ceramic jugs instead of glass bottles.

What can I substitute?

If you can’t find a bottle of Chinese cooking wine, or if you got lost on the way to the stove and accidentally emptied the last drops into your mouth (whoops!), there are plenty of alternatives. Dry sherry is a great substitute in a pinch, and sake or white wine are also perfectly fine, at least in recipes where the wine isn’t the star of the show. For those who avoid alcohol of all kinds, it’s best to swap in a liquid that will boost the other flavors in the dish, like an umami-rich stock.

How should I use Chinese cooking wine?

Flip through your favorite Chinese cookbook, and you’ll likely find that many, if not most, of the recipes call for cooking wine. Splash it into the wok as you stir-fry to regulate temperature, marinate your fish or pork in it for cleaner flavor, or add it to stock to help it keep. Particularly if you find a nice bottle, it’s worth showing it off in one of the many “drunken” dishes, soaked in a wine bath and typically served cold or at room temperature. Here are a few of our favorite things to make using all the wine that doesn’t end up in your glass:

  1. Hong Shao Rou (Pork Belly Braised in Soy Sauce)
  2. Ginger-Onion Whole Steamed Fish
  3. Chinese Steam Chicken

In the tales told by sewage, public health and privacy collide

In early March 2020, as Covid-19 cases were accelerating across the globe, the American aircraft carrier U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt made its way to Da Nang, Vietnam for a scheduled stop to celebrate the 25th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the nations. Nearly 100,000 cases of Covid-19 had been confirmed worldwide, and more than 3,000 people had died from it, when thousands of sailors poured off the ship for five days to mingle with locals, posing shoulder to shoulder for photos, overnighting in local hotels, and shooting hoops with Vietnamese kids.

Less than two weeks after pulling anchor, three crew members tested positive for SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes Covid-19. In the ensuing weeks, the illness zipped through the vessel, eventually infecting 1,271 of the nearly 5,000 sailors, along with the ship’s captain. Twenty-three sailors were hospitalized, with four admitted into intensive care. One died. The acting secretary of the Navy fired the captain for skirting the chain of command when he begged for help with the crisis, before the acting secretary himself resigned.

Thousands of miles away, landlocked in a suburb of curving roads and sunbaked backyard pools, Christian Daughton, a retired environmental scientist from the Environmental Protection Agency, followed the unfolding disaster online from an office nook in his kitchen. The former branch chief at what had been one of the EPA’s foremost environmental chemistry labs in the country knew that something could have been done — that there was a tool out there to help. Through an EPA colleague, Daughton contacted the office of the chief of naval operations to inform the Navy about the tool, which could decisively detect the virus onboard ships before sailors felt sick — and, crucially, before the virus exploded among the rest of the crew.

But it was as if Daughton had rowed up in a dinghy to the ship’s towering bow and tapped on its hull. He got no response. Daughton, 72, was frustrated but not surprised. For years, government officials had overlooked his work.

The tool Daughton was eager to share with the Navy begins at the toilet. He first proposed it 20 years ago: analyzing sewage to see what it says about public health. The field, called wastewater-based epidemiology, began in the early 2000s with researchers isolating the residues of illegal drugs to understand community-wide use. But over the last two decades, wastewater-based epidemiology expanded to look at the remains of other substances, such as pharmaceuticals and alcohol; pathogens, to identify existing and emerging infectious diseases; and substances made in the body that illuminate the overall health of a given population. The research can happen at a single wastewater treatment plant, or scale up to capture information from an estimated three-quarters of the U.S. population and roughly 25 percent of people worldwide.

Daughton and other experts believe wastewater-based epidemiology — which is fast, inexpensive, and adaptable — could help transform public health in the United States, where, according to a 2013 report by some of the leading health researchers in the country, residents have shorter life expectancy, higher rates of obesity and chronic disease, and the worst birth outcomes compared to peer countries. Sewage monitoring could help address these challenges by providing unbiased health snapshots of entire communities — regardless of access to health care or participation in testing or surveys.

In the 20 years since Daughton first published the idea, countries all over the world have made wastewater analysis a standard public health measure — and they’ve been able to use this existing infrastructure during the Covid-19 crisis. But Daughton and others feel that the U.S., which produces 34 billion gallons of wastewater daily, has yet to adequately leverage this health information to fight Covid-19 and other health challenges.

As the first months of the pandemic played out in the U.S. and Daughton read the news over breakfast, he knew that had sewage testing been in place as the pathogen began to spread, it may have saved lives. But, at the time, few American health officials were even familiar with the field. It wasn’t until months later that communities in the U.S. began actively looking at sewage to help curb the pandemic — and a media frenzy ensued in late May. But by that time, nearly 2 million Americans had been infected by SARS-CoV-2 and 100,000 had died. “It’s been incredibly frustrating, dejecting,” he said.

Although there are some signs of change — including new funding from the National Science Foundation and other federal interest Daughton sees this as too little, too late. Today, as Covid-19 deaths have surpassed half a million in the U.S., new virus variants are circulating widely, and vaccination campaigns progress, wastewater research will remain relevant.

The history of sewage epidemiology reveals what has shackled its development in the U.S.: concerns over privacy and stigmatization, politicians making decisions about scientific research, and a lack of dedicated funding. Experts believe the field holds enormous potential for tackling existing and future health threats. But even Daughton isn’t sure that the U.S. is finally ready to harness the full potential of sewage analysis. Despite the growing interest, “I would think that for something this important,” he said, “the needle would be moving faster.”

* * *

When Daughton joined the EPA in 1991, he was in charge of a team of about 20 chemists in a laboratory in Las Vegas. From the get-go, he was an agency scientist who didn’t stay in his lane. At the time, the EPA was regulating a list of about 126 toxic substances identified as priority pollutants — namely ingredients in pesticides and industrial chemicals. But the list dated to the 1970s, and only included materials that could be detected by technology that existed at that time. Daughton’s team was responsible for developing ways to find these chemicals in soils, such as those at Superfund sites, and water, so that the EPA could effectively regulate them.

But Daughton pushed back against what he felt was an overly narrow focus. “There’s a whole world of chemicals out there that people are being exposed to every day,” he remembers thinking. But the EPA was hamstrung by enforcing existing regulations, and had little interest in new kinds of substances that might warrant additional controls. Still, Daughton’s team of chemists was primed to do more. They had pioneered new analytical techniques that allowed them to identify chemical compounds beyond the 126 on the list. So, alongside their regular EPA duties, Daughton’s team began to investigate new substances — a group of chemicals largely overlooked by agency regulations, but which Daughton feared could pose threats to human health and the environment.

Daughton dubbed these materials PPCPs — pharmaceuticals and personal care products. PPCPs are chemicals in products people use every day, such as medications, lotions, and toothpaste, many of which are then flushed down the toilet. Although research has shown that these substances can accumulate in fish and have ecological impacts, today, much remains uncertain about how the ubiquitous, low-dose cocktails of PPCPs in drinking water, rivers, and lakes affect human health. Daughton was concerned that the presence of these substances in wastewater, which had been largely ignored by researchers in the U.S., could slowly, imperceptibly, change whole ecosystems. And he wondered whether exposure to little bits of many of these substances over a long time could make people very sick. But at the EPA, Daughton told Undark, he had a hard time convincing the agency that these chemicals warranted attention and research. And the agency wasn’t taking regulatory action.

But that didn’t stop Daughton. He published a stream of papers on PPCPs and gave presentations all over the country highlighting potential risks such as how minute concentrations of antidepressants in waterways could disrupt spawning in aquatic animals. He set up a website to share the information with academics and the general public. And he prodded members of his lab to develop elevator pitches, pithy descriptions that explained the importance of their research in language anyone could understand. His work helped highlight the widespread presence in drinking water of medicine residues, which weren’t always removed completely by conventional treatment. The public was alarmed and the pharmaceutical industry took note as well. Daughton remembered getting a call from an EPA official in Washington, D.C., whom he believes was feeling pressure from pharmaceutical lobbyists to curtail the research. “I took it as an attempt at intimidation. They were warning me,” Daughton said. (The EPA told Undark that it has no record of the call.)

Daughton continued on, and a few years into his work on PPCPs, he expanded his approach. Rather than only considering chemicals in wastewater as pollutants, he wanted to use them as tools. In 2001, Daughton proposed that researchers look to substances in wastewater in order to gauge human behavior. He suggested that by measuring illegal drug residues — such as traces of cocaine — in sewage, researchers could measure collective drug use. This kind of research would form a “rare bridge,” Daughton wrote at the time, “between the environmental and social sciences,” and provide a “radically innovative” method to gauge the amount of drugs being used in communities across the U.S.

Daughton’s proposal was a significant shift from his previous work on PPCPs, where his concern had been on the effects on human and environmental health downstream, after the chemicals had entered wastewater. This new approach looked upstream — in essence, through the public’s toilets — to illuminate aspects of human health and behavior that had otherwise remained hidden. He realized the EPA wasn’t likely to jump into this work — the agency did not regulate pharmaceutical drug residues in wastewater. But he laid the conceptual framework that he hoped other researchers would run with. A few years later, a group of Italian scientists took up Daughton’s idea, and looked for hints of cocaine in sewage and in the county’s largest river — the Po River, where treatment plants dump wastewater from about 5 million people.

In 2005, the Italian team released an alarming study that concluded that the Po carried the equivalent of about 160,000 lines of cocaine each day, an amount far higher than national estimates of cocaine use — so high it surprised the scientists themselves. The Italian study, Daughton explained, showed his idea worked and set off an explosion of interest in this new type of wastewater research.

European scientists embraced the approach and founded the Sewage Analysis Core Group Europe, or SCORE, a multinational consortium aiming to launch widespread sewage analysis for drugs. In their first study, published in 2012, SCORE researchers analyzed wastewater from 19 cities across 11 countries, essentially conducting a urinalysis of some 15 million people. The EU adopted sewage testing as a standard for monitoring drug use and provided multiyear funding to help SCORE scientists collaborate and establish best practices. SCORE started training graduate students — the next generation of scientists — in this new field, laying the groundwork for a collaborative approach for using wastewater analysis to address public health.

Soon after the project in Italy, the U.S. dipped its toe into wastewater testing for illegal drugs. In 2006, David Murray was chief scientist at the Office of National Drug Control Policy. Tasked with advising the White House and guiding policies to reduce both drug supply and demand, Murray was frustrated by a lack of information. “We had a huge blind spot,” Murray explained. “We didn’t know how much was being consumed.” At the time — and still today — voluntary surveys were the primary tool the federal government used to quantify drug use and help determine where billions of dollars of public funds are spent. But these surveys reach only about .02 percent of the population and historically rely on door-to-door contact, overlooking people who are homeless, in the hospital, and incarcerated, resulting in an under-reporting of actual drug use.

Murray had been in touch with Daughton and knew about the work in Europe. So he set up a feasibility study at a handful of wastewater treatment plants around Washington, D.C., to look for the signs of cocaine use. “We were very excited,” Murray remembered. If the project was successful, he said, it could give researchers what they lacked when it came to drug control policy: reliable data on consumption.

But it wasn’t long before Murray started getting pushback. No one wanted their city to be labeled the cocaine capital of the country. There also was a public perception of “government scientists looking in your toilet to bust you for smoking a joint,” he said. Even though wastewater testing involved pooled samples that couldn’t identify individuals, households, or even neighborhoods, the perception was that it invaded people’s privacy. Congress killed the project and yanked most of Murray’s $40 million research budget. “We lost a real opportunity,” he said.

Murray’s project was the application Daughton had envisioned when he first proposed that sewage testing be used to understand community-wide drug use. But instead of greenlighting further government investment, the response to the project shut the door on what could have been a national approach to this new science. Over the next decade or so, the field progressed in patchwork fashion in the U.S. largely through a handful of promising but uncoordinated university research and for-profit efforts. “Europe took a coordinated, communal approach to it and we took a fragmented, mixed-market approach to it,” said University of Washington epidemiologist Caleb Banta-Green, who has been conducting wastewater analysis to understand drug use since 2008. The result, he said, is that “they have a system and we don’t.”

Other places were catching on, too. Australia launched a national wastewater-testing program for drug residues that today covers about half the country’s population. China instituted national wastewater surveillance for illegal drugs as well, and officials there have used wastewater data to help communities understand whether anti-drug campaigns are working and, in at least one case, to help track down and arrest a drug manufacturer.

Gradually, researchers began to look beyond illegal drugs, scouring wastewater for residues of legal substances such as tobacco, alcohol, and prescription medications. And they began to consider the social environment of the data. A study in Greece, for example, used wastewater data to understand health impacts from the county’s debt crisis that began in 2009. When Greece slashed public health spending and experienced nearly triple the usual unemployment rate, wastewater analysis revealed that the use of antidepressants, drugs used to treat high blood pressure, and ulcer medications shot up. In Australia, researchers tied key health factors to socioeconomic and demographic conditions by linking sewage information on drug use, alcohol and tobacco use, diet, and more to census data.

While fears over invasion of privacy and stigmatization of communities blocked the field in the U.S., other countries found ways to address these concerns. In Australia, government officials made drug data public, helping to normalize the program and increase transparency. “Most places are quite open to this if it has benefits to the community,” said Jake O’Brien at the University of Queensland, a partner in that country’s national wastewater testing program for drugs. And in Europe, SCORE established ethical guidelines for wastewater analysis projects, while the EU’s drug monitoring agency continues to publish an annual report on drug use trends informed by sewage data, surveys, and other sources.

While sewage analysis to promote public health was beginning to take off around the globe, Daughton’s work on PPCPs was finally being accepted by EPA officials — helping to spawn a national movement to promote safe disposal of unused medicines and eventually earning him one of the EPA’s top honors. At the same time, he continued to work to propel the field of wastewater-based epidemiology forward. In 2012, he published a paper that suggested researchers glean novel health information from sewage by looking at the substances created and excreted by the human body. He suggested that the compounds isoprostanes, which are produced in the body and can act as a marker of illness, could be a measure of population-wide health. Sewage analysis, which would pick up isoprostanes excreted in urine, could serve as a sort of doctor’s check-up for an entire community in a way that was fast, cheap, and readily scalable.

But using wastewater to investigate broad health measures presented other roadblocks in the U.S., said Rolf Halden, an environmental health engineer at Arizona State University. Halden and colleagues have done some of the most robust wastewater-based epidemiology work in the U.S., investigating exposure to harmful chemicals and developing — in collaboration with the City of Tempe — an online dashboard of sewage-derived opioid data for use by health officials. As Halden explained, federal funding for health research is typically distributed according to which disease or specific health challenge investigators are trying to address, such as cancer, heart disease, or hepatitis. With wastewater research, investigators are often tracking multiple markers of health. “We don’t fit into any of the bins,” he said. Striking out time and again on funding requests, Halden said, “we were doing this on a shoestring.”

Then, a couple years ago, things began to look up for Halden — and the broader field of wastewater-based epidemiology in the U.S. In 2019, the National Institutes of Health granted $1.5 million to his team to develop an early warning system for flu outbreaks, the first effort in the U.S. to leverage national sewage data to track a viral spread. Looking to the sewer to stave off viral outbreaks is not new. Israel and other countries have been monitoring wastewater for the poliovirus for decades, and in 2013, after being declared polio-free, Israel was able to quash a potential outbreak by quickly vaccinating nearly a million children after routine sewage testing detected the virus. As in Israel, Halden and his team aimed to use sewage testing like doppler radar, identifying potential flu hot spots and tracking the movement of the illness across the country.

The researchers also sought to help detect new public health threats by creating a database of viruses pulled from wastewater samples across the country. The team was just ramping up their work when a mysterious pneumonia, later identified as Covid-19, first began sickening people in Wuhan, China.

* * *

Viruses are ubiquitous in both raw and treated sewage — and not just during a pandemic. An infected person can shed as many as 10 trillion bits and pieces of virus in a single gram of feces, or about as much poop as it takes to cover the tip of a teaspoon. In some cases, these viruses are defunct, incapable of infecting anyone. But some can be deadly. During the 2003 outbreak of SARS, a cousin to SARS-CoV-2, the virus circulated through faulty plumbing in a Hong Kong apartment complex, infecting more than 300 residents and killing 33.

Shortly after Chinese researchers isolated SARS-CoV-2 in January 2020, researchers across the globe began to try to figure out how to detect it in wastewater. When Daughton learned of the virus, he saw the danger right away. His first thought: Sewage testing could help stop the spread. He raced to publish a paper on wastewater analysis, submitting it just days after the first stay-at-home orders went into effect in the U.S. in March. The paper published in Science of the Total Environment two days later.

“It is critical that governments worldwide be made aware of the important role that sewage epidemiology could play in controlling the spread of Covid-19,” Daughton wrote in the paper. Acknowledging that challenges in the field remained — including the fact that the U.S. had less experience with sewage analysis than many peer countries — he was emphatic. It is “imperative” to advance the field for surveillance and early warning, he continued, “not just for controlling Covid-19, but also for future epidemics.”

Confirmation of his ideas reached the public a week later. At the end of March, a research team in the Netherlands, which had a decade of experience analyzing sewage for drugs and antibiotic-resistant bacteria, published a pre-print confirming the presence of the new virus in wastewater from a railway hub in Amersfoort six days before the first clinically-confirmed case. (They published the peer-reviewed version of their paper in the journal Environmental Science and Technology letters in May.)

By early summer, Daughton’s approach was in use on six continents and in nearly every U.S. state. As researchers all over the world jumped into wastewater testing, they realized that sewage provided a picture of the virus in communities days — sometimes even up to two weeks if clinical test results were delayed — before clinical tests and could give officials a jump start in responding.

Wastewater analysis could reach entire populations, especially in places that lacked the resources for adequate Covid-19 testing. It was also comparatively cheap. One study estimated that nearly three-quarters of the U.S. population could be tested for Covid-19 through sewage analysis in as little as 48 hours, at a cost 15,000 times less than the current gold-standard, PCR testing. Data from sewage analysis would include infected people who showed no symptoms — people who weren’t likely to be otherwise tested, but whom the CDC has estimated are responsible for about half of all SARS-CoV-2 transmissions. While wastewater sampling can’t identify who is infected, the results could help officials direct testing supplies and alert local health officials to upcoming spikes in the virus before patients crowded into hospitals.

As sewage testing for SARS-Cov-2 took off, journalists from across the U.S. and as far away as Germany began contacting Daughton about the field of wastewater-based epidemiology. By May, sewage testing was inspiring evocative headlines in local newspapers all over the country as communities from Alaska to Florida and states in between rushed to test their sewage. In Arizona, in May, Halden’s team identified a Covid-19 hotspot in the wastewater of the town of Guadalupe, a small Native American and Hispanic community where many families live in multigenerational homes, and many workers couldn’t telecommute. Within weeks of targeted public health assistance, the presence of the virus in Guadalupe’s wastewater dropped.

In his 50-year science career, Daughton said he had never witnessed so much interest in wastewater-based epidemiology in the U.S. But he didn’t see much in the way of a federal response, except acknowledgement in late March that the EPA was “working on this very idea” in consultation with CDC, an EPA representative wrote to him by email. (Numerous requests for additional information to the EPA from Undark resulted in limited and delayed responses.)

Lack of transparency had become a hallmark of the EPA, said Bill Kovarik, a former environmental reporter of more than 30 years and current professor of journalism at Radford University. Kovarik and numerous other journalists observed that the EPA clamped down on science information beginning in the George W. Bush administration, when the agency increasingly required high-level permission for media interviews and, when interviews were granted, insisted that press officers monitor them. “There very definitely is a wedge that has been driven between the public and science,” Kovarik said. Daughton watched as the agency shut down his public website on PPCPs, which likely had been the most complete source of information on the subject worldwide. The agency migrated only a fraction of the information to an official agency site as part of a move to ensure that the EPA’s science websites included only research conducted within the agency itself, Daughton explained. After he retired, the agency took down its own PPCP site.

As contact with the media was curtailed, Daughton saw the agency running out the clock on interview requests. “Eventually it got to the point where you couldn’t say anything,” Daughton said. Last spring, as health officials scrambled for tools to fight the pandemic, the public was once again left in the dark when it came to federal involvement in wastewater-based epidemiology.

By mid-summer 2020, temperatures and Covid-19 case levels were peaking in the Las Vegas area. Daughton feared for his family’s health, including a relative who has an autoimmune disease.

As Las Vegas and other communities grappled with the spread of the virus, the lack of a national agency leading the charge on wastewater testing meant that towns and municipalities were left to fend for themselves. In order to look at local sewage data, many communities relied on CARES Act funding and partnered with universities for analysis. Hundreds of towns and cities in 43 states and provinces participated in a free wastewater testing program offered by Boston-area startup Biobot Analytics, which bills itself as the first company in the world to commercialize data from sewage. The firm, which ran pilot programs before Covid-19 hit to work with communities to measure opioid residues in wastewater, pivoted quickly to look for SARS-CoV-2 in the spring and raised $4.2 million in venture capital to work with local governments on sewage surveillance for the virus.

But the mix of new researchers and no federal oversight meant that there weren’t standard ways to analyze the data. “It’s a little bit like the Wild West,” Halden said. “Everyone is out there claiming these outrageous things.” Despite scientific consensus that sewage data can’t be translated into numbers of Covid-19 cases, Biobot sent out potentially alarming reports to communities across the country estimating the number of people infected by Covid-19 in those locales — 1,800 cases in Moscow, Idaho in July, which has a population of 25,000; 5,500 new cases in Chattanooga, Tennessee in September. Last spring, the company’s free sewage-testing program was the closest the U.S. has come to a national wastewater surveillance program, yet in November, Biobot was still working to refine how to turn sewage data into case estimates.

Even with these uncertainties, more states, municipalities, prisons, and universities jumped into sewage analysis as the pandemic spread. Scientists across the country cast aside their usual research to focus on Covid-19 and wastewater, working to hammer out best practices in sampling techniques and data analysis. “We have rushed through about two decades in about nine short months,” Halden said. Daughton was encouraged by the sewage testing projects being run in communities across the country. But, he remembered thinking, “we’re still missing the most important part,” which is federal government involvement.

There are some hints at a change. Starting last spring, the NSF granted hundreds of thousands of CARES Act dollars to wastewater-based epidemiology projects focused on SARS-CoV-2, including establishing the first Research Coordinated Network in the field, a NSF-funded effort to support collaboration among researchers. “It’s been like a gold rush,” said Halden. The EPA released information to the public about a pilot wastewater analysis project the agency was conducting in Ohio involving multiple treatment plants in Cincinnati and prisons in the state. The goal of the project was “to work out some of the kinks” in methods, according to Jay Garland, a senior research scientist at the EPA. And the CDC announced a plan to ramp-up a national wastewater surveillance database by the end of 2021.

It’s not yet clear whether these efforts will translate into the kind of nationwide, government-supported programs already in place abroad, which Daughton and others believe will be vital to create a viable system of wastewater-based epidemiology in the U.S. “We can’t get there if the focus remains on local projects,” he said. Halden agrees. “The informational power of wastewater is horribly underestimated in the U.S.,” he said, and a countrywide effort is “direly missing.” A national program would also help to standardize methods, said Joan Rose, a water microbiologist at Michigan State University who, along with a team of researchers across the globe, is coordinating and promoting wastewater analysis during the pandemic. Leadership and funding, she added, should be incorporated into a national plan.

There are still uncertainties in how to use wastewater-based epidemiology to help with the Covid-19 crisis. Sewage data, for instance, still can’t be translated into numbers of infected people. And because viral concentrations may change with temperature or with time — whether a virus travels through one mile of pipe or 20 — wastewater data from different places and from different times aren’t easy to compare.

As conditions during the pandemic have changed, so has the potential role of wastewater-based epidemiology. Now that the virus is ubiquitous across the U.S., sewage testing might be most effective in more contained communities like college campuses, nursing homes, prisons, and naval ships — as Daughton had understood a year ago — where groups of people are more clearly defined and officials can sample closer to the source.

Today, wastewater analysis could also help locate the presence and spread of new SARS-CoV-2 variants. As of January, the U.S. had analyzed less than 1 percent of virus samples to detect such variants. Sewage testing could rapidly scale up those efforts. This is already happening in scattered efforts across the U.S., such as at Biobot, the University of California, Berkeley, and the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. These data could prove essential as vaccine makers contemplate updating their recipes and adding booster shots to vaccine protocols. And once vaccines begin to control the spread of the virus, wastewater surveillance could help reveal new hot spots.

Wastewater testing may help reveal the origins and spread of the virus — Italian researchers, for instance, reportedly found SARS-CoV-2 in sewage samples dating back to mid-December 2019, two months earlier than the country’s first confirmed Covid-19 case. Because sewage testing is the only practical way to capture total viral infections in a given population, wastewater data may also be crucial for calculating the fatality rate of the disease. Such research could also inform the response to the next pandemic.

Daughton wants researchers to take it a step further. The number of Covid-19 deaths gives only part of the story, as researchers have estimated that 10 percent or perhaps as many as 24 percent of cases — millions of people worldwide — result in long term health consequences such as breathlessness, fatigue, heart problems, and brain fog. Because there’s no reasonable way to track all of the people suffering from lingering sequelae, Daughton’s idea is to identify specific markers of these chronic conditions that can be found in human waste to gauge the extent of the pandemic’s effect on long-term health.

With the new buzz around wastewater-based epidemiology in the U.S., some researchers may listen this time. “People are absolutely seeing this as an exciting opportunity for a new way to address infectious public health challenges,” said Marlene Wolfe, a researcher at Stanford, who has been analyzing sewage from Palo Alto and San Jose for SARS-CoV-2.

Researchers are already using wastewater analysis to identify hot spots of antimicrobial resistance, which sickens 2.8 million people and kills more than 35,000 in the U.S. each year. Other projects may look at the opioid epidemic, which kills tens of thousands of people annually in the U.S., as well as population-wide exposure to environmental toxins in household products, pesticides, and industrial chemicals. And, following Australia’s lead, U.S. researchers could tie wastewater information on drug consumption, chemical exposures, and other health measures to census data in order to unravel some of the gaping health disparities laid bare by the pandemic.

But not everyone is willing to have their sewage monitored. Already, some U.S. communities, such as a handful in North Dakota, are refusing to participate in wastewater testing because of concerns over privacy. “Nobody wanted it,” said Natalie Bugbee, a city commissioner in Tioga, North Dakota, where town officials rejected an offer from the state to test sewage for SARS-CoV-2. Because a sizable population of workers from out of town come and go on nearby oilfields, “it wouldn’t be a fair analysis of our local community,” Bugbee said. Locals also worried that sewage testing could trigger a shutdown of the town.

Privacy concerns and stigmatization issues are likely to remain challenges to sewage analysis in the U.S. “People are rightly or wrongly suspicious when you have government testing,” said Margaret Foster Riley, an expert on health care law at the University of Virginia.
“What we need to do is have public discussions about what it may mean to have your wastewater tested,” she added.

These types of public discussions are just what Daughton said were missing while he was at the EPA. One of the lessons in the story of wastewater-based epidemiology, he added, is that there isn’t enough communication from scientists. While at the agency, he said that he felt beholden to communicate his work to the people who paid for it: the general public. Public attention could catalyze action, he said, as it did in spurring the EPA to create regulations around safe ways to dispose of unused medicines.

It will take open communication, Daughton said, to show how combing through sewage can improve community health. In his view, no one has yet made a clear enough case to rally public support, which will involve showing what larger scale wastewater analysis projects can do. While the field is just beginning to gain traction in the U.S., Daughton and others believe it will take a national effort to make use of the rich dataset hiding in the sewers. “I think we’ve barely started,” he said.

* * *

Miranda Weiss is a science and nature writer in Homer, Alaska. She is the author of “Tide, Feather, Snow: A Life in Alaska” and her work can be found in The Atlantic, The Economist, and elsewhere.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Texas enabled the worst carbon monoxide poisoning catastrophe in recent U.S. history

HOUSTON — When Shalemu Bekele awoke on the morning of Feb. 15, the town house he shared with his wife and two children was so cold, his fingers felt numb.

After bundling up in extra layers, Bekele looked out a frosted window: A winter storm had swept across Texas, knocking out power to millions of homes, including his own, and blanketing Houston in a thin layer of icy snow.

“It was beautiful,” Bekele, 51, recalled thinking as he headed outside to snap photos of his two children, ages 7 and 8, playing in their first snow. After a few minutes, he sent them back inside to warm up under blankets as he cleared ice off his car, unsure if he would be expected to drive into work.

Bekele’s wife, Etenesh Mersha, 46, meanwhile, made a fateful decision, one repeated by scores of Texas residents who lost electricity that week. Desperate to warm up, she went into their attached garage and turned the key to start her car. As the engine hummed, it provided power to run the car’s heater and charge her phone while she talked to a friend in Colorado — at the same time, filling her garage and home with a poisonous gas.

There was no carbon monoxide alarm in place to warn the family of the invisible danger. None was required under local or state law.

When Bekele went back inside 30 minutes later, he found Mersha slumped over in the driver’s seat, poisoned by the fumes flowing from the car’s tailpipe. Confused, he shook her and called her name. Still on the line, the friend in Colorado pleaded over the car’s speakers for someone to explain what was happening.

Not knowing what else to do, Bekele, a devout Christian, ran and grabbed holy water from inside and splashed it on his wife’s face, as his children cried and shouted: “What’s wrong with Mama? What’s happening?”

That’s when Mersha vomited. Suddenly starting to feel ill himself, Bekele wondered if they’d all been sickened by the eggs he’d made for breakfast. Panicked, he sent the kids inside to grab towels to clean up their mother. Before they could return, both children collapsed onto the floor inside.

Bekele fainted next, landing with a thud on the garage’s concrete floor as the car continued to run.

After the power flicked off in millions of homes across Texas during the state’s historic freeze in mid-February, families like Bekele’s faced an impossible choice: risk hypothermia or improvise to keep warm. Many brought charcoal grills inside or ran cars in enclosed spaces, either unaware of the dangers or too cold to think rationally.

In their desperation, thousands of Texans unwittingly unleashed deadly gases into homes and apartments that, in many cases, were not equipped with potentially lifesaving carbon monoxide alarms, resulting in the country’s “biggest epidemic of CO poisoning in recent history,” according to Dr. Neil Hampson, a retired doctor who has spent more than 30 years researching carbon monoxide poisoning and prevention. Two other experts agreed.

In the aftermath of the unprecedented wave of poisonings two months ago, Texas lawmakers have taken few steps to protect residents from future carbon monoxide catastrophes. That choice caps more than a decade of ignored warnings and inaction that resulted in Texas being one of just six states with no statewide requirement for carbon monoxide alarms in homes, ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News found.

Instead, Texas has a confusing patchwork of local codes, with uneven protections for residents and limited enforcement, all of which most likely contributes to unnecessary deaths, health policy experts said.

At least 11 deaths have been confirmed and more than 1,400 people sought care at emergency rooms and urgent care clinics for carbon monoxide poisoning during the weeklong Texas outage, just 400 shy of the total for 2020. Children made up 42% of the cases. The totals don’t include residents who were poisoned but did not seek care or those who were treated at hospitals and urgent care clinics that do not voluntarily report data to the state.

Black, Hispanic and Asian Texans suffered a disproportionate share of the carbon monoxide poisonings, ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News found based on a review of statewide hospital data. Those groups accounted for 72% of the poisonings, far more than their 57% share of the state’s population.

Over the past two decades, the vast majority of states have implemented laws or regulations requiring carbon monoxide alarms in private residences, often on the heels of high-profile deaths or mass poisonings during storms.

But in Texas, where top lawmakers often promote personal responsibility over state mandates, efforts to pass similar carbon monoxide requirements have repeatedly failed.

Lawmakers introduced a slew of bills aimed at overhauling the state’s electric grid after the storm, which had its most devastating effects from Feb. 14-17. Temperatures plunged into the single digits, nearly 4.5 million Texas homes and businesses lost power at the peak of the storm, and more than 150 people died, many of them frozen in their homes.

Demands for change triggered a series of resignations but, with virtually all of the media and legislative focus on the regulatory failures that caused the power outage, little attention was paid to carbon monoxide alarms. The result was a significant missed opportunity to pass reforms after “an entirely preventable public health crisis,” said Emily Benfer, a visiting professor at Wake Forest University School of Law in North Carolina who specializes in housing health hazards.

Lawmakers this year are considering a broader modernization of state building codes that is unrelated to February’s storm. If the measure passes, it would require carbon monoxide alarms in some new homes and apartments, but not those built or renovated before 2022. And it would allow local governments to opt out.

“It’s completely shocking,” Benfer said. “In a single week we have concrete evidence of a state government’s willful disregard for the health and safety of the most vulnerable residents of the state.”

“Public Health Disaster”

Bekele and Mersha came to Houston from Ethiopia a decade ago with dreams of a better life for their family. For years, they lived in a small apartment and set aside their earnings as gas station clerks until they could afford to buy a home. In 2017, they purchased the three-bedroom town house in southwest Houston where they planned to watch their son, Beimnet, and daughter, Rakeb, grow up.

Looking back, Bekele doesn’t remember if anyone notified them that the home lacked carbon monoxide alarms. State law requires that information to be disclosed when single-family homes are sold, but there is no policy in Houston or across Texas that would have required the previous owners to install one.

“I’ve never been told about carbon monoxide before,” Bekele said, speaking through an interpreter in his native Amharic.

The first thing he remembers after passing out on the morning of Feb. 15 was waking up in the back of an ambulance. He thought he’d only been knocked out for a few minutes, oblivious that it was now after midnight. He and his family had spent more than 12 hours unconscious inside while the friend in Colorado, unaware of their address, frantically searched on social media for family members who could direct emergency responders to their home.

Bekele started to ask the paramedics what happened to his wife and children but blacked out before he could get the words out.

The ambulance driver navigated ice-covered roads to deliver Bekele to Memorial Hermann Hospital in the Texas Medical Center. The hospital was overrun with patients like Bekele. Medical staff were treating so many people for carbon monoxide poisoning that the department was running out of beds and oxygen tanks, said Dr. Samuel Prater, the medical director of the hospital’s emergency department.

“We’ve never seen anything like this,” Prater said later.

Each year, the Memorial Hermann Health System treats about 50 patients for carbon monoxide poisoning at its 20 emergency rooms in Houston and surrounding counties. But that Monday, staff at Prater’s ER alone treated more than 60. Across the Memorial Hermann system, one of the largest hospital chains in the Houston region, 224 patients sought care for carbon monoxide poisoning during the freeze and power outages — more than four times its annual volume of such patients, according to data provided by the hospital.

Prater worked quickly to get more oxygen tanks to the ER and to set up emergency triage protocols to prioritize the hospital’s limited hyperbaric chambers. The chambers, which deliver oxygen at high pressure to more quickly flush carbon monoxide from patients’ bloodstream, are a standard treatment for halting the damage done by serious cases of CO poisoning.

With the power still out in millions of Texas homes and temperatures dropping, Prater asked the heads of media affairs at Memorial Hermann and UTHealth’s McGovern Medical School, where he’s a professor, to reach out to news outlets to help warn residents about the dangers of carbon monoxide.

“In no uncertain terms, this is a public health disaster,” Prater said at a televised news conference a day later, urging people who’d lost power not to bring charcoal grills or portable generators inside. “Additionally, never run your vehicle inside your garage and then get inside that vehicle as an attempt to get warm.”

In an interview later, Prater explained what was at stake: Carbon monoxide is a colorless, odorless gas that, at high concentrations, can kill within minutes. In serious cases, those who survive may suffer from permanent brain damage and other long-term health problems, including memory loss, blindness and hearing damage.

Almost 80% of patients treated at Memorial Hermann facilities for carbon monoxide poisoning that week were Hispanic or Black, even though those groups account for 55% of the population in the greater Houston region. The majority of patients came from neighborhoods that the hospital identified as home to “vulnerable populations.”

Part of this disparity is a result of where the power outages occurred. Across the state, areas with a high share of residents of color were four times more likely to lose power compared with predominantly white areas, according to an analysis of satellite and U.S. census data released by the Electricity Growth and Use in Developing Economies Initiative, a nonprofit collaboration among five universities.

Once their power went out, families in lower-income communities generally faced greater challenges. Few had relatives they could stay with. Some didn’t have vehicles that could handle icy roads and others lacked awareness of local warming shelters. This left many trapped in freezing homes and at higher risk of carbon monoxide poisoning, said Melissa DuPont-Reyes, an assistant professor at Texas A&M who studies health disparities.

“They have no other option to stay warm,” she said. “They’re going to use whatever means possible, and unfortunately it’s toxic.”

Benfer, the Wake Forest professor, agreed: “The most marginalized communities are also marginalized from information, resources and a safety net they can fall back on in a time of crisis.”

More than 24 hours after passing out, Bekele finally regained consciousness inside one of Memorial Hermann’s hyperbaric chambers. He immediately asked about his wife and kids, he said. A nurse told him he was very sick and needed to rest.

But Bekele kept asking, he said, until finally a doctor sat down at his bedside. He cried when she delivered the news.

His son, Beimnet, was connected to a ventilator in the intensive care unit, the doctor told him.

His wife and daughter, the doctor said, had died before paramedics arrived, poisoned by a gas that until that moment Bekele had never heard of.

Pleading for Help

As Bekele was recovering in the hospital, 911 calls continued flooding emergency operators across the state.

In Austin, the state’s capital, Franklin Peña felt increasingly powerless as he watched his 3-year-old son shiver from the brutal cold that engulfed his family’s apartment. On the evening of Feb. 16, after two days without electricity, Peña brought in a charcoal grill to burn wood for warmth.

“My desperation was such that I lost all fear or my head,” Peña said in Spanish during an interview. “The only thing I could think of doing was to bring the grill in.”

Just after 6 p.m., Peña’s wife and two children started to throw up. His own legs shaking, Peña dialed 911.

“Please help me,” he pleaded with the operator in Spanish, according to a recording obtained via a public information request. His wife wailed in the background as he told the 911 operator that his older son, 12, who has a developmental disability, had fainted. Because of their high metabolic rates, experts say, children can be more vulnerable to the effects of carbon monoxide.

“Is everyone out of danger?” the operator asked as Peña explained that they had fled their apartment and were outside in the cold. “They are breathing but they are not doing well,” he responded.

For 30 excruciating minutes, the 37-year-old Mexico native struggled to answer the operator’s questions as his wife and 12-year-old son drifted in and out of consciousness. “Please, sé fuerte mami,” he repeated between sobs, begging his wife to be strong.

An incident report later cited “extreme levels” of carbon monoxide in the family’s apartment, which Peña said had no CO alarms.

None were required.

Texas has given local governments the discretion to establish their own carbon monoxide rules. As a result, requirements vary widely, and no single agency tracks them across the state.

Fort Worth and Dallas require the devices in newly constructed homes and existing multifamily units, but not in most single-family homes. Houston requires them only in new or renovated homes, though it’s now considering a broader requirement that will include existing homes. Most rural communities have less oversight.

Even in cities with stricter regulations, many homes lack the devices.

In 2017, Austin voted to become the first major Texas city to require carbon monoxide alarms in new and existing residences with fuel-fired appliances or attached garages. The change was prompted, in part, by an incident years earlier that left two residents dead.

Peña’s home only had electric appliances, which excluded his apartment from the requirement.

When emergency responders finally arrived at Peña’s home, they rushed him, his wife and 12-year-old son to the hospital with carbon monoxide poisoning. The 3-year-old was given oxygen but not hospitalized. Peña, who works painting and remodeling houses, said all have since recovered but occasionally suffer from headaches and the trauma of what they lived through that night.

“Any time it gets cold, we become afraid,” he said. “If we see any kind of smoke coming out of the stove, we become afraid and everything that happened that day comes flooding right back.”

Emergency room data provided by the state does not reflect the number of residents by city or county who visited hospitals for carbon monoxide poisoning. But 911 call records obtained and analyzed by ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News show that, in Austin and surrounding Travis County, the majority of the 60 emergency calls for carbon monoxide exposure came from vulnerable neighborhoods, where residents earn two-thirds that of Travis County overall.

The vulnerabilities were more pronounced around Rundberg Lane in North Austin, where Peña lives. A third of the city’s carbon monoxide emergency calls came from the community, which has more than double the county’s proportion of immigrants and refugees. About 4 in 5 residents in the area are people of color and nearly 2 in 5 are not proficient in English, according to an analysis of 911 calls and U.S. census data by the news organizations.

Three miles from Peña’s home, Lucila Montoya’s family brought inside a gas-powered portable stove to cook lunch and a grill with burning charcoal to help keep their apartment warm, not realizing the white-hot coals still emit fumes even after the flames are down.

About an hour later, Montoya felt weak but thought it was her pregnancy. She was due in March. But then her daughter Tifany, 7, started crying and losing consciousness. Montoya grabbed the phone as her husband, José, threw the child on his back and took her outside in the freezing weather.

“My little girl got sick, she started throwing up and is not responding, please,” Montoya, a Honduras native, frantically told the 911 operator in Spanish through an interpreter. “I need you to come quickly. … She’s barely breathing.”

The 28-year-old mother, who was hospitalized for a day along with her daughter, recalled Tifany saying she couldn’t breathe. “She felt like she was going to die,” said Montoya, whose home didn’t have a carbon monoxide alarm.

“We were so naïve — we almost ended her life and mine,” added Montoya, who has since given birth to a healthy girl. “As a mother, I don’t wish this upon anyone.”

Failed Reform Attempts

In the weeks and months after the outages, Texas lawmakers scrambled to introduce and pass bills aimed at overhauling the state’s electric grid, with the goal of preventing future disasters.

“When I see people who die of hypothermia, or carbon monoxide poisoning, when I see the disruption to the business community, the people who can’t get a hot meal, can’t get water … this cannot stand,” Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, a Republican who sets legislative priorities in the state Senate, declared in February.

But even as lawmakers demanded a wave of complex reforms, they did little to address one of the simplest changes: establishing a statewide requirement for carbon monoxide alarms in homes. The devices cost as little as $15 and health experts say they are critical to preventing carbon monoxide poisoning.

The state’s top three Republicans — Gov. Greg Abbott, House Speaker Dade Phelan and Patrick — did not respond to questions about why carbon monoxide safety wasn’t a legislative priority.

State Rep. Donna Howard, a Democrat from Austin and a member of the legislative committee where energy reforms were discussed, said carbon monoxide wasn’t on her radar. But Howard said the findings from ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News show that it should have been.

“Clearly we’ve had to have reminders throughout this discussion of the fact that people died,” she said. “We all know how tragic it is, but we get caught up in the politics of the policies and sometimes lose sight of that bottom line.”

Legislation seeking to create statewide regulations for carbon monoxide alarms has repeatedly failed to pass the Texas Legislature, even following major storms that led to a surge in CO poisonings and deaths. A bill filed in 2019 that would have required the devices in rental housing didn’t get a hearing.

Former state Sen. Leticia Van de Putte, a San Antonio Democrat, co-wrote a failed measure in 2007, a year after former state Sen. Frank Madla and his mother-in-law were killed in a house fire. His 5-year-old granddaughter, who was also in the home, died from carbon monoxide exposure.

The measure would have required smoke detectors and carbon monoxide alarms in newly constructed homes and older homes for sale if the residences had fuel-burning appliances.

But the bill did not advance despite the close connection many lawmakers had to Madla and supportive testimony from fire chiefs, an emergency room doctor and a poison control center representative.

Industry groups like the Texas Association of Builders at the time staunchly opposed it, criticizing carbon monoxide alarms as an “unproven technology” that would do more harm than good if required.

“We believe mandating this would create a false sense of security for homeowners and would open up liability for homebuilders should they fail,” Ned Muñoz, vice president of regulatory affairs and general counsel for the group, said during a 2007 House hearing. Muñoz also pointed out that the devices were not yet included in the international building codes that are widely adopted by state and local governments.

Van de Putte can’t shake the feeling that the state’s failure to pass a statewide carbon monoxide policy cost lives in February.

“We have so many things that protect the physical, the tangible, the property,” Van de Putte, a pharmacist, said about current regulations. “By not putting in carbon monoxide alarms, that’s what we’re valuing. We’re valuing property over life.”

Since the failure of the 2007 bill, carbon monoxide alarms have become more reliable and are now required by most state governments and recommended by leading health and safety organizations. The International Code Council first recommended them for many newly constructed and renovated single-family homes in 2009 and apartment complexes in 2012.

In light of the new standards, the Texas Association of Builders has changed its position, said Scott Norman, the group’s executive director. The group now supports requirements for carbon monoxide alarms in newly constructed and renovated residences, Norman said.

“Decades ago, there were questions about the reliability,” he said. “But the codes evolve.”

Fire safety advocates and public health experts say that a statewide requirement for carbon monoxide alarms would better protect residents and help drive home the message about the deadly hazard.

“You don’t know if you’re going to be exposed until it’s too late and you’re sick or dead from it,” said John Riddle, president of the Texas State Association of Fire Fighters, which represents first responders. “A statewide law or requirement would absolutely make things easier.”

In some states that have passed robust statewide rules, there’s been a significant reduction in poisonings, fire safety experts say.

“When the state comes in and requires it, there is continuity across the whole state — there is one message,” said Jim Smith, the state fire marshal in Minnesota, where emergency department visits for carbon monoxide poisoning fell by 45% — from 411 to 226 — in the seven years after the state passed a sweeping law requiring alarms in most private residences. “It is no different than a seat belt.”

In early April, the Texas House passed a bill that would require cities to adhere to more recent health and safety codes for newly constructed and renovated residences. Under the measure, which has not yet been approved by the state Senate, carbon monoxide alarms would be required in homes built after 2022 that have fuel-fired appliances or attached garages. The requirement wouldn’t apply to unincorporated areas unless counties chose to adopt the codes, and cities could opt out of the provision.

The legislation, as written, would not protect millions of Texans who live in already constructed homes and apartments.

Starting Over

In Houston, Bekele was well enough to be discharged after a four-day hospital stay, but he did not go home. For days, he sat vigil at his son’s bedside, leaving only to shower at a family member’s house, while a machine pumped oxygen in and out of the boy’s lungs.

Bekele was there, at Beimnet’s side a few days later, to mark his ninth birthday.

Initially doctors told him that his son had “a very low probability to survive,” Bekele said. Even if he did, doctors warned that he’d likely suffer from permanent brain damage. Prolonged exposure to carbon monoxide had prevented oxygen from reaching his brain.

Day after day, Bekele held his son’s hand and begged God to spare his boy.

Then, nearly two weeks after being admitted, Beimnet regained consciousness. Within days, he was off life support and was up and walking around the hospital, slowly getting stronger until he was finally well enough to leave.

Two months later, Beimnet takes pills to prevent a relapse of seizures like the ones he suffered as a result of his carbon monoxide exposure, but he otherwise shows no signs so far of permanent damage.

“He is attending school now and is doing well,” said Bekele, who has since returned to work at the gas station.

This month, Bekele sued nearly a dozen companies that supply power to the state’s electric grid, one of dozens of lawsuits that seek to hold Texas companies accountable for serious injuries and deaths caused by the winter outages. The power companies have not yet filed a response to Bekele’s lawsuit in Harris County District Court but have denied responsibility for outage-related deaths in similar cases filed across Texas.

Bekele doesn’t know what will happen with the case, but he said no amount of money can make up for what he’s lost.

He still hasn’t had the strength to return to the place he and his family called home before his wife and daughter died. Hoping for a fresh start, he took money raised by loved ones on GoFundMe and put it toward the security deposit and rent for a nearby apartment. It’s smaller than their old townhouse, but enough space for just the two of them.

Not long after moving in, Bekele discovered a problem, one that he said he planned to fix as soon as possible: The apartment had no carbon monoxide alarms.

Co-published with NBC News and The Texas Tribune.

About the data: Statewide emergency room data is from Feb. 13-20 and came from the Texas Syndromic Surveillance system. Patients self-reported their race and ethnicity. A total of 11% of individuals who did not report their race or ethnicity were removed from the analysis. A separate analysis on patient ages removed less than 5% of individuals whose age was missing. Economic and demographic data is from the 2019 five-year American Community Survey and was analyzed at the census tract-level. Unless otherwise noted, areas with EMS calls were compared to the entire Austin-Travis County EMS service area.

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Corals use sound to “talk” to each other, new research says

To the human eye, corals appear as colorful shrubs on the ocean floor that one might be tempted to pluck and put on a mantle. Yet these dazzling creatures are, well, creatures — not inanimate plants. Rather, they are marine invertebrates who play an integral role in the world’s ocean ecosystem, and support 25 percent of all ocean life, despite making up 1 percent of the ocean floor.

As the world’s corals face mass extinction due to ocean acidification and climate change, scientists face a race against time to better understand these mysterious invertebrates. Now, according to new findings presented by the American Society for Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, it turns out that coral, despite their inert appearance, may actually be able to communicate with sound.

“A growing number of studies have shown that trees can communicate, and that this communication is important for ecosystems such as rain forests,” said Camila Rimoldi Ibanez, a student researcher at South Florida State College, in a press release about the research. “Coral reefs are often referred to as the rainforests of the sea because of the habitat they provide for a wide variety of plants and animals. Thus, we wanted to find out how coral communicates.”

Researchers looked for the presence of genes related to emission or reception of sound in the coral using a process called polymerase chain reaction (PCR) amplification. This process enlarges a segment of DNA, making said strand grow so big that scientists can easily study it in greater detail.

During this process, the researchers noted the presence of genes in the coral that are related to hearing and producing sound in sea anemones and freshwater polyps.

“As we learn more about the negative impacts of sound in different kinds of ecosystems, it is vital that we set policies to protect and manage human noises in natural environments,” said Ibanez. “The more we know about how corals communicate, the better we can develop restoration and conservation projects to help corals as they face bleaching epidemics and other threats.”

A scientific understanding of coral will help environmentalists and policymakers better equipped with effective ways to protect it.  Across the world, various coral colonies are at risk of extinction. According to the World Wildlife Fund, half of the world’s coral reefs are already gone. Famously, the coral-rich Great Barrier Reef suffered a mass bleaching in 2016. 

While there is much to learn about how corals receive and emit sound, scientists know that they already have other ways to communicate. For example, when corals are stressed, they expel the symbiotic algae living in their tissues, which causes them to turn white. This is known as coral bleaching, which many falsely believe to mean that the coral is dead, though that is not always the case. Occasionally, scientists have observed coral reefs that were bleached come back to life.


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Right-wing provocateurs Jacob Wohl and Jack Burkman in more trouble over racist robocalls

Blundering right-wing provocateurs Jacob Wohl and Jack Burkman — who became briefly notorious for their clumsy attempts to smear prominent Democrats with phony sex scandals — have somehow found a way to land themselves in even deeper legal hot water. On Thursday, New York Attorney General Letitia James announced that her office had filed a motion to join a federal lawsuit stemming from Wohl and Burkman’s racist robocall scheme targeting Black voters in urban areas ahead of the 2020 election.

According to a press release from James’ office on Thursday, Wohl and Burkman allegedly reached around 5,500 New Yorkers with their deceptive calls, and thereby had “violated state and federal laws by orchestrating robocalls to threaten and harass Black communities through disinformation, including claims that mail-in voters would have their personal information disseminated to law enforcement, debt collectors, and the government.”

The statement from the attorney general’s office offered an example of what the robocalls told New York voters: 

Hi, this is Tamika Taylor from Project 1599, the civil rights organization founded by Jack Burkman and Jacob Wohl. Mail-in voting sounds great, but did you know that if you vote by mail, your personal information will be part of a public database that will be used by police departments to track down old warrants and be used by credit card companies to collect outstanding debts? The CDC is even pushing to use records for mail-in voting to track people for mandatory vaccines. Don’t be finessed into giving your private information to the Man. Stay home safe and beware of vote by mail.

James went on to add in the statement that Burkman and Wohl “used misinformation to try to disenfranchise Black communities ahead of the election, in a clear attempt to sway the election in the favor of their preferred presidential candidate … no voter should ever be subjected to such harassment or intimidation when exercising their fundamental right to vote.”

Wohl and Burkman’s legal counsel in Michigan, Scott Grabel and William Amadeo of Grabel & Associates, didn’t return Salon’s request for comment on Thursday regarding the new legal challenge. Burkman also didn’t return numerous requests for comment. 

When Wohl was reached for comment by Salon, he claimed he didn’t know anything about the New York motion. “I don’t have any comment on that,” Wohl said. “I am not aware of it. I will have to get back to you.”

A member of Burkman’s family told Salon that [Burkman] “is just playing Russian roulette with the balance of his life.”

A different individual close to Burkman who has worked at his property in Arlington, Virginia, put it more succinctly. “Lol, they are f*cked,” that person told Salon, with “they” evidently referring to Burkman and Wohl.   

Daily Beast reporter Will Sommer pointed out that if the pair is found liable in the federal lawsuit, James was positioned to collect nearly $2.75 million on behalf of New York state, with the duo potentially ordered to hand over all money earned from sending out their dubious robocalls to the government. 

James’ office is also seeking the following relief, outlined in the Thursday press release:

  • Prohibiting Wohl, Burkman, Burkman & Associates, and Project 1599 from further engaging or undertaking in harassing and discriminatory voter intimidation;
  • Requiring Mahanian and Message Communications to establish policies and procedures to prevent unlawful, discriminatory, and intimidating robocalls directed at voters;
  • Forfeiting all profits or payments made to the defendants as part of the robocall campaign; and
  • Requiring defendants to pay a penalty of up to $500 for each violation of the state law prohibiting New Yorkers from being subject to any discrimination in their civil rights.

With more legal concerns crashing down on Wohl and Burkman, they must also fight legal actions stemming from the robocall scheme in numerous Midwestern states, including Michigan and Ohio, where both have been arraigned on felony charges, including several related to fraud. In an earlier appearance in court, while defending themselves without a professional attorney present, they admitted to the scheme. 

Additional court documents that came to light last October shed light on Burkman and Wohl’s motives and ambitions. “We should send it to black neighborhoods in Milwaukee, Detroit, Philadelphia, Charlotte, Richmond, Atlanta, and Cleveland,” Wohl emailed Burkman on Aug. 25, 2020, according to The Daily Dot. Burkman responded to Wohl’s email, writing, “I love these robo calls … getting angry black call backs … win or lose … the black robo was a great jw [Jacob Wohl] idea.” 

Despite facing a tangle of civil and criminal charges, Wohl appeared blasé when asked multiple times by Salon if he was concerned about the prospect of millions in legal penalties and possible prison time. “Nope, there are still no legal concerns,” Wohl declared with a chuckle.

“Crackdown on democracy”: Republican lawmakers across the country are trying to overrule voters

Amid growing concerns that Republicans will try to use new voting laws to overturn elections in the wake of a campaign of lies stoking unfounded fears about vote-rigging, GOP-led state legislatures across the country are already trying to reverse popular ballot initiatives approved by majorities of voters.

Missouri voters last year passed a ballot initiative to expand Medicaid. Arizona approved a new tax on the wealthy to fund schools. South Dakota legalized marijuana. But Republicans are trying to block those measures from being implemented and dozens of state legislatures are pushing new bills to make it harder to get voter initiatives on the ballot in the first place.

“As more progressive issues are winning at the ballot, from Medicaid expansion to legalization and decriminalization of marijuana to raising the minimum wage, paid family and sick leave, increasing access to the voting process, we have seen concerted efforts by state legislators to undermine the will of the people,” Chris Melody Fields Figueredo, executive director of the progressive Ballot Initiative Strategy Center (BISC), said in an interview with Salon.

BISC is tracking 125 bills to change the ballot measure process in 28 states, including measures that would increase the thresholds to get initiatives on the ballot or approved. Other proposals would require ballot initiatives to pass multiple times, increase filing fees and change the signature requirements. Republican lawmakers have also introduced more than 300 bills to restrict voting, dozens of anti-protest bills, and numerous measures that would undermine or snatch power from state courts and local election boards.

The effort to reverse voter-led ballot measures is “deeply connected to what we’re seeing across the country after yet another election where people of color and young people turn out in record numbers demanding a different future,” Figueredo said. “We see all of this as a concerted effort to limit and reduce people-led and people-initiated power.”

Missouri voters last year approved a state constitutional amendment to expand Medicaid to more than 200,000 low-income residents, with 53% supporting the proposal in a state Donald Trump won easily. Republican lawmakers opposed the measure, arguing that it would be too expensive even though the federal government would cover 90% of the costs and research found that it would save the state an estimated $39 million per year. Republican Gov. Mike Parson, who opposed the amendment, said he would respect the vote and introduced a budget funding the expansion. But last week, the Republican-led state legislature rejected Parson’s additional $130 million in spending and voted not to fund the expansion.

Parson may still decide to allow newly eligible residents to enroll in the program and risk running out of funding. But “if he chooses not to do that then the fight will go to the courts,” Missouri House Democratic leader Crystal Quade said in an interview with Salon.

“We are extremely frustrated by this but frankly not surprised,” Quade continued. “In Missouri, the initiative petition process has been used to pass a lot of things that the legislature is not doing, or is trying to do that the voters disagree with. We’ve seen time and time again the Republican majority here undo the will of the voters and continue to just not listen to them.”

Republican legislators are also trying to make it more difficult to get these initiatives on the ballot after voters approved the Medicaid expansion as well as other initiatives to legalize medical marijuana, overturn the state’s right-to-work law and implement redistricting reforms (which were also later overturned with backing from Republicans). Supporters already need to collect signatures from at least 8% of voters in six of the state’s eight congressional districts. Republicans have introduced a bill that would raise the signature requirement to 10% to 15% of voters in all districts and raise the vote threshold to pass an initiative to 60% or 66%. Other bills would require the legislature to approve a constitutional amendment before it becomes a ballot measure and raise the filing fee for initiative petitions.

“The issue with initiative petitions all over the country — it’s outside influences, outside of Missouri, that are coming in and influencing state policy,” state Rep. John Simmons, a Republican who backs one of the measures, told the Associated Press, arguing that outside groups misled voters about the cost of the program.

But Quade said legislation to change the ballot initiative process will only require campaigns in the state to spend even more money.

“Then we will only see more money having to come in to do these measures, and so that argument does not make sense to me,” she said. “In terms of them thinking that it’s too easy, my response to that is that it shouldn’t be difficult for regular citizens to hold their legislature accountable when we’re not doing what they want us to be doing. We do not believe that it is too easy. Every year there are hundreds of initiative petitions that are filed. Only a handful make it to the ballot, sometimes none at all. There’s no data to back up that argument.”

Simmons argued that outside influences are trying to subvert the power of the legislature.

“To me, it’s an end-around from the federalist system that we have, it’s an end-around to the checks and balances system,” he told the AP. “It’s us, the legislature, that needs to decide and do these things. And if not, then we get voted out.”

But in the era of hyper-partisan redistricting, it’s not that simple. Because Missouri’s legislative districts are already heavily gerrymandered, Quade said, “the legislature doesn’t reflect the same values that citizens are wanting to get done.”

In fact, Quade argued, “We’re going to potentially become more gerrymandered as a state” after the redistricting initiative was repealed. “So by changing the initiative petition process, this is taking away one of the things that voters have when the legislature isn’t doing what they want. … It’s a slap in the face to voters.”

Missouri is hardly alone in trying to reverse popular votes. In South Dakota, where Republican Gov. Kristi Noem argued that voters made the “wrong choice” last year by voting to legalize marijuana and directed law enforcement officials to file a lawsuit blocking the measure, Medicaid expansion supporters have run into their own roadblocks just trying to get an initiative on the ballot.

South Dakota, which was the first state in the country to adopt the initiative process more than a century ago, passed a resolution by a single vote in March to put an initiative on the primary ballot that would require a 60% threshold to pass any initiative that will cost more than $10 million. Sen. Lee Schoenbeck, the Republican Senate president pro tem who introduced the resolution, admitted to local news outlet Argus Leader that the measure was directly aimed at heading off the Medicaid expansion initiative backed by the grassroots group Dakotans for Health.

“It’s obviously by design because you’ve got fewer people participating in the primary and in our state there’s not a lot of Democrats to begin with and there aren’t a lot of Democratic primaries,” Adam Weiland, co-founder of Dakotans for Health, said in an interview with Salon, adding that the group has filed a lawsuit to move the initiative to the November general election ballot.

Weiland said the push in South Dakota and other states to undermine “vehicles by which ordinary people participate in the political process” was tantamount to a “crackdown on democracy.”

He continued, “The bad actors here are obviously Republican governors and Republican legislatures around the country, but it’s also organizations like the Koch network and ALEC, who are the brainchild and financial backers of a lot of what’s going on here to push this sort of broader national campaign. 

“They can’t win at the ballot box so they’re going to try to figure out ways to win on technicalities, by cheating, by trying to prevent things from getting to the ballot box. That’s where they’re at, because I think they probably realized that the people aren’t with them on it.”

Idaho Republican Gov. Brad Little signed a law last month requiring supporters to collect signatures from at least 6% of voters in each of the state’s 35 state legislative districts, arguing that ballots have become “cluttered with initiatives that have not demonstrated sufficient grassroots support” after voters overwhelmingly voted in favor of Medicaid expansion.

“The Idaho Legislature is attempting to ensure that no citizen initiative like Medicaid expansion ever appears on the ballot again,” Luke Mayville, co-founder of Reclaim Idaho, which campaigned for the Medicaid initiative, said in a statement to Salon. “That they would go to such lengths seems strange on the surface, considering that the legislature already has the right to repeal any initiative that voters enact. But the truth is that Idaho’s GOP establishment wants to prevent voters from even expressing their will on issues like health care, education, and wages. Every expression of popular will on these issues reveals how out of touch elected officials are with those they claim to represent. In Idaho and many other states, initiatives like Medicaid expansion undermine the legitimacy of the political establishment.”

In Arizona, where repeated Republican budget cuts prompted a statewide teacher strike in 2018, voters last year approved a ballot measure to boost underfunded schools by imposing a new 3.5% tax on individuals earning over $250,000 and couples making $500,000 to raise more than $900 million in estimated annual revenues. But Republicans have introduced Senate Bill 1783, which would exempt business earnings from the new tax, and GOP lawmakers filed a lawsuit seeking to overturn the entire measure, arguing that it is unconstitutional because it violates legal limits on increases to school district funding that can only be overridden by the legislature.

Joe Thomas, the president of the Arizona Education Association, the state’s largest teacher union, said Republicans were trying to undo “years of organizing efforts” prompted by “decades of neglect and underfunding from the state.”

“Despite the need for school funding and the support of voters, those in power are still trying to stop these funds through lawsuits and legislation like Senate Bill 1783, which is a direct attack on the Invest in Education Act,” Thomas said in a statement to Salon. “This bill creates a tax evasion scheme to divert up to $378 million of #INVESTinED dollars away from our schools and back into the pockets of the greedy 1%. These efforts by GOP leadership will not stop us from providing our students with the public schools they deserve. We will continue to fight because we know our students are worth the effort.”

In Florida, where Republican lawmakers took a sledgehammer to a voter-backed initiative to restore voting rights to more than 1 million former felons, voters last year overwhelmingly voted to pass a ballot measure to increase the state’s minimum wage to $15 by 2026, even though Trump won the state and Republicans did well in other races. Now a new Republican measure aimed to undermine the vote seeks to put another amendment on the ballot that would reduce the minimum wage increase for workers under 21, those convicted of felonies and “other hard-to-hire employees.”

Florida has also spent years making it harder to pass initiatives. Last year, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis signed a bill raising the signature threshold for a petition to be reviewed by the state Supreme Court from 10% of registered voters to 25%, and previously signed a bill imposing restrictions on petition gatherers. This year, Republicans are pushing measures to limit contributions to groups promoting ballot initiatives and to raise the threshold to pass an amendment from 60% to 66%.

DeSantis has argued that additional restrictions are needed because he believes too many policies have been approved by voters in recent years without input from the state legislature. But Figueredo noted that Florida already has a 60% threshold to pass any amendment, which “is more than DeSantis and many people who are currently state legislators or in seats of government” received in their elections. That’s clearly true: DeSantis received 49.5% of the vote in his 2018 election, eking out a win by about 40,000 votes.

Florida is one of dozens of states trying to make it harder to pass ballot initiatives, along with Republican-led states like Oklahoma, North Dakota, Arkansas and Utah. Figueredo argued that the effort is an extension of Republican backlash since the election of former President Barack Obama, when red states introduced a slew of voting restrictions and moved to consolidate power through redistricting.

Partisan redistricting, which is expected to get worse this year due to single-party GOP control in many states and court decisions that have undermined previous redistricting limits, has created disproportionately Republican legislatures that are often at odds with large swaths of voters in their states.

“There is a long history of elected officials resisting or sometimes subverting the implementation of laws that voters pass through the initiative,” Craig Burnett, a political science professor and direct democracy expert at Hofstra University, told Salon. “In recent years, we have seen several high-profile liberal initiatives come under attack. This occurs because, in part, the initiative process is adversarial to the legislature.

“That is, initiatives produce outcomes that the median voter prefers, while legislatures are often not reflective of the median voter because the individual districts that produce legislators often result in aggregate outcomes that are either too liberal or too conservative. As a result, whenever you have a legislature that does not mirror the preferences of the median voter — in this case, the legislatures are too conservative — you would expect them to be more likely to undermine an initiative.”

Figueredo said citizen-led initiatives should not be seen as “adversarial” to the power of state lawmakers. “It is another form of our democracy in action,” she said, and an “opportunity for state legislators to even more deeply engage with their constituents.”

She, too, blamed redistricting for contributing to growing tensions between Republican lawmakers and the voters they theoretically represent.

“They’re supposed to be our voice in government, and it is unfortunate that power has been consolidated at the state level to one particular party,” she said. “What we see with so many of these initiatives is they’re much more values-aligned with what people want, what people are demanding for their communities. … It’s really about listening to the will of the people. Any person in government should be responding to the needs of the people, not a political party.”

Today’s Republicans are cartoon villains — who pose a dire threat to America’s health and safety

Today’s most prominent Republicans almost seem like cartoon villains: They are obvious in their schemes, exaggerated in their evil, sociopathic and antisocial as a group, and mean for the pure joy of it. Yet they somehow are still able to imagine themselves as being noble, misunderstood victims. Donald Trump, the acknowledged master of cartoon villainy, has become a role model of such behavior for the entire Republican Party.

Consider how Republicans reacted to President Biden’s speech to Congress last week: It provided a national stage for their cartoon villainy.

During his speech, Joe Biden said that lead — and by implication other harmful materials — should be removed from the country’s drinking water. This is hardly a controversial position and should have nothing to do with holding “liberal” or “conservative” political views. But Republicans as a group sat in silence, largely refusing to applaud such a basic and commonsensical proposal. Lead-poisoned water shortens lives and can cause developmental delays in children, as well as other emotional and psychological maladies. Environmental pollution is lethal: Scientists estimate that air pollution alone likely kills at least 200,000 people in the United States each year.

Biden also condemned gun violence and mass shootings. Biden also advocated for common sense gun laws — laws supported by a majority of Americans, including a large proportion of gun owners — to help ameliorate the country’s plague of gun violence, which is estimated to have killed at least 38,000 Americans in 2019. Gun violence is estimated to cost the U.S. economy at least $229 billion each year. Republicans again sat in silence and refused to applaud. 

Biden advocated expanding access to health care and other social safety net programs. In the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, such programs are essential to help save lives and mitigate the economic and social devastation caused by what we must hope is a once-in-a-generation event. In addition, expanding access to health care saves lives by helping to ameliorate risk factors such as pre-existing conditions that facilitate the spread and lethality of diseases such as COVID-19.

Republicans again — well, I hardly need to say it — displayed little or no enthusiasm.

In one of the greatest crimes in recent human history, the Trump regime and nearly the entire Republican Party engaged in acts of criminal negligence by refusing to properly respond to the coronavirus pandemic. Their actions quite plausibly led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans who might otherwise be alive today.

During his speech, Joe Biden also outlined an ambitious plan to combat childhood poverty, subsidize child care and early childhood education and provide two years of free college education. Such policies have long been advocated by a wide range of experts because they would stimulate the economy, improve wealth and income inequality across the color line, enhance life chances and improve intergenerational upward mobility. Moreover, such policies are likely to pay for themselves in the long run; they represent an investment in the country’s future.

Again, the Republicans largely sat in sullen silence. 

Biden also summarized the successes of the American Rescue Plan, saying that if current trends continue, childhood poverty will be reduced in America by almost 50 percent. The vast majority of Republicans did not applaud the prospect that fewer children will be forced to grow up poor.

Such behavior by elected members of Congress was immature and childish. But that should not be allowed to obscure a basic fact: Today’s Republican Party may consist of cartoon villains, but that makes its policies no less dangerous to the American people and the world.

It is a fact, not an opinion, that policies advocated for and enacted by the Republican Party cause more illness, death, shortened lives and overall human suffering here in the United States than do Democratic policies — imperfect as those surely are.

One can easily demonstrate that today’s Trumpian Republican Party uses pain as a type of political currency and an instrument of power.

Chris Hedges’ most recent essay — published first at ScheerPost and then at Salon — details the broader relationship between sadism, politics and America’s ailing culture and society:

Sadism now defines nearly every cultural, social and political experience in the United States. It is expressed in the greed of an oligarchic elite that has seen its wealth increase during the pandemic by $1.1 trillion while the country has suffered the sharpest rise in its poverty rate in more than 50 years. It is expressed in extrajudicial killings by police in cities such as Minneapolis. It is expressed in our complicity in Israel’s wholesale killing of unarmed Palestinians, the humanitarian crisis engendered by the war in Yemen and our reigns of terror in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. It is expressed in the torture in our prisons and black sites. It is expressed in the separation of children from their undocumented parents, where they are held as if they were dogs in a kennel.

Later in the essay, Hedges returns to this theme:

The historian Johan Huizinga, writing about the twilight of the Middle Ages, argued that as things fall apart sadism is embraced as a way to cope with the hostility of an indifferent universe. No longer bound to a common purpose, a ruptured society retreats into the cult of the self. It celebrates, as do corporations on Wall Street or mass culture through reality television shows, the classic traits of psychopaths: superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance; a need for constant stimulation; a penchant for lying, deception and manipulation; and the incapacity for remorse or guilt. Get what you can, as fast as you can, before someone else gets it. This is the state of nature, the “war of all against all” Thomas Hobbes saw as the consequence of social collapse, a world in which life becomes “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” And this sadism, as Friedrich Nietzsche understood, fuels a perverted, sadistic pleasure.

Almost on cue, on Tuesday Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announced he would suspend all local COVID-19 public health emergency orders, effectively turning Florida (like other red states) into an incubation chamber for the coronavirus.

Today’s Republican Party is a cartoonish political organization. It is also a death cult and a dire threat to the public health of all Americans. That is a conundrum but not a contradiction. Its opponents must understand that both sides of the coin are equally dangerous. 

Processed foods, a staple of Western diets, could be making you sick

Processed foods are a symbol of the United States, known around the world, due to the reach of the American culture machine. Oreos, chicken nuggets, Doritos, Chips Ahoy and Pop-Tarts are a staple of American grocery lists. And for good reason: they taste good, of course; are readily accessible at grocery stores and convenience stories; and are advertised heavily to American consumers.

But while many processed foods add vitamins to give them the appearance of being “healthy,” a new study reveals that processed foods have some unexpected negative health effects on one’s body. The study examined human gut microbiota — meaning the bacteria, fungi and other microorganisms which live in your digestive tract and actually help your body’s immune system in fighting pathogens (or dangerous microorganisms).

The reason that processed foods were extra unhealthy has to do in part with fiber, which helps strengthen your gut microbiota.

“The central finding in the current study is that a healthy gut microbiota, nourished by fiber, helps clear pathogenic bacteria from the intestinal tract,” Dr. Andrew Gewirtz, a professor in the Institute for Biomedical Sciences at Georgia State University, told Salon by email. “Consumption of a highly-processed low-fiber diet may result in pathogens persisting at a low level and promoting metabolic diseases particularly diabetes.”

Gewirtz was senior co-author of the new paper, published in the journal PLOS Pathogens, about an experiment performed on mice. The scientists found that when they switched mice from standard grain-based foods to high-fat, high-sugar, low-fiber and heavily processed diet based on common Western diets, the rodents experienced a sharp drop in the number of their gut bacteria. This made it more difficult for them to clear the pathogen Citrobacter rodentium from their colon, and more likely to be chronically reinfected by it.

Scientists already knew prior to this study that the Western diet of heavily processed foods was linked to health issues.

“Broad changes in societal dietary habits, especially consumption of processed foods that are frequently rich in fats and simple carbohydrates but lacking in fiber are widely believed to have contributed mightily to the increased incidence of chronic inflammatory diseases that has accompanied industrialization,” the authors write at the start of their paper.

By contrast, non-processed foods are those which are closer to the form in which they would appear in nature such as vegetables, fruits and meats.

Gewirtz elaborated on the broader problems with processed food, which refer to any kind of food that is created from highly refined ingredients.

As Gewirtz explained, processed foods are less healthy because of “natural components of unprocessed foods that they lack” as well as because of additives that are often “synthetic” and do not normally appear in foods. “Our research shows that one key component of fruits and vegetables that is lost in processing is fiber,” He added. Gewirtz also noted that many processed foods contain emulsifiers, which further harm the body.

“Our work indicates that processed foods result in an unhealthy gut microbiota,” Gewirtz wrote. “Their lack of fiber starves the microbiota while emulsifier and other additives interfere with metabolism of healthy gut bacteria.”

Citing research by other scientists like the University of Michigan’s Dr. Gabriel Nuñez, Gewirtz emphasized the importance of gut microbiota to keeping our bodies’ safe from disease. When they thrive, they consume the nutrients pathogens need to grow, but in low-fiber diets they do not thrive and therefore can be outmatched by the pathogens. This can lead to chronic inflammation, which is in turn linked to diseases like diabetes.


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Liz Cheney behind key move to stop Trump from using military to overturn election: report

Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) was the organizer of an open letter by all living former Defense Secretaries against the military intervening in election disputes.

The revelation was made to Susan Glasser of The New Yorker by Eric Edelman, a friend of Cheney’s who served as an advisor to her father.

“Cheney’s rupture with the House Republican Conference has become all but final in recent days, but it has been months in the making. Edelman revealed that Cheney herself secretly orchestrated an unprecedented op-ed in the Washington Post by all ten living former Defense Secretaries, including her father, warning against Trump’s efforts to politicize the military,” Glasser reported.

It wasn’t the only action she took.

“Little noticed at the time was another Cheney effort to combat Trump’s post-election lies, a twenty-one-page memo written by Cheney and her husband, Phil Perry, an attorney, and circulated on January 3rd to the entire House Republican Conference. In it, Cheney debunked Trump’s false claims about election fraud and warned her colleagues that voting to overturn the election results, as Trump was insisting, would ‘set an exceptionally dangerous precedent.’ But, of course, they did not listen. Even after the storming of the Capitol, a hundred and forty-seven Republican lawmakers voted against accepting the election results,” Glaser wrote.

The joint letter was signed by Ashton Carter, Dick Cheney, William Cohen, Mark Esper, Robert Gates, Chuck Hagel, James Mattis, Leon Panetta, William Perry and Donald Rumsfeld.

“American elections and the peaceful transfers of power that result are hallmarks of our democracy. With one singular and tragic exception that cost the lives of more Americans than all of our other wars combined, the United States has had an unbroken record of such transitions since 1789, including in times of partisan strife, war, epidemics and economic depression. This year should be no exception,” the former defense secretaries wrote.

“Our elections have occurred. Recounts and audits have been conducted. Appropriate challenges have been addressed by the courts. Governors have certified the results. And the electoral college has voted. The time for questioning the results has passed; the time for the formal counting of the electoral college votes, as prescribed in the Constitution and statute, has arrived,” they explained. “As senior Defense Department leaders have noted, ‘there’s no role for the U.S. military in determining the outcome of a U.S. election.’ Efforts to involve the U.S. armed forces in resolving election disputes would take us into dangerous, unlawful and unconstitutional territory. Civilian and military officials who direct or carry out such measures would be accountable, including potentially facing criminal penalties, for the grave consequences of their actions on our republic.”

“Stranger Things” villain returns in new teaser for Season 4

Stranger Things” is one of many shows delayed by the pandemic, but the gears are turning once again, and Netflix has seen fit to bless fans with a new, creepy trailer that highlights Eleven’s time in an institution under the watch of the sinister Dr. Martin Brenner, aka Papa (Matthew Modine). Check it out:

It looks like we’ll finally see more of Eleven’s backstory in Season 4, perhaps learning exactly how she got her powers, which she’d lost by the end of Season 3, if you forgot. As for Dr. Brenner, we having seen the cruel scientist in the flesh since the first season, since he was presumably mauled to death by the Demogorgon. But we didn’t see a body, which basically is horror movie speak for “he’s still alive,” and Eleven later saw him in a vision. He’s coming back.

This is second teaser we’ve gotten for “Stranger Things” Season 4. The first revealed that Sheriff Hopper, who was also presumed dead, is actually alive and somehow in a Siberian prison camp:

We don’t know when exactly “Stranger Things 4” will drop on Netflix, but the cast thinks that 2022 is a good bet.

As long as we’re talking about horror series delayed by COVID, Paramount has dropped a new trailer for “A Quiet Place Part II,” which it confidently calls the “final trailer.” Fingers crossed.

“A Quiet Place Part II” comes out on May 28. Once again written and directed by John Krasinski, it will pick up where the first movie left off and show us what happens to the remnants of the Abbott family after they leave their sound-proof homestead, but it will also go into the past and show us how the plague of sound-hating monsters got started.

Twitter will never truly be rid of Trump — but their game of whac-a-mole is working: Tech experts

Twitter continued its high-stakes game of whac-a-mole Thursday by suspending several accounts that were reportedly used to re-post musings from the blog of former President Donald Trump, who is currently banned from the platform.

At least four of these high-profile Trump clones were locked down quickly after their creation, including @DJTrumpDesk, @DeskofDJT and @DeskofTrump1 and@DJTDesk, which had amassed several thousand followers before it went dark. It remains unclear if any of the accounts were affiliated with Trump or his inner circle.

“As stated in our ban evasion policy, we’ll take enforcement action on accounts whose apparent intent is to replace or promote content affiliated with a suspended account,” a Twitter spokesperson told the technology site Mashable.

It’s a Sisyphean task that several technology experts tell Salon the platform can never truly accomplish — as soon as you ban one page reposting the former president’s comments another five will pop up to take its place.

“There’s no way these platforms can completely ‘ban’ someone — especially someone with such a public profile,” said Scott Talan, a professor of communication at American University. “But that doesn’t mean what they’re doing isn’t working, at least partially.”

Jonathan Nagler, a co-director at New York University’s Center for Social Media and Politics who has studied the effects of Twitter’s previous interventions on Trump and other users, said the efforts do seem to be having, at least for now, a marked impact on the reach Trump is able to command.

“Absolutely, positively, when Twitter does a hard intervention, they are able to stop discussion of something very quickly,” said Jonathan Nagler, a co-director at New York University’s Center for Social Media and Politics. “They’ll never really be able to [stop Trump’s statements from being relayed] with 100 percent certainty, but if they can say 10 people, 100 people, even 1000 people saw something — versus a million, I think that’s a win for them.”

The escalating game of cat-and-mouse between Twitter and the numerous Trump clone accounts began when he introduced a new website earlier this week, called “From the Desk of Donald J. Trump,” where the former president has begun to share Tweet-length thoughts which are seemingly meant to be reposted to social media, with prominently placed share buttons on the interface.

One recent note reads, “What Facebook, Twitter, and Google have done is a total disgrace and an embarrassment to our Country. Free Speech has been taken away from the President of the United States because the Radical Left Lunatics are afraid of the truth, but the truth will come out anyway, bigger and stronger than ever before.”

But when several accounts tried to share even partial posts from Trump’s new “platform,” they were met with a suspension for violating the terms of Trump’s existing ban — though it appears users can still share links to the website as long as they do not include snippets of the text. 

Facebook, for its part, told the Washington Post that it had already removed two accounts which falsely purported to represent Trump’s new website — though it remains unclear what the company will do when users try to share the text of his posts. Facebook dealt another blow to Trump’s online audience this week when its Oversight Board refused to allow him back onto the site, though the company will have to decide if it wants to make that decision permanent.

It’s a new reality for the social media behemoths following the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection, which spurred both companies to institute the blanket bans on then-President Trump. 

“He’s been kicked off, but Trump still has powerful tentacles online,” Talan said. “Moving forward, the companies are going to have to dedicate more resources and more staff to chopping off those tentacles. I don’t really see another way forward.”

Marvel’s upcoming “Loki” show “lends itself to multiple seasons”

Tom Hiddleston has a lot to say about his role on the upcoming Disney+ series “Loki.” From the font in the opening credits to the story itself, everything has meaning. Speaking to Empire, Hiddleston opens up about how Loki will explore the beloved character’s “complex” identity.

“Something to think about is the [show’s] logo,” he says, “which seems to refresh and restore. The font of how Loki is spelled out seems to keep changing shape. Loki is the quintessential shapeshifter. His mercurial nature is that you don’t know whether, across the MCU, he’s a hero or a villain or an anti-hero.”

Hiddleston enjoys how Loki keeps people guessing, which will continue as a theme throughout the story. “I think that shapeshifting logo might give you an idea that ‘Loki,’ the show, is about identity, and about integrating the disparate fragments of the many selves that he can be, and perhaps the many selves that we are.”

In other words, what you see isn’t always what you get, and that will make “Loki” so much fun.

“Loki” sets up the possibility of multiple seasons

In an interview with IndieWire, Marvel Studios VP of Production & Development Nate Moore talked about the possibility of “The Falcon and the Winter Soldier” and “Loki” having more than one season. Unlike “WandaVision,” which will likely only run for a single season, “Loki” could enjoy multiple seasons thanks to the alternate timeline established after the theft of the Tesseract.

The one [show] comes to mind — and that probably isn’t a secret — I think there’s a lot of storytelling in ‘Loki’ that’s really irreverent and clever and cool, but also lends itself to multiple seasons in a way where it’s not a one-off. Tom Hiddleston, I think, is doing some of his best work on that show. It really is kind of amazing. I think of all the great stuff he’s done, but this show is going to show such different sides and really the true scope of his range. I think that show is going to surprise a lot of people.

As Hiddleston notes, Loki’s “many selves” allow him to appear in different settings and assume new identities. Since he is technically dead in the current timeline after Thanos killed him in “Avengers: Infinity War,” he can maneuver through the splintered timeline as he pleases over the course of several seasons.

Hiddleston seems to be enjoying his return to the character that catapulted him to the top of fan favorite lists across the Marvel Cinematic Universe, so there’s hope that his enthusiasm translates to several seasons of adventure and mayhem.

Mitch McConnell rebuked by alma mater over 1619 Project comments

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell received a sharp rebuke from his alma mater on Thursday when a University of Louisville administrator clapped back at his recent comments about the legacy of slavery and its effects on American history. 

McConnell’s remarks came Monday during a speaking event at the university, where he was asked to opine on the New York Times’ “1619 Project,” according to WDRB. The project, which seeks to “reframe the country’s history by placing the consequences of slavery and the contributions of black Americans at the very center of our national narrative,” puts particular emphasis on the year 1619 — which was the first year that African slaves were brought to America. 

During a question-and-answer session, McConnell criticized the project. “I think this is about American history and the most important dates in American history,” he said. “And my view — and I think most Americans think — dates like 1776, the Declaration of Independence; 1787, the Constitution; 1861-1865, the Civil War, are sort of the basic tenets of American history.” 

The senator added: “There are a lot of exotic notions about what are the most important points in American history. I simply disagree with the notion that The New York Times laid out, that the year 1619 was one of those years.”

McConnell’s remarks drew widespread scorn, including from the project’s founder, Nikole Hannah-Jones, who said on CNN, “This is not about the facts of history — it’s about trying to prohibit the teaching of ideas they don’t like.”

On Thursday, McConnell even encountered some pushback from his own alma mater when V. Faye Jones, the interim senior associate vice president of diversity and equity at the University of Louisville, wrote in a campus-wide email: “To imply that slavery is not an important part of United States history not only fails to provide a true representation of the facts, but also denies the heritage, culture, resilience and survival of Black people in America.”

She continued: “It also fails to give context to the history of systemic racial discrimination, the United States’ ‘original sin’ as Sen. McConnell called it, which still plagues us today. … What we know to be true is that slavery and the date the first enslaved Africans arrived and were sold on U.S. soil are more than an ‘exotic notion.’ If the Civil War is a significant part of history, should not the basis for it also be viewed as significant?”

Jones said that Louisville provost Lori Stewart Gonzalez, who was on stage during McConnell’s appearance, shared her perspective.

It was a striking rebuke, given the senator’s longstanding support for his alma mater. Last year, McConnell spearheaded the provision of a $4 million grant to the university from the Labor Department. In 1991, the senator himself made a multimillion-dollar donation to establish the university’s McConnell Center, which sets out to “recruit and nurture Kentucky’s next generation of great leaders.”

McConnell’s comments are just the latest in a pattern of revisionist history — in late March, the senator said that the Senate filibuster “has no racial history at all,” claiming that “there’s no dispute among historians about that.” As Salon reported at the time, historians largely agree that the filibuster was systematically used by segregationists — mostly Southern Democrats in that era — to obstruct civil rights for Black Americans. 

“Girls5eva” is a feel-good story about what happens when one-hit wonders get a second chance

Fame has been described by various famous people as a bee (Emily Dickinson); “the castigation of God by the artist” (Picasso) and “fickle” (Marilyn Monroe). Lord Byron waxed bitchiest when he defined it as “the advantage of being known by people of whom you yourself know nothing, and for whom you care as little.”

When the reunited girl group members at the center of Peacock’s new comedy “Girls5eva” rode fame’s heights they probably weren’t aware of that cutting vignette. They’d probably never heard of Byron, but who cares? Precious few of today’s celebrities have. They’re too busy chasing recognition to read, not to mention being either acutely aware or in denial that obscurity lurks a breath away from fame’s hemline. But knowing that wisdom comes from a pile of dust born in the late 1700s tells us something important. Fame may be fickle, but the pursuit of celebrity is eternal. Maybe even . . . five-eva.

In their 1990s heyday Girls5eva proclaimed before all the world, or at least the slice of it that watched “TRL” on MTV, that they’d always be famous and always be friends. In reality they were dozens of sundry combinations of spandex leggings, crop-tops and sugared-over harmonies. This one featured Summer, the sexy blonde (Busy Philipps); Wickie, the wild one (Renée Elise Goldsberry); Dawn, the “chill” girl (Sara Bareilles); and Gloria (Paula Pell), the “sporty” one of the group. The fifth member, Ashley (Ashley Park), was the girl who’d cycled through a bunch of other there-and-gone croon platoons.

Thirty years later they’ve kept none of those promises. Ashley is gone. What they once envisioned as a legacy to rival the Spice Girls ended abruptly. Wickie is broke and faking fabulousness for the ‘gram. The other three are, hideously of all, living average lives. Dawn rents her apartment from her low-achieving brother (Dean Winters) and works in his restaurant. Summer blunders through her arranged boy band/girl band marriage to her suspiciously absentee husband Kev (Andrew Rannells). Gloria is a dentist.

They’re fortunate to be one-hit wonders, reminded of that sliver of luck when a hot younger rapper samples their back-in-the-day jam. A subsequent gig on “The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon” rekindles that old fire whispering, “What if. . .?” Everything then comes afterward is an honest answer to that question.

“Girl5eva” could have been a simple parody of ’90s pop bands, emphasizing a desperation to reclaim a youth long gone and playing up its protagonists’ inability to accept what is instead of what was. Calling their quest to muscle their way back into relevance quixotic in our youth-obsessed culture is being mild.

But if the caliber of the main cast doesn’t let you know this show is better than making its middle-aged protagonists the butt of its jokes, the production’s pedigree should spell that out for you. Creator Meredith Scardino worked on “Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt” along with executive producers Tina Fey (who pops up in a glorious celebrity impersonation) and Robert Carlock.  

In this show, as in “Kimmy Schmidt,” Scardino and the writers sling jokes with the quickness and certitude of a casino blackjack dealer while emphasizing these women’s combined dedication to go after their long-shelved dreams as aspirational, and possible, instead of delusional.

“Girls 5eva” also establishes the problematic nature of most of the 1990s girl-pop genre early on, and in part through a flawless cameo by Stephen Colbert, playing a Swedish songwriting impresario who reminds them that it has been “an entire Zendaya” since the world has even thought about them. (One Girls5eva classic banger has them proclaiming themselves to be “dream girlfriends, ’cause our dads are dead.”)

Despite that, absurdity doesn’t rule “Girls5eva” in the same way it drove Scardino’s Netflix series. Instead the scripts play up the bizarreness of our mass hunger for fame, pitting the women against their ability to influence more than youth . . . although the writers can’t resist the odd joke on that front here and there. When Wickie takes on a hookup many years her junior, Winter’s leathery bro quips that she’s “feasting on youth” like some sort of anti-aging vampire.

Many of Fey’s usual comedic beats play through these eight episodes, but familiarity isn’t the worst quality for a show that’s meant to be binged. Knowing what you’re getting tells you whether the four-or-so-hour commitment is worth it. Really, for a pure feel-good comedy about enduring friendship, the love these women have for each other and the embrace of one’s 40s with all its wisdom and physical changes, it’s not much to ask..

“These new songs are shooting out of me like chin hairs!” Dawn spouts and yeah, that’s one way to brag about being artistically prolific. But this also reveals the core weakness of “Girls5eva,” which is that you’ve seen these characters before.

Bareilles’ Dawn is obviously this show’s Liz Lemon, level-headed but willing to settle for a lesser life until circumstances reawaken her talent and desire. Goldsberry could be either of the irrepressibly sure of herself divas Jane Krakowski marched across our screens in “Kimmy Schmidt” and “30 Rock.” Nevertheless, Wickie stands apart by having a crystal grand piano named Ghislaine, which she carts along with her when she couch surfs at Dawn’s place.  

Neither role challenges these performers, but penalizing them for working well within their capabilities and appropriate to what’s been written for them seems pointless with a comedy like this.

At the same time I also expect more from Philipps, who essentially recreates a bubblier, more naïve version of the party girl she played on “Cougar Town.” The key difference is that Summer is mom to a sulky social media influencer, and she’s kidding herself about Kev.

Pell’s Gloria is introduced first as a visual gag, the archetype of the bandmember whose time runs down and over. Hers is the only character portrayed in flashbacks and archival footage by a different actor, Erika Henningsen, who starred in the Broadway musical production of Fey’s “Mean Girls.”

For a show buoyed by feminist themes the choice to make one member of a girl band look older than the rest will likely rub some folks the wrong way, although the script doesn’t harp on it too heavily. Part of hitting midlife is being at peace with growing out of youth and into what and who we’re supposed to be, the essential message of this comedy. Plus, and this is crucial, Pell can pretty much do no wrong here or any place else.

Featuring a quartet of actors with fierce pipes, including a Grammy winner in Bareilles and a Tony winner with Goldsberry, demands music to match the mood. This is where the writers really press into overall ridiculousness of the girl band genre by basically making each song verse a collection of punchlines. The best is the folky “New York Lonely Boy,” an ode to sibling-free sons of Manhattan couples, performed utterly straight by The Milk Carton Kids. But even the ones that are intentional disasters are suitably entertaining – not enough to instantly want to make it your ringtone, a la “Peeno Noir,” but unquestionably more lyrically cohesive.

“I am a work in progress. I’m not finished yet/I’ll put my renaissance on the Internet!” one of Dawn’s lyrics declares . . . and by the time she and the rest of Girls5eva’s fab foursome belt it out, we believe them and believe in them. People love a comeback story, but one where its heroes finally arrive at where they ought to be is far better.

All episodes of “Girls5eva” are currently streaming on Peacock.