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We still blow up mountains to mine coal: Time to end the war on Appalachia

On Earth Day this year, as President Biden assembled world leaders to a climate summit to focus on a “clean energy future,” retired coal miner Chuck Nelson hunkered down in the green hills of West Virginia, recovering from a recent stroke and with one remaining kidney, as thousands of tons of explosives from mountaintop removal strip mining operations detonated nearby with a toxic haze of coal dust.  

Yes, Greta (Thunberg), we still blow up mountains in the United States to mine deadly coal. 

While coal mining has decreased dramatically in recent years, state permits for reckless mountaintop removal operations by absentee corporations, which involve only small numbers of non-union heavy equipment operators and explosives, in contrast to labor-intensive underground mines, continue to be doled out in central Appalachia in a desperate attempt to shake down the region for a final coal tattoo. 

In fact, the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection celebrated Earth Day by rubber-stamping a new strip-mining permit for an out-of-state coal company, slated to destroy 1,085 acres of forested ridges and wreak havoc for neighboring communities for the next eight years, despite decades of protest by local citizens and reams of shocking health studies on heightened cancer, heart and birth defect rates associated with mountaintop removal mining dust. 

The endless war on the central Appalachian mountains continues.  Needlessly, we should add. 

“Millions of acres of Appalachian mountains have been permanently destroyed, and thousands of miles of streams have been permanently buried,” emailed Nelson, whose wife died from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease in 2019. “With a flow of permits being processed right now, thousands more acres are planned to be wiped away forever. As devastating as mountaintop removal mining is to our majestic mountains, and the people’s health impacts, only 3% of it is for electrical demand — only 3%. Mountaintop removal mining goes against everything we’re fighting for in trying to deal with the climate crisis. These are criminal acts carried out by criminal enterprises.” 

Instead of recognizing the century-old legacy of ruin in coal country, from Appalachia to Alaska and 20-odd states and several First Nations in between — including an enduring array of abandoned mines, dangerous coal slurry impoundments, fraudulent “reclamation” projects, polluted waterways, desperate black lung victims, and gutted and sick communities with few economic options — the Biden administration risks falling into the trap of outdated policies.

Two days after Earth Day applause, the Department of Energy quietly awarded millions of dollars “to boost the economic potential of coal and power plant communities,” and subsidize “critical mineral extraction from coal and associated waste streams,” as well as widely debunked carbon capture and storage schemes. 

Listen here: Advocates in coal country have been calling for a Green New Deal since 2008 — and a coalfields regeneration fund for everyone in coal mining communities, not simply the out-of-state companies, and not just throwing out a few job training opportunities for the dwindling ranks of largely non-union miners.  

If the Biden administration and Congress truly want to build back better, they should have passed the RECLAIM ACT years ago, simply to start the process of reclaiming and reinvesting in all mining regions. And they should now double down on the commitment and make the Appalachian region, like all extraction zones from the Illinois Basin to the Navajo Nation to the Powder River Basin, a showcase for a clean energy economy, not a backwoods of denial. 

If the Biden administration and Congress want to end the war on Appalachia, they should simply pass the Appalachian Community Health Emergency (ACHE) Act, which calls for a moratorium on such devastating operations until a basic health study is completed. 

This is one of the most shameless realities in regulation: One of the Trump administration’s first acts was to cancel a long-term health study on the impacts of mountaintop removal mining.

The sad truth is that this humanitarian and environmental crisis has been a federally sanctioned disaster since Jimmy Carter begrudgingly signed the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act in 1977, complaining that it would allow “the mining companies to cut off the tops of Appalachian mountains to reach entire seams of coal.”

Let’s repeat that phrase, “cut off the tops of Appalachian mountains” — as in the tops of more than 500 mountains for over a half-century, literally clear-cutting deciduous forests and the region’s ancient carbon sink, blowing ridges into oblivion with explosives and dumping the toxic remains and pulverized heavy metals in polluted streams, and ravaging the lives of citizens considered collateral damage, along with everything else in the way.

It doesn’t have to be like this. Last month, Canadian government officials reversed their own 45-year policy for open-pit coal mining, admitting, “We didn’t get this one right.”

It’s time for Biden and Congress to get this one right in Appalachia and all mining communities.

Just listen to Vernon Haltom, director of Coal River Mountain Watch, based in the frontline extraction zones of West Virginia, not in Washington, an organization that deserves as much support as possible: 

With millions of Americans seriously ill or dead from the COVID pandemic, the stockholders and executives of Alpha Metallurgical Resources have no qualms about filling the air in Appalachian communities with carcinogenic blasting dust. Their enablers at the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection have no qualms about rubber stamping new and renewed mountaintop removal permits, “just following the law” to sentence innocent people to death and misery. People like WVDEP permit supervisor Laura Claypool face no negative consequences for their actions, apparently not even remorse, but the people face the consequences of death. How do they sleep at night?  It’s not as if they don’t know about the dozens of peer-reviewed health studies demonstrating that mountaintop removal is a deadly public health threat. No, they sleep soundly in the comfort of a steady job doing the coal barons’ bidding. The WVDEP has made it personal by approving the death of friends and family like Judy Bonds, Larry Gibson and Joanne Webb, so they shouldn’t be surprised if we make it personal about their cold, inhumane decisions. But since they’ve proven their incapacity for basic human decency, we need the Appalachian Communities Health Emergency (ACHE) Act, H.R. 2073 in this U.S. Congress, to protect the people.

 

Joe Manchin blasted online after coming out against against DC statehood

Sen. Joe Manchin (D-WV) was blasted on social media on Saturday over his stance on DC statehood.

“Sen. Joe Manchin III told reporters in his home state of West Virginia on Friday morning that he does not support the bill to make D.C. the nation’s 51st state, according to audio provided by the Democrat’s office and a report from WVNews. Manchin, a key swing vote in the closely divided Senate, said he believes a constitutional amendment, rather than legislation, would be required to admit D.C. as a state. His stance deals a major blow to statehood advocates who were hoping for his support after the bill passed the House last week,” The Washington Post reported Friday.

Manchin believes that a Constitutional Amendment is required for DC statehood, a position that did not go over well online. Here’s some of what people were saying:

Newsmax settles Dominion lawsuit, issues apology over election conspiracy theories

Newsmax has apologized to a voting machine company executive after being sued for defamation.

“An executive at Dominion Voting Systems moved to dismiss Newsmax as a defendant in a defamation lawsuit Friday after reaching a settlement with the right-wing media organization,” Business Insider reported Friday. “It’s the first such settlement from a news organization in a defamation lawsuit filed over 2020 election conspiracy theories.”

“Coomer sued Newsmax in December in state court in Colorado over false claims that he took part in an ‘Antifa conference call’ to rig the 2020 presidential election against Donald Trump,” the report explained. “He revised his lawsuit in February to bolster his claims against Newsmax, as Insider previously reported.”

Newsmax posted an apology, saying there was “no evidence” to back up their conspiracy theories.

“Since Election Day, various guests, attorneys, and hosts on Newsmax have offered opinions and claims about Dr. Eric Coomer, the Director of Product Strategy and Security at Dominion Voting Systems,” the statement read. “Newsmax would like to clarify its coverage of Dr. Coomer and note that while Newsmax initially covered claims by President Trump’s lawyers, supporters and others that Dr. Coomer played a role in manipulating Dominion voting machines, Dominion voting software, and the final vote counts in the 2020 presidential election, Newsmax subsequently found no evidence that such allegations were true.”

“On behalf of Newsmax, we would like to apologize for any harm that our reporting of the allegations against Dr. Coomer may have caused to Dr. Coomer and his family,” Newsmax said.

 

“Didn’t help us”: Guy Fieri calls out Jeff Bezos for not donating to relief fund for food workers

Food Network star Guy Fieri claimed that Amazon founder Jeff Bezos did not contribute to an emergency relief fund that the honorary Flavortown mayor formed for out-of-work restaurant employees during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

In an interview with The Hollywood Reporter, Fieri said he launched the relief fund soon after the pandemic began because he was angry at the way local restaurants were left out of the handling of the national health crisis and associated government relief efforts.

“I don’t get pissed or lose my sh*t,” he said. “But I was pissed.”

Most of the small, local restaurants that would have appeared on his long-running Food Network series “Diners, Drive-Ins and Dives” likely only had enough money in the bank to last 10 days amid government-mandated shut-downs and reductions of services, Fieri told the Hollywood Reporter.

“[Fieri] decided to ask his business manager for contact info for CEOs of major corporations,” the article said. “He drafted personal emails to power brokers like Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, soliciting donations for an emergency relief fund that would ultimately award more than 43,000 grants — of $500 each — to out-of-work line cooks, servers and other restaurant professionals.” 

Food Network President Courtney White said there was no better salesman than Fieri. 

“There’s a power to his enthusiasm,” she said. “It gets people to rally around his vision, whether it’s a pitch for a show or in raising all that money.”

Fieri went on to receive large donations from PepsiCo, Procter & Gamble and Uber Eats.

“I’m not into shaming people and telling who didn’t donate,” he said. “That’s not my style.”

However, after a pause, Fieri revealed to the publication that neither Bezos nor Amazon had rallied around the cause.

“Jeff, by the way, didn’t help us,” he revealed.

Regardless, Fieri has raised more than $25 million for food workers left unemployed by COVID-19 closures over the last year. He also co-directed “Restaurant Hustle 2020: All on the Line,” a documentary that premiered in December and highlighted four chefs trying to stay in business amid the pandemic. A sequel is planned for this summer.

Fox News anchor Leland Vittert, once a Trump target, quietly exits network

Fox News anchor Leland Vittert, a longtime weekend show mainstay turned Trump target, has left the network after a lengthy absence from the airwaves. 

When reached for comment Friday, a Fox News spokesperson said the two parties “mutually and amicably parted ways.” 

The news was first reported by ABC News legal analyst Dan Abrams’ media industry-focused website, Mediaite, which noted, “Rumors have circulated for months regarding the professional fate of Vittert, since he disappeared from the air at Fox News in January. His Twitter account has been dormant since Jan. 13.”

Vittert did not immediately return a request for comment.

The entire Fox News weekend lineup, including Vittert and many of his colleagues, were a frequent source of then-President Donald Trump’s ire — sparking a number of tweets, including one where he asked if Vittert, Shepard Smith and Arthel Neville were “trained by CNN.”

One interview Vittert conducted last November with a Trump aide caught the ire of the president’s rabid supporters after the anchor pointed out the steep climb Trump faced in overturning the 2020 election results.

Watch that clip below via Fox News:

Florida and Texas join the Republican war on voting

Both Florida and Texas joined the Republican-led, state-level crusade against voting rights this week, dealing two definitive blows to minority voters for many elections to come. 

Following days of acrimonious debate, the Republican-majority Florida state legislature approved a series of voter restrictions on Thursday that will make it significantly harder to vote for millions of Sunshine State residents. The bill, Senate Bill 90, which resembles the restrictive voting measures passed in Georgia and Michigan, is expected to have a disproportionate impact on minorities in the state, who suffered from one of the most severe cases of voter suppression in the 2020 election.

According to the Miami Herald, the bill limits drop box usage to early voting hours, requires that an elections office employee monitor them, and prohibits drop boxes from changing locations within 30 days of Election Day. Furthermore, the bill will shorten the amount of the time Floridians have to request a ballot. Voters will only be able to request ballots for the upcoming general election rather than the next two general elections, a move critics expect to confuse many voters and lead to non-participation. 

On Thursday, GOP Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, one of the bill’s biggest cheerleaders, announced that he will “for sure” sign the bill, according to CNN. “We’ve had voter ID. It works. It’s the right thing to do,” DeSantis said, adding that the state’s 2020 election was “fair and transparent, and the reforms we have coming will make it even better.”

On Friday, Hillsborough County Supervisor of Elections Craig Latimer, expressed strong doubt over whether the bill’s provisions are needed, calling the measure an “unnecessary call for election reform.” He continued: “In 2020 our voters overwhelmingly appreciated the peace of mind that came from dropping their mail ballot off in a secure drop box, because they knew that by using the drop box instead of a mailbox, their ballot would be received on time.”

“We should be looking for cost-effective ways to expand their use, including the use of secure 24-hour drop boxes with camera surveillance,” Latimer added. “Instead, the new legislation prohibits that.”

A Florida state Democrat, Rep. Omari Hardy, went further, calling the bill “the revival of Jim Crow in this state, whether the sponsors admit it or not.”

Despite their failure to provide any evidence that Florida’s election system was faulty in 2020, state Republicans have maintained that the bill is nonetheless needed to prevent fraud.

“I believe that every legal vote should count,” said Sen. Travis Hutson, a Republican state lawmaker from Northeast Florida. “I believe one fraudulent vote is one too many. And I’m trying to protect the sanctity of our elections.”

“This is an incremental legislative approach to address these issues, similar to what we had to do to get the timeliness problem solved, to get the efficiency problem solved,” echoed GOP state Rep. Wyman Duggan, a member of Florida’s House Public Integrity & Elections Committee. “We are now focusing on making sure that every vote is a valid vote.”

A similar effort was mounted in the Lone Star state on Thursday when the Republican-majority Texas state Senate passed its own restrictive voting bill. After a slight misfire regarding the bill’s specific language, Texas Senate Bill 7 (SB 7) is set to be voted on in the House. Last month, Texas House proposed its own restrictive voting bill – House Bill 6 (HB 6). It remains unclear which bill, if not both, will make it to the governor’s desk. 

According to the Texas Tribune, SB 7 restricts early voting hours, limits the ways in which voters can receive ballot applications to vote by mail, and adds more oversight over the distribution of polling places in urban counties. SB 7 also appears to outlaw drive-thru voting, prohibiting polling places from using a “tent or other temporary movable structure or a parking garage, parking lot, or similar facility designed primarily for motor vehicles.” 

HB 6 similarly restricts voting by mail and affords more legal protections to partisan poll watchers. 

Although the Texas Tribune noted that “SB 7 is a duplicate version of HB 6,” several lawmakers disagree. Rep. Jessica González, a Dallas Democrat said that “these two bills are substantially different,” calling for a public hearing on the matter.

On Thursday, Texas Democrats penned a missive to U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland, alleging to the Justice Department that the Republican-backed coalition to advance SB 7 without a rewrite would be a “grave deviation from standard operating procedure.”

“Texas has a long history of disenfranchising people of color, and if the leadership of the governing majority has it their way, that history will surely continue,” their letter stated. “We have seen recent, coordinated attempts to pass disenfranchising legislation in states across the South, like Georgia, North Carolina, and Arizona. We ask that you review the facts, and if it is deemed appropriate, that the Civil Rights Division monitor the proceedings of the House Elections Committee and the Texas House for the remainder of session.”

The bills come as part of a larger GOP state-level push for new voter restrictions over unsubstantiated fears that the 2020 general election was riddled with fraud. Earlier this month, Salon reported that 361 restrictive voting bills had been proposed in 47 states throughout the nation.

Netflix’s stunning “Yasuke” spins a fantastical Black samurai story, but needs more space to swing

“Yasuke” creator LeSean Thomas leaves everything on the field with his new Netflix anime series. That’s blatantly obvious the moment we drop into the center of a battle where armored warriors clash against socerers and giant mechs raining fire down on troops. The year is 1582, but Thomas mashes up classic images of feudal Japan with anime robots, shamans, demons and mutants because he can.

This is his legendary world to build about a Black samurai, a character based on an actual historical figure, and thus far no other artist has built any mythmaking around him.

The title character, voiced by LaKeith Stanfield, is based on an African man brought to Japan by Jesuit traders who went on to become a samurai serving under Nobunaga Oda. Reportedly Yasuke was present when Nobunaga died by suicide, and that highly fantastical battle in which we’re thrust is a memory of his daimyo’s last stand, and it haunts him.

Two decades afterward he abides in anonymity and is known simply as the Black Boatsman, and would have put his entire past behind him if not for the need of a sickly girl named Saki (Maya Tanida) whose mother hires him to transport her to a doctor living in a village far away. But as he’s hired we know that there’s more to Saki than her mother is letting on, requiring the ferryman to take up the sword once again.

Thomas started out in the animation industry by working on “The Boondocks” but went on to become the supervising director and creative producer on “Black Dynamite,” two Adult Swim cult favorites. His first project with Netflix was directing the fantasy action series “Cannon Busters” but “Yasuke” reads as a project closer to the heart and feels more personal.

Thomas created the series while living and working in Japan, an experience that one guesses informs the way Nick Jones Jr. writes this ronin and certainly permeates Stanfield’s portrayal. Saki’s story is the family one of the Golden Child variety. Whereas Yasuke is constantly reminded by adversaries and supposed allies alike that he’s an outsider, that the homogeneity of Japanese culture, or “the old way” means he’ll never be accepted. 

“You will always be a servant, no matter what armor you wear,” he’s told, but he follows samurai traditions to the letter, exceeding all expectations in strategy and swordsmanship.

Saying something is “for the culture” is a cliché these days, even a joke, but “Yasuke” has that sort of an aura, a story that defies erasure and is elevated by an astronomical level of imagination. Stanfield nimbly vacillates between the warrior who is energized and in his prime, and a world-weary man who’d rather live out his days alone.

For all the classic anime flashes of fire, crimson spurts and gore – where there are blades, expect plenty of cartoon disembowelments and beheadings – the prismatic skies and hypnotic dreamscapes seduce more than the average frenetic anime adventure.

Extensive research of the period shows up in the small details in this series, but the creators of “Yasuke” take advantage of the limitless liberty fantasy affords to have fun with the array of characters they bring in, including a gigantic Russian woman and a cheeky robot, voiced by Darren Criss. Such decisions reflect an awareness of the anime form and, yes, the assumptions that will be made based on their hero’s identity and their own.

People will no doubt cite “Afro Samurai” as this series’ predecessor, or make comparisons to “Samurai Champloo” or “Cowboy Bebop.”  Those series were created by Japanese artists and co-opt Black music and culture. This one comes from Black creators, writing about a Black man in Japan, working in a Japanese-created style of animation typically presumed to be the sole province of Asian artists. And they’re killing it.

Through his warrior, Thomas and fellow executive producer Flying Lotus construct a full head trip, which is both an aural experience, thanks to the musicians atmospheric score, and an extensively visual one rendered through Japanese animation studio MAPPA, the award-winning studio behind “Attack on Titan,” and rock star animator Takeshi Koike’s character design.

It’s tough to take issue with the audacity of such a brilliant vision, such broad scope. Such an epic demands more than six half-hour episodes, and that’s where “Yasuke” hits a snag. The opening episode is a slow dance setting up the adventure, but after that Saki and Yasuke’s journey blinks by so quickly that we barely have time to drink in the more serene moments or get to know crucial figures in their world.  Chaos breaks loose and steamrolls across the landscape, and it looks incredible to watch. Such destruction also feels more impersonal than it should.

A few auxiliary figures receive an emotional build, but we’re barely given a chance to get to know them any better than Yasuke since when he’s not fighting them, he’s passing them on the road.

Such swiftness prevents us from fully embracing the message Thomas, Jones and Flying Lotus may have been seeking to spin beneath the heroism and battle madness about identity and what it means to live in a land and participate in its culture while never fully being a part of it.  

There are far worse critiques a show can sustain than the observation that there’s not enough of it, or that it stuffs too many attention-grabbing elements in too small of a space. It simply means “Yasuke” would be better if there were more of it, and either by accident or intentionally Thomas and his collaborators leave enough about this hero shrouded to make room for that to occur.

All episodes of “Yasuke” are available on Netflix starting Thursday, April 29.

Biden administration declares war on menthol, sparking opposition across political spectrum

The White House is waging war on menthol — the last allowable flavoring in cigarettes — and flavored cigars, announcing Thursday that the administration intends to ban the popular additives in tobacco products.

It was the first shot in an uphill battle that advocates say would prevent the industry from marketing to children and minority communities with whom flavored tobacco has proven popular. 

“With these actions, the FDA will help significantly reduce youth initiation, increase the chances of smoking cessation among current smokers, and address health disparities experienced by communities of color, low-income populations, and LGBTQ+ individuals, all of whom are far more likely to use these tobacco products,” Acting Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Commissioner Janet Woodcock outlined in a Thursday statement

The FDA also points to studies that suggest menthol cigarettes may be more addictive and harder to quit.

The announcement, however, brought a rare moment of unity as pundits from across the political spectrum bashed the measure, which many saw as heavy-handed. In the absence of details over the ban’s implementation, some say it could be used as yet another way to criminalize Black communities, which smoke menthol cigarettes and flavored tobacco products in much higher numbers.

“Unless the federal government attempts to turn menthol itself into a controlled substance, there will surely be many small-time sellers of menthol cigarettes meeting the demand of the millions of Americans who smoke them, including at least 77 percent of black smokers, but possibly as high as 88 percent (and around a quarter of white smokers),” the libertarian publication Reason noted. 

A letter from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), obtained by CBS’ Bo Erickson, stated that the move would have “serious racial justice implications” due to criminal penalties, which could “disproportionately impact people of color.”

“A menthol cigarette ban would disproportionately affect communities of color, resulting in criminalization and more incarceration,” the ACLU tweeted. “We can avoid this approach.” 

Olayemi Olurin, a public defender at The Legal Aid Society, also wrote on Twitter, “Why specifically menthol cigarettes as opposed to all cigarettes? This is clear, shameless criminalization targeted at the Black community. Why is it that the only way they ever seem to want to “help” our communities is by creating more routes to incarceration.” 

Even some high-profile conservatives latched onto the same criticism.

“Benefit!?” By banning something people like? Only politicians, credulous reporters, and safety totalitarians think that way. This just creates a new black market that will needlessly send MORE black Americans to prison,” libertarian television star John Stossel tweeted

Actress turned far-right QAnon supporter Kirstie Alley remarked, “Ok, I haven’t smoked for 5 years but let me get this straight… the FDA is gonna ban menthol cigarettes because they entice teens .. but WEED is now legal in most places? We are all headed to hell.”

“NOT KOOL: Biden Administration Considering Ban on Menthol Flavored Tobacco Products,” Fox News host Sean Hannity, who has been caught smoking on his primetime show, titled one of the posts that appeared on his website.

Right-wing radio host Sebastian Gorka also wrote on Instagram: “Biden’s biggest threats for America: ‘White Supremacist Terrorism’ and menthol cigarettes. These people are just clowns.” 

Artificial intelligence research may have hit a dead end

Philip K. Dick’s iconic 1968 sci-fi novel, “Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?” posed an intriguing question in its title: would an intelligent robot dream?

In the 53 years since publication, artificial intelligence research has matured significantly. And yet, despite Dick being prophetic about technology in other ways, the question posed in the title is not something AI researchers are that interested in; no one is trying to invent an android that dreams of electric sheep.

Why? Mainly, it’s that most artificial intelligence researchers and scientists are busy trying to design “intelligent” software programmed to do specific tasks. There is no time for daydreaming.

Or is there? What if reason and logic are not the source of intelligence, but its product? What if the source of intelligence is more akin to dreaming and play?

Recent research into the “neuroscience of spontaneous fluctuations” points in this direction. If true, it would be a paradigm shift in our understanding of human consciousness. It would also mean that just about all artificial intelligence research is heading in the wrong direction.

* * *

The quest for artificial intelligence grew out of the modern science of computation, started by the English mathematician Alan Turing and the Hungarian-American mathematician John von Neumann 65 years ago. Since then, there have been many approaches to studying artificial intelligence. Yet all approaches have one thing in common: they treat intelligence computationally, i.e., like a computer with an input and output of information. 

Scientists have also tried modeling artificial intelligence on the neural networks of human brains. These artificial neural networks use “deep-learning” techniques and “big data” to approach and occasionally surpass particular human abilities, like playing chess, go, poker, or recognizing faces. But these models also treat the brain like a computer as do many neuroscientists. But is this the right idea for designing intelligence? 

The present state of artificial intelligence is limited to what those in the field call “narrow AI.” Narrow AI excels at accomplishing specific tasks in a closed system where all possibilities are known. It is not creative and typically breaks down when confronted with novel situations. On the other hand, researchers define “general AI” as the innovative transfer of knowledge from one problem to another.

So far, this is what AI has failed to achieve and what many in the field believe to be only an extremely distant possibility. Most AI researchers are even less optimistic about the possibility of a so-called “superintelligent AI” that would become more intelligent than humans due to a hypothetical “intelligence explosion.”     


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Computer Brains? 

Does the brain transmit and receive binary information like a computer? Or, do we think of it this way because, since antiquity, humans have always used their latest technology as a metaphor for describing our brains?

There are certainly some ways that the computer-brain metaphor makes sense. We can undoubtedly assign a binary number to a neuron that has either fired “1” or not “0.” We can even measure the electrochemical thresholds needed for individual neurons to fire. In theory, a neural map of this information should give us the causal path or “code” for any given brain event. But experimentally, it does not. 

For starters, this is because neurons do not have fixed voltages for their logic gates like transistors that can determine what will activate “1” or not activate “0” in a given neuron. Decades of neuroscience have experimentally proven that neurons can change their function and firing thresholds, unlike transistors or binary information. It’s called “neuroplasticity,” and computers do not have it.  

Computers also do not have equivalents of chemicals called “neuromodulators” that flow between neurons and alter their firing activity, efficiency, and connectivity. These brain chemicals allow neurons to affect one another without firing. This violates the binary logic of “either/or” and means that most brain activity occurs between an activated and nonactivated state.

Furthermore, the cause and pattern of neuron firing are subject to what neuroscientists call “spontaneous fluctuations.” Spontaneous fluctuations are neuronal activities that occur in the brain even when no external stimulus or mental behavior correlates to them. These fluctuations make up an astounding 95% of brain activity while conscious thought occupies the remaining 5%. In this way, cognitive fluctuations are like the dark matter or “junk” DNA of the brain. They make up the biggest part of what’s happening but remain mysterious.   

Neuroscientists have known about these unpredictable fluctuations in electrical brain activity since the 1930s, but have not known what to make of them. Typically, scientists have preferred to focus on brain activity that responds to external stimuli and triggers a mental state or physical behavior. They “average out” the rest of the “noise” from the data. However, precisely because of these fluctuations, there is no universal activation level in neurons that we can call “1.” Neurons are constantly firing, but, for the most part, we don’t know why. 

What might be the source of these spontaneous fluctuations? Recent studies in the neuroscience of spontaneous thought suggest that these fluctuations may be related to internal neural mechanicsheart and stomach activity, and tiny physical movements in response to the world. Other experiments by David McCormick at Yale University School of Medicine in 2010 and Christof Koch at Caltech in 2011 have demonstrated that neuronal firing creates electromagnetic fields strong enough to affect and perturb how neighboring neurons may fire.

The brain gets even wilder when we zoom in. Since electrochemical thresholds activate neurons, a single proton could, in principle, be the difference that causes a neuron to fire. If a proton spontaneously jumped out of its atomic bonds, in what physicists call “quantum tunneling,” this could cause a cascade of sudden neuron activity. So even at the tiniest measurable level, the neuron’s physical structure has a non-binary indeterminacy

Computer transistors have the same problem. The smaller manufacturers make electronics, the smaller the transistor gets, and the more frequently electrons will spontaneously quantum tunnel through the thinner barriers producing errors. This is why computer engineers, just like many neuroscientists, go to great lengths to filter out “background noise” and “stray” electrical fields from their binary signal. 

This is a big difference between computers and brains. For computers, spontaneous fluctuations create errors that crash the system, while for our brains, it’s a built-in feature.    

The future of AI is not what you think

What if noise is the new signal? What if these anomalous fluctuations are at the heart of human intelligence, creativity, and consciousness? This is precisely what neuroscientists such as Georg NorthoffRobin Carhart-Harris, and Stanislas Dehaene are showing. They argue that consciousness is an emergent property born from the nested frequencies of synchronized spontaneous fluctuations. Applying this theory, neuroscientists can even tell whether someone is conscious or not just by looking at their brain waves

AI has been modeling itself on neuroscience for decades, but can it follow this new direction? Stanislas Dehaene, for instance, considers the computer model of intelligence “deeply wrong,” in part because “spontaneous activity is one of the most frequently overlooked features” of it. Unlike computers, “neurons not only tolerate noise but even amplify it” to help generate novel solutions to complex problems.  

“Just as an avalanche is a probabilistic event, not a certain one, the cascade of brain activity that eventually leads to conscious perception is not fully deterministic: the very same stimulus may at times be perceived and at others remain undetected. What makes the difference? Unpredictable fluctuations in neuronal firing sometimes fit with the incoming stimulus, and sometimes fight against it.”

Accordingly, Dehaene believes that AI would require something akin to synchronized spontaneous fluctuations to be conscious. Johnjoe McFadden, a Professor of Molecular Genetics at the University of Surrey, speculates that spontaneous electromagnetic fluctuations might even have been an evolutionary advantage to help closely packed neurons generate and synchronize novel adaptive behaviors. “Without EM field interactions,” he writes, “AI will remain forever dumb and non-conscious.” The German neuroscientist Georg Northoff argues that a “conscious…artificial creature would need to show spatiotemporal mechanisms such as… the nestedness and expansion” of spontaneous fluctuations.  

Relatedly, Colin Hales, an artificial intelligence researcher at the University of Melbourne, has observed how strange it is that AI scientists have not yet tried to create an artificial brain in the same way other scientists have made artificial hearts, stomachs, or livers. Instead, AI researchers have created theoretical models of neuron patterns without their corresponding physics. It is as if instead of building airplanes, AI researchers are designing flight simulators that never leave the ground, Hales says.

How might the recent science of spontaneous brain fluctuations change our way of thinking about AI? If this contemporary neuroscience is correct, AI cannot be a computer with input and output of binary information. Like the human brain, 95% of its activity would have to be “nested” spontaneous fluctuations akin to our unconscious, wandering, and dreaming minds. Goal-directed and instrumental behaviors would be a tiny fraction of its developed form. 

If we looked at its electroencephalogram (EEG), it would have to have similar “signatures of consciousness” to what Dehaene has experimentally shown to be necessary. Why would we expect consciousness to exist independently of the signatures that define our own? Yet, that is what AI research is doing. AI would also likely need to make use of the quantum and electrodynamic perturbations that scientists are presently filtering out.

Spontaneous fluctuations come from the physical material of embedded consciousness. There is no such thing as matter-independent intelligence. Therefore, to have conscious intelligence, scientists would have to integrate AI in a material body that was sensitive and non-deterministically responsive to its anatomy and the world. Its intrinsic fluctuations would collide with those of the world like the diffracting ripples made by pebbles thrown in a pond. In this way, it could learn through experience like all other forms of intelligence without pre-programmed commands. 

If it’s true that cognitive fluctuations are requisite for consciousness, it would also take time for stable frequencies to emerge and then synchronize with one another in resting states. And indeed, this is precisely what we see in children’s brains when they develop higher and more nested neural frequencies over time.

Thus, a general AI would probably not be brilliant in the beginning. Intelligence evolved through the mobility of organisms trying to synchronize their fluctuations with the world. It takes time to move through the world and learn to sync up with it. As the science fiction author Ted Chiang writes, “experience is algorithmically incompressible.” 

This is also why dreaming is so important. Experimental research confirms that dreams help consolidate memories and facilitate learning. Dreaming is also a state of exceptionally playful and freely associated cognitive fluctuations. If this is true, why should we expect human-level intelligence to emerge without dreams? This is why newborns dream twice as much as adults, if they dream during REM sleep. They have a lot to learn, as would androids.

In my view, there will be no progress toward human-level AI until researchers stop trying to design computational slaves for capitalism and start taking the genuine source of intelligence seriously: fluctuating electric sheep.

“Game of Thrones” actress Esmé Bianco sues Marilyn Manson for sexual assault and battery

Game of Thrones” English actress Esmé Bianco has sued rocker Marilyn Manson, whose real name is Brian Warner, for sexual assault and sexual battery. 

The complaint was filed on Friday in Federal Court in Los Angeles and alleges that “on multiple instances Warner physically, sexually, psychologically, and emotionally abused Bianco.” 

It also alleges that Warner and his former manager violated the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act when Warner employed fraud to bring Bianco to the U.S. and then made threats of force and performed violent sexual acts on her to which she did not consent. Bianco is best known to “Game of Thrones” viewers as the character Ros, who worked with Littlefinger.

“I am inspired by Ms. Bianco’s courage and dedication to holding Brian Warner accountable,” Jay D. Ellwanger, Bianco’s attorney, wrote in a statement. “While we understand that the criminal investigations are still ongoing, it is vital that we pursue every possible avenue to hold him accountable for the horrific acts he committed.” 

In the 10-page document filed by Ellwanger, which was obtained by Deadline, he said that Bianco, who was romantically involved with Warner from 2009 to 2013, was “well aware of the violence Mr. Warner could dole out if she fought back, having been on the receiving end of his temper many times.

“He also supplied drugs to Ms. Bianco and deprived her of sleep and food in order to weaken her physically and mentally and decrease her ability to refuse him,” he wrote. “Mr. Warner committed sexual acts with Ms. Bianco when she was unconscious or otherwise unable to consent.”

The suit went on to say that Bianco was forced to perform “unpaid labor” for Manson that included  “serving and preparing food for Mr. Warner and his guests, cleaning his apartment, consulting on his album, providing uncredited backup vocals during the creative process for the album ‘Born Villain,’ and being offered up to his guests and bandmates to ‘spank.'” 

The document also alleges that Manson’s ex-manager, Tony Ciulla, violated human trafficking laws because they flew her from the United Kingdom to Los Angeles in 2007 and 2011 with promises of work in an unmade film. 

Bianco is asking for damages from the court as she now suffers from a variety of mental health issues, including post-traumatic stress disorder and panic attacks, as a result of Warner’s “physical, sexual, psychological and emotional abuse.” 

Bianco’s claims come several months after “Westworld” actress Evan Rachel Wood, along with four other women, came forward to allege that they had been abused by Warner, as Vanity Fair reported. 

“The name of my abuser is Brian Warner, also known to the world as Marilyn Manson,” Ms. Wood wrote in a February Instagram post. “He started grooming me when I was a teenager and horrifically abused me for years. I was brainwashed and manipulated into submission. I am done living in fear of retaliation, slander, or blackmail. I am here to expose this dangerous man and call out the many industries that have enabled him, before he ruins any more lives. I stand with the many victims who will no longer be silent.”

Warner and Wood were briefly engaged after they had dated for three years; she was 19 and he was 38 when their relationship became public in 2007. 

In response to Wood’s post, several other women, including Ashley Walters, Sarah McNeilly, Ashley Lindsay Morgan and a woman who simply identified as Gabriella, posted similar statements on Instagram. 

Walters, a photographer who once worked as Warner’s personal assistant, said that she still suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of the abuse. 

“I continue to suffer from PTSD, and struggle with depression. I stayed in touch with quite a few people who went through their own traumas, under his control,” she wrote. “As we all struggled, as survivors do, to get on with our lives, I’d keep hearing stories disturbingly similar to our own experiences.” 

Following those accusations, Warner was dropped by his label and roles in Starz’s “American Gods” and Shudder’s “Creepshow.”
 

Brian Tyree Henry stars in “The Outside Story,” a road movie “with the smallest possible mileage”

Casimir Nozkowski’s sweet feature film debut, “The Outside Story,” was supposed to premiere at the Tribeca Film Festival back in 2020. Then the pandemic happened. Now, belatedly getting a release on digital and on demand, this film, about Charles (Brian Tyree Henry), a shut-in forced to spend a day outside and interact with his neighbors, seems timelier than ever. 

“The Outside Story” is a road movie that never really leaves its block. Charles is brokenhearted after his girlfriend Isha (Sonequa Martin-Green) admits to cheating on him. He is also under pressure at work — he makes memorial videos for TCM — as a legendary actor is expected to die. Then he gets locked out of his apartment. Without money or shoes (he has great Modo Mio polka dotted socks). Now Charles has to rely on the kindness of his neighbors, but he doesn’t really know (m)any of them. As Charles fights a cop (Sunita Mani), kids with water balloons, and even the need to use the bathroom, he also makes some new friends, and gets life lessons about jealousy, forgiveness, and relationships. 

Nozkowski, who has made a several great short documentaries, including “70 Hester Street,” about the old synagogue that became the apartment he grew up in, and “Idac,” about a distant relative he didn’t know, gave Salon his side of the story about making “The Outside Story.” 

Obviously, your film was made before the pandemic, and it was delayed because of the pandemic, and now it is a perfect film for the pandemic. What are your thoughts on this cockeyed timing?

It’s my first feature, so everything is unknown. Even as I was cutting it, I was thinking it feels like the world is changing. You write a film, you shoot it, and when it’s done you think it’s going to be a whole different world — but never in your dreams do you think it was going to be a whole different world than the one we’re in. Tribeca didn’t cancel until April 3 [2020], so we were moving forward into the pandemic. I feel really lucky that the film had a festival run and that people wrote about and thought about the film, and that it is coming out. A film’s life in a pandemic is low on the priority list. I was bracing myself for this film never coming out or coming out years from now. I feel like I get extra luck points because it’s coming out in such a crazy world. The film has weird themes that connect to the pandemic and quarantine. We tested out a tagline, “Before we were locked down, he was locked out.” Movies help you process life in some ways — both watching them and making them, so that it’s paralleling the universe in a weird way, is helping me process. I’m curious what it is going to do to folks who see it? Will people embrace life and get back out there or is it going to annoy people? 

Your film is very much about how people behave in public and private. Can you talk about this theme in your film? 

I have a kind of fascination — and I don’t know if it’s the documentary side of me — that wants to know what everyone’s life is. I walk down the street and see someone and I’m dying to ask them big questions. What do you regret? Who was your great love? I just want to know these core questions. I wanted to create a situation where someone could ask those questions or have some of them answered for him. And a character who is uncomfortable in life and have kindnesses thrust upon him so he can to absorb the details of the world around him. As his neighbors open up to him, and show him the world he’d been avoiding, he would be a great absorber of those details. Making him an editor and a filmmaker was connected to my own background and looking at how an artist, even one in a rut, looks at the world. I thought he would be an interesting person to tour the world with. I grew up in New York and lived here all my life. For the first half of my life, I avoided getting to know the people in my neighborhood. I was social, but I took where I lived for granted. You’re not supposed to talk to people. So that was in here to. So, I was trying to develop Charles into someone who explores the world, not avoids it. I think I’m social but there’s this detrimental tendency in me to go with the flow almost in a negative way. Some folks might argue that it’s odd you don’t get to know your neighbors. I’m interested in that mechanism in us — why don’t we seek out the people around us? 

What observations do you have about the use of indoor and outdoor space? So much of “The Outside Story” is location-based, from a cozy apartment to a fire escape and a rooftop to a park or inside a car. Can you talk about creating a sense of claustrophobia?

My production team — my cinematographer and designers — all wanted bigger apartments. I understand that makes filming so much easier. I didn’t try to find a small apartment, but I thought there was something necessary about Charles living in a small, claustrophobic New York apartment that matched his rut and the depressive nature he had. The rooftop scene where Charles and Elena (Olivia Edward) look at the world around him is a big moment, and it is more freeing when he runs across the rooftops. I wanted to earn that scene by visiting and moving through all these small spaces until then. New York is parks and streets, but it is primarily big boxes with lots of little boxes inside of them. Most folks live in modest apartments. I wasn’t trying to make a major point of it, but you often see Upper West Side spacious apartments and penthouses, and they are portrayed as everyday average New Yorkers, so it was appealing for me to see all these small boxes with all these people who live in them. In the scene in Elena’s apartment, with her mom, Juliet (Maria Dizzia), all the posters and signs are packed together very tightly and hung close together. It matched Juliet’s energy in an interesting way. It felt very New York to me.

Likewise, Charles is metaphorically stuck. He only, slowly finds relief when he relies on others. Can you talk about this concept for your film? I’m curious how you came up with the various people and episodes Charles encounters on his journey. This road movie where he doesn’t leave his block.

That is the New York thing and maybe it’s an everywhere thing. You take for granted how much life is being lived around you on your block. The block I live on, I don’t know a lot of people on my block but I am positive if you met the spectrum that live on my block, you would have the whole world there in front of you in terms of emotional temperament, and background, from people who killed someone to people who have been desperately in love or have never been in love. I’ve always been fascinated by how much life is on one city block in New York City. That’s what I was going for — a road movie, an odyssey, and journey, with the smallest possible mileage.

I am interested in depressed characters and ruts and what gets them out of it. I’m pretty optimistic, but I’m so deeply familiar with the rut, and the stuck feeling of depression that comes out nowhere. Feeling like you slip into this valley, and that things are hopeless and how you climb your way out of that. The things that bring you out of it are so random. Sometimes you do the right self-help things, but sometimes you lose your keys, and lock yourself out, and knock on your neighbor’s door, and climb out on their fire escape, and they don’t know you and say, “Climb out on our window.” Those little gestures pop you out of the weird fog you’re in. When you encounter kindness, it kind of snaps you out of it. It can really be inspiring. 

Throughout the film Charles gets advice about relationship, jealousy, and forgiveness among other things. What can you say about depicting the various relationships in the film? Characters are gay, straight, bi-curious, and poly. Women want to be friends with men. There is a widow, there is a pregnant woman who is a DC with a Marvel husband, so opposites attract. There’s barely a single straight white man in the film. Can you talk about the film’s diversity?

Hearing you say that, I’m like, is it too much? I tried to capture that blocks are really like that in New York City, or a road in a small town. The world is actually that diverse. Writing this film, once I knew what Charles was going to be, I was searching for balance. Once I had Charles and the plot, I was going to throw characters at him. I could bring 20 speaking roles and populate them with some of my absolute favorite actors and give them space to improvise and flesh out their characters with screen time. I looked for balance. I wrote Elena with the troubled mom, that’s a hard apartment to be in, so then make the next one a kind one, so Sara (Lynda Gravatt), the old woman next to him is mysterious and unfazed. A film I love a lot is “After Hours.”  That movie was a touchstone with me for this film. In that film, the [protagonist] crashes into different people, and they are mostly insane. That was something I was inspired by and emulating. It was such a beautiful setup. The hardest thing for me was to make them make sense in a framework. Having all these vignettes add up to something. I wanted Charles to be the center but reacting to all the people around him and not just be a foil constantly watching everything. 

The film has various kinds of humor — frustration comedy, deadpan/sarcasm, sight gags, like the art in his neighbors’ apartments. Can you talk about how you created the film’s tone? It’s funny, and poignant, and there are topical references to Black Lives Matter.

I wanted to make a life-affirming comedy and have a cheerful feeling. But I love when genres mix, and when a film is neck-snapping. It’s funny and charming then horrifying or moving the next minute. But I fear a movie that is too sentimental. And I know my film has sentimental moments, but I tried hard to hold the sentiment at bay. With tonal shifts, that’s what it’s like to walk into a dozen people’s apartments. People at a feedback screening said the Juliet and Elena scene was too intense. I thought that was important. If you walked up three flights, it would be bizarre to have three different levels of kindness. One has to be intense and scary and shocking. There’s a [tension] in the film between comedy and naturalism, and when the film is really working when they are in harmony, but there are times when either the comedy or naturalism takes over. Real life is kind of subtle. 

Brian Tyree Henry is in every scene. It’s a great starring role for him. What decisions did you make about casting him, and how much of the story was written for him?

He was someone I thought of early on. When you dream who is the right person for this role? I was in love with the show “Atlanta,” and there’s real naturalism and comedy and surrealism in that show. There’s an episode where Brian Tyree Henry is lying on his couch and sees the ghost of his mother, and I said to my wife, “Do you think there is any world where Henry can be Charles?” She said, “No.” My casting director said, “Go for it. He’s blowing up. But what the heck?” When I wrote the film, I was daydreaming and fantasizing about him in the role. When he got involved, there was a lot of indie film life lessons. You think you’re going to have two weeks of rehearsal and workshopping the character, but you get zero rehearsal on indie films, but having said that, a lot of the film is all him. He’s in every scene. He’s the guiding light and I wanted him interpreting the language of the script. I am so not precious about dialogue. I want the actors to make it their own in every way. I love it when they bring a background. We shot in 16 days. He was shooting “Child’s Play,” landed in New York then two days later shot “The Outside Story.” and then two days later went to Hawaii to shoot “Godzilla vs. Kong.” He really brought a calm, thoughtful presence and a lot of the film is his improv. He has some wonderful chemistry with Sunita Mari. And Sonequa Martin-Green shot all her scenes in three days on her Thanksgiving break in between shooting “Star Trek: Discovery.” She had her whole character lined up in her head. 

There is a line in the film where several characters are asked if they think that everything happens for a reason. How would you answer that? 

[Laughs] I think my answer would be I’d like to think that everything happens for a reason, that you’re in the place your supposed to be in, and that there is some kind of destiny guiding us. But, having said that, I strongly suspect that everything is actually random, and you have to make the best of it, and make your own life. Charles starts off the film as someone who is letting the world come to him, and as a result, he’s missing the world. Because he’s not steering into it, he’s driving next to it. I have a tendency to do that too — that goes back to the go with the flow feeling. You’ll going to live a better life if you try to grab control of your destiny. Not everyone can — some people are in terrible circumstances. But if you can, and sorry to sound cheesy, but meet people and talk to folks, and try learn from the person next to you. I think you are going to live a better life.

“The Outside Story” is available on digital and on demand Friday, April 30.

Many vaccine reactions were actually anxiety, CDC states

Fainting, dizziness, vomiting, a racing heart— these are just some of the reported reactions people said they experienced after receiving Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen vaccine. However, according to a new analysis by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), these reactions weren’t related to an issue with the vaccine itself but instead were the results of pre-vaccine anxiety, including a fear of needles. 

The CDC authors examined data from five mass vaccination sites in California, Colorado, Georgia, Iowa and North Carolina, which reported an increase in “anxiety-related events” following the administration of Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen COVID-19 vaccine between April 7 and 9. According to the analysis, 64 out of 8,624 vaccine recipients reported experiencing rapid heart rate, rapid breathing or fainting.

All of the events were reported to the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS); none were considered “serious” by the system’s standards. The authors of the report suggested that because the J&J COVID-19 vaccine is a single-dose shot, people who are more fearful of needles might be more likely to get the shot instead of the two-dose options.

“It is possible that some persons seeking Janssen COVID-19 vaccination could be more highly predisposed to anxiety-related events after being vaccinated,” the authors of the study explained. “The stress of an ongoing pandemic might also increase anxiety surrounding COVID-19 vaccination.”

Twenty-percent of those who had anxiety-related reactions, which equated to 13 patients out of the 64, informed staff at the vaccination sites that they had a history of needle aversion. A quarter of those who lost consciousness were between the ages of 19 and 49 years old.

“As use of COVID-19 vaccines expands into younger age groups, providers should be aware that younger persons might be more highly predisposed to anxiety-related events after vaccination than are older persons,” the CDC reports. “Increased awareness of anxiety-related events after vaccination will enable vaccination providers to make an informed decision about continuing vaccination.”

The CDC stated that most events resolved themselves within the 15-minute observation period that’s required after receiving the vaccine. Thirteen people were taken to an emergency department, and among those at least five people were released from the hospital the same day.

In the same review, the CDC reported that 3% of reported reactions are classified as “serious,” including a total of 17 incidents of severe blood clotting.

“A rare but serious adverse event occurring primarily in women, blood clots in large vessels accompanied by a low platelet count, was rapidly detected by the U.S. vaccine safety monitoring system,” CDC researchers wrote. “Monitoring for common and rare adverse events after receipt of all COVID-19 vaccines, including the Janssen COVID-19 vaccine, is continuing.”

After a temporary pause, the CDC and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) recommend use of Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen vaccine. However, the health agencies have emphasized that women younger than 50 should be aware of the potential rare adverse effect.

The CDC states there haven’t been any reports of blood clots among the doses of the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines that have been administered in the United States as of April 17, 2021

What women know about the science of perfectionism

In September 2020, a male perfectionism scholar had his assistant tell me he would “not be available for further interviews” after I got a time difference wrong. I had all five kids in my blended family at home, their Zoom breaks perfectly misaligned to produce a steady stream of “Mamaaaaaaas” and “Gaaaaaaails,” on the day I missed his call. Taken aback, I wrote in my notes: perfectionism is a virtue/vice not allowed mothers at this moment in history. And then, naturally, I tweeted about it. Excluding the handful of folks who reminded me I’m the one who chose to have kids in the first place, a wave of support followed. In swam many women academics and clinicians. What do you need? they asked.

What I needed was to understand the science behind the term we all take for granted. What does it mean to be a perfectionist? Is it a good strategy? What makes perfectionism more intense? Are there ways to be less stressed out by it? Our conversations felt a bit like an episode of “MythBusters,” as we picked apart what the idea of perfectionism really meant, and what its harms (or benefits) might be.

Perfectionism isn’t what you think

What a lot of us call perfectionism may actually be “functional pursuit of excellence” or “adaptive perfectionistic striving.” Of true self-oriented perfectionism, Natalie Dattilo, Ph.D., the director of psychology and the department of psychiatry at the Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston, said: “It’s debilitating. It’s terrible. It’s awful, despite its benign-sounding name.” 

Both adaptive striving and perfectionism involve setting a high bar, making them hard to distinguish. Emily Bilek, Ph.D. told me the difference boils down to two factors: how explicitly defined your standards are, and how you react to not meeting them. Someone with functional pursuit of excellence might say, “I’d love to get a 94 or higher on this test, but I’ll be pleased with anything over an 89,” whereas many perfectionists won’t be satisfied in a world in which extra credit exists. Dr. Bilek, a clinical assistant professor in the University of Michigan’s department of psychiatry, tells her patients to think of a pole vault. If you’re a perfectionist, the height of the bar often isn’t really defined when you launch yourself into the air, and “your brain is really sneaky,” she said. It’ll raise the bar no matter how high you jump, always whispering, “Ah, that just wasn’t good enough.”

The second piece of the puzzle is what happens when you get a 93 … or an 88. If shame or another type of critical self-evaluation follows, that’s a problem; if you can muster self-compassion amid your disappointment, it’s the healthier variety. It’s perfectionism if your sense of self is so tied to your performance that a mistake threatens it; it’s more like adaptive striving if you can fail and still feel capable of tackling the next challenge. Perfectionists tend to overgeneralize from their mistakes and ruminate about them. Those who strive for excellence see shades of gray, but die-hard perfectionists often recognize only two options: complete success and abject failure.

Jennifer Petriglieri, who lives in France, studies leadership development, among other things, as an associate professor at INSEAD. “The biggest surprise is, you probably don’t know who’s a perfectionist,” she told me. You may assume it’s the person who has to have all the spines lined up on their bookshelf or the hard-driving CEO. “But really there is this layer of hidden perfectionism … people who are very hard on themselves, and they wouldn’t necessarily come across as perfectionists.”

Perfectionists can get ahead, to a point 

Fear of making mistakes, researchers say, leads to hypervigilant performance monitoring that can make you less efficient. Proofreading your work? Fine. But reviewing an email for typos, five, six, seven times will impact productivity, said Marina Milyavskaya, Ph.D., an associate professor at Carleton University in Ottawa.

Procrastination and even avoiding taking on a project altogether are also common byproducts of perfectionism. Dr. Dattilo explained why: “If it has to be done a certain way, at a certain level of quality, it’s sometimes safer just to not do it at all.” After all, who really wants to invite a challenge to their self-worth? “In order to keep that intact,” she said, perfectionists would rather ride the bench than get put in the game and come up short—or they might just skip tryouts.

Perfectionism also causes considerable distress, or as the authors of a 2020 study out of Texas State University put it, “psychopathological burden.” True perfectionism is accompanied by worry, intrusive thoughts, and obsessions. It manifests in setting up rigid rules and experiencing stress when they aren’t followed, and is commonly associated with generalized anxiety disorder, OCD, and eating disorders, among other diagnoses. 

In a milder iteration, perfectionistic thinking can make you feel less fulfilled and inspired. Nicole Coomber, Ph.D., an assistant dean at the University of Maryland’s Smith School of Business, replied to my tweet too. She pointed to the work of her colleague Trevor Foulk, Ph.D. on “maximizing” which he later explained, “basically means looking for the best, most optimal solution.” On the other hand, “satisficing” entails establishing minimum criteria and being cool with anything that fits the bill. Foulk and a colleague found associations between a maximizing mindset and decreased motivation. As Coomber put it, “If you are always seeking the best, most optimal outcome then you actually enjoy work less.” That helps explain why self-oriented perfectionism is a risk factor for burnout.

But there can be “real positive payoffs,” Petriglieri told me, with society often rewarding perfectionistic behavior. “That makes it hard to stare a perfectionist down and say, ‘This is damaging you.’ Many people get where they get because they give 150 percent. The short-term gains keep accruing and the long-term impact can take months or years to really show.”


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Once a perfectionist, always a perfectionist? Not so fast

Perfectionism can also be uneven in its impact on your life. “When we think of perfectionism, we tend to think it’s all about the person,” Professor Petriglieri told me: “Gail is a perfectionist and wherever she is, she will be a perfectionist. That is not what the research shows.” We may be born with perfectionistic vulnerability, but our upbringing, experiences, and current situation can “turn the dial up or turn the dial down.”

Conscientiousness, one of the Big Five personality traits (the others are extraversion, agreeableness, openness, and neuroticism), has been tied to perfectionism, as has a predisposition to anxiety, but studies on twins suggest that genetics are far from the only factor. Indeed, firstborns are more likely to be perfectionists than younger siblings. Children of perfectionists, several studies show, tend to become perfectionists themselves. When people develop vulnerable narcissism, perfectionism often comes along for the ride. What’s more, the interpersonal styles of some parents, co-workers, and romantic partners, Petriglieri said, can trigger a person’s perfectionistic tendencies more than others. 

A life change, particularly one accompanied by an identity shift, can also, wrote Alexandra Sacks, M.D. and Catherine Birndorf, M.D. in “What No One Tells You: A Guide to Your Emotions from Pregnancy to Motherhood.” Bilek explained why: “Perfectionism is going to thrive on uncertainty.” That’s partially because the height of the pole vault bar is even more undefined, but it’s also because, “when I feel uncertain, here’s the one coping skill I know: I’ll just be perfect.”

When musicians win awards, Petriglieri told me, “It can hugely activate that perfectionism.” So too can a successful surgical practice. Dr. Dattilo, whose patients are doctors, said, “There’s a lot of pressure to perform at a certain level, and that’s what others have come to expect of them, and what they have come to expect of themselves.”

Zoom out from workplace culture to larger cultural dynamics, like Americans’ infamous work ethic. Noticing that all the women I connected with through Twitter are white, I contacted a couple more experts. Serena Chen chairs the psychology department at the University of California, Berkeley. She said, “Growing up in an Asian household, self-compassion sounds ludicrous. Sounds too luxurious.” A “buck up,” more perfectionist mindset was the norm, in her experience. Though it’s not conclusive, there’s some research to support this idea that different cultures breed different levels of perfectionism.  

Then there’s “stereotype threat.” Chevon Mathews, MA, LCPC, LPC, NCC, BC-TMH, told me about research showing that being the only one—say, the only woman—in the room can make a person feel like they’re under a microscope. Thinking you have to be twice as good as everyone else to disprove assumptions produces a similar cycle of self-doubt and performance anxiety. “Black people are constantly under scrutiny while existing in non-Black spaces,” said Mathews, who is the Assistant Clinical Director at Onyx Therapy Group. “When stereotypes present themselves combined with perfectionistic tendencies, it creates a space where there’s no room for error, which is an unrealistic and unhealthy space.”

The myth that you’re either a perfectionist or you’re not is further dispelled by a concept called “domain-specific perfectionism.” Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan, Ph.D., a professor at the Ohio State University who focuses on psychology pertaining to families, told me, “Someone could be very perfectionistic when it comes to their work but, for example, might not be as perfectionistic when it comes to parenting.”

When I interviewed these experts, I’d recently read about teens and how the “identity-relevance” of a situation impacts their level of conformity. So I asked: Is it possible we display perfectionistic tendencies in those domains that most directly impact our identity? They all said yes, and now I know how it’s possible for me to shed tears over an errant semicolon yet grab a karaoke mic and glory in compliments like, “Bruno Mars would never have written that song if he’d known it’d come to this.”

It also explains why, in a study of college students, females tended to be more perfectionistic about appearance and relationships, while physical activity tended to bring out perfectionism in males. 

Professor Milyavskaya explained the mechanism to me: That second piece of perfectionism, the self-criticism that follows missing our mark, tends to stay constant between domains, but if something matters less to us, we don’t set such lofty standards in the first place.

Mindset shift 

One of the tricks I’ve long used to tame my perfectionistic impulses involves redefining perfect. Take, for example, the goal of not yelling at my kids. If I fall short and raise my voice, I can avoid self-flagellation by telling myself that children need to observe anger in others to understand that humans have limits and that their own big emotions are valid. So actually, my self-talk goes, I’m doing the very best by my children when I occasionally lose my temper and model how to apologize.

Like a good therapist, Dr. Bilek first offered me affirmation. “I love that,” she said. But, in her ideal world, “We want to not only redefine perfect, but perhaps let go of that expectation of ourselves entirely.” It’s not enough to run an honest cost-benefit analysis around where we set the “perfect” bar. (What are the real consequences of putting in less time and effort?) Rather, she wants us to question perfectionism itself: “Ask why do I subscribe to these beliefs? Where’s it coming from?” she said, “You think, ‘I would never achieve what I have if it weren’t for my perfectionism,’ and I just want you to start wondering whether you’ve been successful in spite of this.”

To build up a willingness for things to be “poorly done,” Dr. Dattilo suggested shifting our focus from destination to journey. She told me about a patient who took up cooking in order to relax. The woman followed the recipe to a T, but it didn’t come out as she’d hoped. Again and again she tried, becoming increasingly upset. “And what happens is, you are so caught up in needing to get it just right, that you are almost consumed by that, and the whole thing isn’t enjoyable when the point was to have it be fun.” Being more invested in the process than the outcome, she said, can make us less rigid and make disappointment less crushing.

Self-compassion

In their cognitive behavioral therapy, Drs. Sacks and Birndorf “encourage patients to look at patterns in the language they use when they narrate their own thoughts.” The word “should” is a big red flag. They recommend writing down the “should” statements that pop into your brain.

What happens next, Dr. Chen is an expert in. She says taking these thoughts and practicing self-compassion can protect you from the distress associated with perfectionism. “It’s not woo-woo or complicated like I thought it was,” she assured me, listing three components. First, be kind to yourself. That can entail adopting a satisficing mantra before, during, and after a task. Try something like, “Good enough is good enough.” Doing this can often feel a lot like pretending to be your own best friend: “I should make a cupcake for each element and lay them out as a giant periodic-table for my daughter’s science fair” gets the response, “How much sleep did you already lose helping plan this thing? They’re lucky you’re showing up with pants on!”

You’d probably remind that buddy that social media images aren’t realistic. (To repeat, social media images are not realistic.) And you’d probably tell them their so-called flaws are part of what make them loveable. If that sounds hard to believe, look up the Japanese word kintsugi. I first read about it in Maggie Smith’s book “Keep Moving.” The art of fixing broken ceramics with gold celebrates imperfection: “The brokenness is not only the most beautiful part but also the strongest part,” Smith explained.

The second approach to self-compassion involves stepping back and taking a humanity-wide viewpoint. “Everybody makes mistakes,” Dr. Chen said. “You are not the first to not get a promotion, and you won’t be the last.” It’s about gaining distance.

“One regrettable choice doesn’t need to define or condemn you,” Drs. Sacks and Birndorf suggested telling yourself, along with “Rather than beating yourself up, you can simply make a different choice next time.”

Acceptance is the big ask here. Accept that everybody makes mistakes. At the speaker series Dean Coomber runs, “almost every single leader that comes up has a story of a setback or something that helped them learn and grow.” Buying into the idea that opportunity accompanies failure challenges the logic of “if I fail, then I’m a failure.” And it allows you to bake imperfection into your goal setting. Step one: Put yourself out there. Step two: Fail. Step three: Put yourself out there again.

The final piece of self-compassion falls under the heading of equanimity: “Just try to maintain balance without getting overwhelmed with negative emotion,” Dr. Chen said. You can do this by finding some small thing to be grateful for when all doesn’t go as planned. Did I forget to ask the handyman to take a look at the garage door, and now I have to pay 10 times as much to the specialty repairman? Yes, but he was available at the last minute when I was locked out of my house, and I had it all sorted within an hour. That’s something to celebrate.

Techniques like deep breathing and meditation also increase equanimity. You can practice mindfulness by noticing when your internal monologue veers into perfectionist territory and saying to yourself: “I see you, brain, fixating on ‘perfection’ as if there’s only one right way.” Mathews said, “Challenging those negative thoughts while being presently aware has been helpful in improving some of my clients’ overall well-being and self-efficacy.”

Chunking 

Researchers have found that receiving high-quality feedback makes a job more motivating. Perfectionism is like depriving yourself of that feedback, Dean Coomber said, because “you never take a step back and appreciate your accomplishments.”

It doesn’t help that we get used to being able to put a number on our striving’s success: 94, 93, 88. Dr. Bilek said she commonly sees those with perfectionistic tendencies get to the point where it’s not just criticism that stings, but an absence of constant praise. To feel better, she said, the sense of “good enough” has to come from within. That requires significant change, not tips easily dispensed on the internet.

That said, self-feedback mechanisms provide a discrete, doable place to start. Dr. Dattilo recommended taking big tasks and “tasks that are big in your mind,” and breaking them down into smaller chunks. The benefit of “chunking” all of your goals into subgoals is that you can give yourself a pat on the back for each, which will make the next feel more manageable. For me, that looks like a running tasks list in my Gmail sidebar. Some days I’m so desperate for affirmation that I add momentous feats like “shower” and “brush teeth.” I’ll even pop something on after I’ve already done it and then immediately check it off.

Dr. Bilek said, “It’s tempting to say, ‘Well, I don’t deserve that kudos or that little burst of dopamine until I get the big thing done.’ But that’s setting you up to fail again.” 

Therapy

Remember cognitive behavioral therapy? One variation is called “exposure therapy” and involves encouraging people to meet their fears head on. In the case of Dr. Dattilo’s patient, that could mean purposefully putting in the “wrong” amount of an ingredient so she has to wing it to get the flavors to balance. “The idea is, ‘Can you do it poorly on purpose? Or can you do it with half the effort, and be okay with whatever happens?” When the dish comes out edible, even tasty, it gives the lie to perfectionist thinking: Imperfection will not kill you or ruin your career—or your dinner. The practice also raises a person’s ability to tolerate discomfort, she said. “Because really, that’s where it stems from, is that it is too uncomfortable for it to be imperfect. And what we teach people how to do is to just sit with that, to resist the urge to fix it.”

This type of therapy is about exiting your comfort zone. Put yourself in situations where you think, “This will be hard and I won’t be able to do it perfectly, but it’s worth doing anyway.”

But with true perfectionism, behavioral change alone may not cut it. Many therapists believe you have to get to the root of why it’s uncomfortable to be imperfect or what need your perfectionism is serving. To wrap my head around this approach, I tried my luck with another male perfectionism scholar. Dr. Paul Hewitt runs the Perfectionism and Psychopathology Lab at the University of British Columbia. He said, “As perfectionism is deep-rooted and part of a person’s identity, it usually takes time to make deeper changes.”

Then he told me the story of a patient of his who was obsessed with getting an A+ in a difficult college course. After he eventually succeeded, “he quickly turned it into a failure by stating, ‘If I was truly capable and smart and deserving of an A+, I would not have had to work as hard to get the A+.'” Intense fear of underperforming and unrelenting self-criticism like this requires unpacking in psychodynamic and interpersonal psychotherapy, he said, including discussion of early life experiences.

Get some autonomy

Sometimes though, it’s not you that’s the issue. Drs. Sacks and Birndorf explained, “With so much out of your control, it can be tempting to become extremely strict about what you can control.” When perfectionistic flames are being fanned, going to therapy, shifting your mindset, and adopting coping strategies like self-compassion and chunking can do the trick, but sometimes a different kind of change is in order.

Professor Milyavskaya told me, “Some of my research finds that self-critical individuals generally feel more controlled; providing environments that counteract that may help.” In other words, if your life suddenly feels like being stuck in a too tight dress with a broken zipper in a tiny dressing room, acceptance may be as maladaptive as perfectionistic micromanagement. True, increased autonomy won’t help the full-blown perfectionist. But if you’re a mostly adaptive striver who’s begun to be plagued by rigidity, breaking free of something else—a lockstep job, a defined course of study, a controlling marriage, unrelenting childcare—may be key to breaking free of your perfectionistic tendencies.

Chang Chen, a graduate student at the University of British Columbia, provided consultation for this article.

Stephen Miller is suing Joe Biden for discrimination against white people

A conservative legal group founded by former Trump officials Stephen Miller and Mark Meadows has filed a lawsuit against the Biden administration for its support of the American Rescue Plan, which the suit alleges discriminates against farmers of “white ethnic groups” by reserving funds for “socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers.”

The legal group, America First Legal, which vows to take on “the radical activist left,” is representing Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller. The suit, which the plaintiffs brought to the U.S. District Court in the Northern District of Texas, argues that “white farmers and ranchers are not included within the definition of ‘socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers,’ making them ineligible for aid under these federal programs.”

“These racial exclusions are patently unconstitutional,” it continues. The group argues that, if the court does not recognize this, “then it should at the very least declare that the phrase ‘socially disadvantaged group’ must be construed, as a matter of statutory interpretation, to include ethnic groups of all types that have been subjected to racial and ethnic prejudice, including (but not limited to) Irish, Italians, Germans, Jews, and eastern Europeans.”

To further his case, Miller in a press statement invoked the words of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. “Americans,” Miller quoted, “‘should not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.'” 

“MLK’s vision is fundamental to our democracy, in which all citizens are equal both in front of the law and in the eyes of their Creator,” Miller claimed. “For this reason, AFL is filing a lawsuit today against the Biden Administration to prevent it from administering programs created under the American Rescue Plan Act that discriminate against American farmers and ranchers based upon the basis of race.”

The Department of Agriculture told NBC that it is “reviewing the complaint and working with the Department of Justice.”

“During this review,” it added, “we will continue to implement the debt relief to qualified socially disadvantaged borrowers under the American Rescue Plan Act.”

In March, experts told the Washington Post that Biden’s American Rescue Plan will prove the most significant legislation for Black farmers since the Civil Rights Act. The plan, which dedicates $5 billion to enfranchising farmer of color – a group which has “lost 90 percent of their land over the past century because of systemic discrimination and a cycle of debt” – would mark a defining win for Black farmers in particular, who many argue have been severely underserved by the UDSA for decades.  

According to the USDA, of the 3.4 million farmers in the nation, only 45,000 are Black. White farmers, meanwhile, own 98% of all farmland. 

Some, however, allege that the $5 billion relief package won’t be nearly enough to compensate for the generational losses.

“The best estimates I have seen of the economic loss to Black farmers due to USDA policies and overall processes of land appropriation by Whites has been between $250 and $350 billion,” said William Darity, a professor of public policy at Duke University who has extensive work on reparations. “This is approximately 10 percent of total Black wealth in the U.S., about $2.5 trillion. The notion that this approaches a program of reparations is nonsense. Reparations for Black American descendants of slavery must be designed to eliminate the gulf in Black and White wealth.”

Former “19 Kids and Counting” star Josh Duggar charged with possession of child pornography

Josh Duggar, a former star of the television show “19 Kids and Counting,” has formally been charged in federal court with charges of receipt and possession of child pornography following his arrest in Arkansas on Thursday. 

In May 2019, Homeland Security agents raided the car dealership where Duggar works in connection with a federal probe and a new federal indictment, which was obtained by Arkansas news station KHBS, accuses Duggar of knowingly receiving child pornography and posessing it in May 2019. It includes images of minors under the age of 12. 

Duggar pleaded not guilty to the charges. 

According to KHBS, Judge Erin Wiedemann has set a bond hearing for Duggar for next week. 

“Given the nature of the charges against him, the court would likely require a third-party custodian that could live with him and would ensure compliance with the conditions of bond,” Weidemann said. 

She also said Duggar — who just announced that he and his wife, Anna, are expecting their seventh child — would not be allowed to have minors around him if he were released.

Duggar is the oldest child of Jim Bob and Michelle Duggar, who starred in the TLC reality series “19 Kids and Counting.” The Duggar family has publicly identified as Independent Baptists and much of the show was dedicated to how their conservative, “quiverfull” brand of Christianty played out in day-to-day life. The quiverfull movement is one that views children as blessings from God and discourages all forms of birth control, including natural family planning. 

The show premiered in 2008. By 2013, Joshua Duggar had taken a job with the Family Research Council, an organization that is classified as an anti-gay hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. However, he resigned from that position in May 2015 when news broke that he had molested at least five under-age girls, including four of his sisters, when he was 14 or 15 years old. 

At the time, Duggar released a statement saying that his parents were aware of the situation and had sought counseling for him. 

“Twelve years ago, as a young teenager, I acted inexcusably for which I am extremely sorry and deeply regret. I hurt others, including my family and close friends,” he said in a statement at the time. “I confessed this to my parents who took several steps to help me address the situation. We spoke with the authorities where I confessed my wrongdoing, and my parents arranged for me and those affected by my actions to receive counseling.”

Multiple members of his family went on record saying that they forgave him for his behavior, however, “19 Kids and Counting was cancelled by TLC. Several months later, Duggar admitted to using the website Ashley Madison — which was marketed to married individuals seeking discreet affairs — after records of credit card transactions under his name were released during a data breach. 

He released a follow-up statement on his family’s website, in which he admitted to being unfaithful to his wife. 

“I have been the biggest hypocrite ever,” he wrote. “While espousing faith and family values, I have secretly over the last several years been viewing pornography on the Internet and this became a secret addiction and I became unfaithful to my wife.” 

In November 2015, adult film star Danica Dillon claimed that Duggar had “assaulted her to the point of causing her physical and emotional injuries” while the two were having consentual sex at a Philadelphia strip club in early 2015. She sued him for $500,000 in damages. The suit was, however, dropped in 2016 by Dillon. 

The Duggar family issued a statement on their website Friday afternoon. 

“We appreciate your continued prayers for our family at this time,” it said. “The accusations brought against Joshua today are very serious. It is our prayer that the truth, no matter what it is, will come to light, and that this will all be resolved in a timely manner. We love Josh and Anna and continue to pray for their family.”

 

Whataboutism, the last refuge for Republicans, is on the rise

Over a year ago, and in violation of my own good advice, I got caught up in a Facebook argument with a Republican relative about Donald Trump. I don’t remember what the topic was, and it hardly matters now, since the past four years was just a constant churn of Trump doing terrible stuff and his defensive voters constantly grasping for dumb excuses for why the terrible stuff wasn’t actually all that terrible. What I do remember, however, is that, at one point, I linked the Washington Post’s daily counter of Trump false statements — he was up to over a dozen a day by then — and demanded an explanation of why she would support such a liar. (I am not proud of myself, as noted.) She retorted with something along the lines of, “Oh, like Elizabeth Warren has never told a lie!” 

Now, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., is an honest politician and well-rated by PolitiFact. But all politicians have succumbed to the urge to massage the truth a time or two, and certainly I couldn’t prove on the spot that Warren had a spotless record. But what was really preposterous was my relative’s underlying assumption: if Warren had ever fudged the truth, then all criticism of Trump was rendered null and void.

It’s this tendency to compare two unequal things that provided Trump and his supporters a blank check to have no standards at all, because, after all, the other side was hardly perfect. It’s Whataboutism, the common term for a version of the tu quoque fallacy. RationalWiki explains that whataboutism is “a diversionary tactic to shift the focus off of an issue and avoid having to directly address it” by “twisting criticism back onto the critic and in doing so revealing the original critic’s hypocrisy.”


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As my interchange with my relative shows, in conservative hands, whataboutism often results in a comparison of egregious sins of the right to slight or even imaginary ones on the left. The purpose isn’t even really to establish hypocrisy, since it’s usually comparing apples to oranges. The purpose is pure deflection. It doesn’t even have to make sense. 

Sarah Longwell, a Republican political strategist who now publishes the never-Trump website The Bulwark, has been doing a series of focus groups on Republican voters. She spoke with Peter Wehner of The Atlantic, and flagged this increasing conservative addiction to whataboutism. 

If compelling evidence is presented to MAGA supporters that what they’re being told by Greene or others is a lie, they don’t engage directly with the evidence. According to Longwell, “They say, ‘What about Ilhan Omar?’ They say, ‘What about [Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez]?'” As Longwell puts it, “They’ve got these things down, which is ‘Whatever you just showed me about Marjorie Taylor Greene is irrelevant because Ilhan Omar, because AOC, and I know lots about that, and I can tell you all about it.'” Some focus-group participants report that they like how Greene “speaks her mind.”

As with my relative’s false Warren vs. Trump gambit, a notable factor here is how the whataboutism is comparing apples to oranges.

Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., are nothing like Rep. Marjorie Taylor-Greene, R-Ga. They aren’t conspiracy theorists, racists, or trolls who stop congressional business for no good reason. This isn’t just a logical fallacy, but it’s a half-baked one that falls apart under even the slightest scrutiny. But the point of it isn’t to make sense, but to fill the discourse with noise, so that they don’t have to answer for — or even think about — the deep immorality of supporting Taylor Greene. 

Once you are tuned into it, the reliance on whataboutism by conservatives — especially right-wing pundits — is evident everywhere. Just this week, I collected a number of examples. 

On Fox News, Juan Williams called out the network for spreading false stories about President Joe Biden rationing beef and Vice President Kamala Harris “pushing” her book on migrant children. Co-host Greg Gutfeld immediately retorted by whining, “Well I guess they learned from the best,” and referencing the Steele dossier. Of course, these aren’t equivalent.  Christopher Steele’s dossier was never presented by the media as anything but what it was, which is a series of allegations that ranged in their level of adequate sourcing. The beef ration and Harris book stories, however, were pure misinformation. 

On “The View”, Meghan McCain pulled a similar trick when trying to defend Fox News for spreading fake stories, trying to change the subject to “liberal media which runs all of media, all of tech, all of entertainment, all of music, all of politics, all three branches of government.” Not only was her claim a lie, but it was also nonsensical. Why should liberals having power in the media justify conservatives spreading obvious disinformation

Or check out this story from The Daily Beast, where reporters Asawin Suebsaeng and Adam Rawnsley detailed how “the former president and his Republican allies are coalescing around a new argument to fend off allegations that Trump incited the bloody Jan. 6 riot: Maxine Waters did it, too.”

Again, that’s a lie.

Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., told Minnesota protesters to get “confrontational,” but in a context that clearly indicated a desire for said confrontation to stay peaceful. The result was that the people she was speaking to stayed peaceful, as the vast majority of Black Lives Matter protesters have done for the past year now. Trump, however, spent months riling his followers up, gave a speech saying, “You’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength,” and then sent them to the Capitol. And we know they got the message because of what they did when they got there. 


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Thursday night, Tucker Carlson of Fox News was so aggrieved at Biden for denouncing this insurrection, that Carlson leaned hard into the most non sequitur version of whataboutism

“Really? The worst attack on our democracy in 160 years? How about the Immigration Act of 1965?” Carlson complained. 

White nationalists hate the 1965 bill because it basically banned racial discrimination in immigration. Even by Carlson’s low standards of what constitutes logic, arguing that being anti-racist is less democratic than trying to overthrow a free and fair election is a joke. 

Perhaps the most dangerous way that the right-wing addiction to whataboutism manifests is in the way it’s employed after every story about cops killing Black people in incidents that should not have been deadly. Inevitably, right-wing media will settle on pointing the finger at the victim for being “no angel.” Apologists for Derek Chauvin in the murder of George Floyd loved to harp on how Floyd had drugs in his system at the time. 

This argument, of course, makes no sense.

The right not to be killed by police should not depend on a person having a spotless history. The percentage of Americans who can honestly say they’ve never broken a law or done a bad thing lingers around zero. Being imperfect shouldn’t be a blank check for cops to kill you. But whataboutism, of course, always embeds this double standard: People outside of the right-wing tribe are expected to be perfect, and if they are not, it’s blanket permission for people inside the right-wing tribe to do whatever they want, no matter how terrible. 

The reason that whataboutism is increasingly popular on the right is obvious: They know they can’t defend either their behavior or their ideas, so they are laser-focused on deflection.

Whataboutism is crude and relies on false equivalences or outright lies. Still, it often works, either by tricking liberals into changing the subject or by giving conservatives a thing they can say, no matter how nonsensical, that staves off the demons of self-interrogation. As with other shady rhetoric the right is using to avoid talking about real issues, we can expect to see more of this, as they get more desperate in the face of their own failures. 

Rudy Giuliani claims feds tapped his “iCloud” in Tucker Carlson interview after raid

Donald Trump’s former (or perhaps current) personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani joined Fox News’ Tucker Carlson on Thursday night to discuss the early-morning FBI raid on his apartment Wednesday, which quickly devolved into a Giuliani riff claiming that the search was “completely illegal” because the federal government had somehow downloaded the former New York mayor’s data from his “iCloud.” 

Giuliani began the segment by recounting the “bang” at 6 a.m. on Wednesday as federal agents arrived with paperwork to carry out a search warrant. “I looked at the warrant, and I said, ‘You know, this is extraordinary because I offered to give these to the government and talk it over with them for two years,'” Trump’s personal lawyer told Carlson. 

“I don’t know why they have to do this,” Giuliani added. On Thursday, The New York Times reported that the feds were apparently seeking information connected to Giuliani’s role in the Trump’s dismissal of the former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, Marie Yovanovitch. Notably, Giuliani did not mention his possible wrongdoing by communicating with Ukrainian officials ahead of the first impeachment trial of former President Trump. “The search warrant is on one single failure to file for representing a Ukrainian national or official that I never represented,” Giuliani claimed to Carlson, positioning himself as a victim of government persecution.  

“I never represented a Ukrainian national or official before the United States government,” Giuliani continued. “I’ve declined it several times. I’ve had contracts in countries like Ukraine. In the contract is a clause that says I will not engage in lobbying or foreign representation. I don’t do it because I felt it would be too compromising.”

The former LifeLock spokesman proceeded to push onward in the Carlson segment, speculating as to why FBI agents d declined to take hard drives from his apartment that were allegedly connected to President Joe Biden’s son, Hunter. “I said, ‘Well, don’t you want these?’ And they said, ‘What are they?’ I said, ‘Those are Hunter Biden’s hard drives.’ And they said, ‘No, no, no.’ I said, ‘Are you sure you don’t want them?’ The warrant required them to take it,” Giuliani claimed. “And they said, ‘No, no, no.’ One last time, I said, ‘Don’t you think you should take it?’ And they said no. Hunter Biden’s hard drives fall within the scope of the subpoena. The subpoena required them to take all electronics. They decided to leave that behind!”

The tirade by the onetime “America’s mayor” continued on Fox News’ highest-rated show for several more minutes, only to conclude with the former gold-coin pitchman railing against the “completely illegal search” based on the dubious claim that the FBI had already acquired his data from the “iCloud.” (The Apple cloud-computing service marketed under that name is encrypted.)

“The only way you can get a search warrant is if you can show that there is some evidence that the person is going to destroy the evidence,” Giuliani stated. “Or is going to run away with the evidence. Well, I’ve had it for two years and haven’t destroyed it.” 

“And they also got it from the iCloud. So, there was no — there was no justification for that warrant!” Giuliani added, pointing his thumb toward the sky. “One of many that this ‘Department of Injustice’ tragically has done, and it breaks my heart because I belonged to the Justice Department, and I think I had a record that is a hell of a lot better than theirs.”  

During his radio show on WABC earlier on Thursday, Giuliani described the raid on his apartment as a “disgrace.” “I’ve been fighting crooks all my life. I’m fighting crooks again,” he said. “The only tragedy of it is they have titles from the government. But they’re a disgrace! They are a complete disgrace to the office that I distinguished!”

It appears that former President Trump remains supportive of Giuliani, at least for now. Early Thursday morning, Trump responded on Fox Business to the Giuliani raid, calling it “unfair” and motivated by a “double standard” with no historical precedent. 

“Rudy Giuliani is a great patriot,” Trump stated. “He does these things — he just loves this country. And they raid his apartment? It’s like, so unfair! And such a double standard like I don’t think anybody’s ever seen before. It’s very, very unfair.”

According to a new from The Daily Beast on Friday, Giuliani has contacted legendary attorney Alan Dershowitz (also serving as legal counsel to MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell) to enlist his advice regarding Fourth Amendment concerns allegedly stemming from the raid. Search warrants are only merited for attorneys “when you have reason to believe that the lawyer would destroy evidence,” Dershowitz told The Beast.  

Watch Giuliani’s full interview with Tucker Carlson above, via Fox News. 

Joe Biden’s next 100 days: With Republicans out of the way, key Senate Democrats could change it all

President Joe Biden gave his first speech to a joint session of Congress this week and by most accounts, it was a successful event. The TV ratings weren’t high but according to snap polls, those that did watch liked what he had to say and the media were complimentary about his delivery and presentation — which is half the battle.

Biden introduced a new piece of legislation called the American Family Act which features items such as paid family leave, universal daycare and preschool, free community college, elder care, and a number of other initiatives that other developed countries have had for years but which Americans have been staring at longingly from afar. It’s obvious that if we want a 21st Century economy, we’re going to have to at least catch up to what other countries have been doing since the middle of the 20th.

His initiative comes on the heels of the previously announced American Jobs Act (aka Biden’s infrastructure plan) and the already passed American Rescue Plan Act, as well as his administration’s very successful vaccine roll-out. Considering that Biden had virtually no transition and came into office on the heels of an insurrection and in the middle of a global pandemic, that’s not a bad first 100 days.

But the hard work is really just beginning.

The government has responded well to the pandemic crisis, which is a refreshing change from the previous administration. And the big COVID relief package has given the economy the boost it needed to recover (and it is recovering smartly). But Biden’s platform is much more ambitious. Taking office at a time of great turmoil in the country after years of unnecessary wars, economic and social stagnation, as well as pent-up demand for racial justice, he and the Democrats have decided to try to enact a truly transformative agenda.

Of course, that is a very tall order. As we are all well aware, the Democrats have a very narrow majority in the upper chamber and there are a few senators who seem to be determined to pare down these ambitious goals in the name of “bipartisanship” and “fiscal responsibility.” If that sounds familiar, it should. Centrist Democrats have been wringing their hands over deficits and taxes for the past 40 years, a form of inherited political PTSD from the Reagan Revolution. But there are fewer of them than there used to be and it’s always possible that after much cajoling, sweet-talk and flattery, party leaders will find a way to corral them into going with the program without watering it down to nothing but a puddle of lukewarm water.

And then there is the GOP.

One of the reasons the first hundred days are often able to produce some big achievements is that the other party is usually back on its heels. There’s a period of confusion about what went wrong, a jockeying for power, and indecision about how best to deal with the new majority. It takes a while to settle down and decide on a strategy. And in this case, all of that is magnified by the fact that Donald Trump refused to concede the election and his followers staged a violent insurrection to stop the peaceful transfer of power and the whole ordeal still looms over the party like a big nuclear cloud.

The stories about pilgrimages to Mar-a-Lago, Twitter selfies of House leaders groveling for forgiveness after suggesting that Trump’s behavior on January 6th was irresponsible and the dispensing of phony “awards” to make him feel valued, all expose the ongoing illness at the heart of the party. Despite some attempts by Never Trumpers and some obvious positioning by ambitious politicians looking for an opening, the base of the party is still under the control of Donald J. Trump and that means everything is still really all about him.

Adding to the confusion is the fact that Republican dogma was pretty much discredited even before Trump came on the scene. He drop-kicked most of it into oblivion with his incoherent program of libertine values, trade wars, tax cuts, deficits and wall building. He had a hold on the voters the Republican establishment couldn’t bear to cross so even aside from enabling his disgusting personal behavior, they gave up any claim to ideological credibility. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell can wax on about the Democrats’ “court-packing” or attempting to usurp the sacred process of the Senate but it will just elicit laughter.

Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina tried to revert to the pre-Trump talking points in his rebuttal to President Biden on Wednesday night and it sounded downright bizarre, as if we were listening to a scratchy, old recording of some radio speech in the 1930s. He complained about the American Families Plan being “even more taxing, even more spending, to put Washington even more in the middle of your life — from the cradle to college” and called the infrastructure plan a “partisan wish list.”

Yawn. After the Trump spending spree they all gleefully signed on to, those tired old saws have no credibility at all. Times have changed. Last Sunday’s NBC News poll showed that 55 percent of Americans thought the government should focus on doing more to help people, while just 41 percent said it was already trying to do too many things. As the NY Times pointed out, “in the 1990s, it was the other way around; during the George W. Bush and Obama presidencies, NBC polls usually found the country more evenly split.”

Still, Scott denounced Biden for dividing the country, disingenuously blaming him for the fact that Republicans unanimously refused to vote for his COVID relief bill when Democrats all voted for Trump’s. He unctuously declared “COVID brought Congress together five times; this administration pushed us apart,” giving Tucker Carlson a run for his money for the troll of the year award. But it was his Trumpian flourish on the issue of race that shows that the culture war is really all Republicans have left. Scott pulled out the “reverse racism” card, virtually guaranteed to make the Trump followers squeal with delight to see a Black politician defend their point of view.

The Republicans cannot credibly oppose Biden’s agenda. Their arguments about debt and tax cuts have been refuted, their ideas about radical individualism have been shredded by our experience with the pandemic, their claims to moral authority in the wake of Trump are simply laughable. All they have is power and they will wield it mercilessly. But they have no way to explain it to the broader American public that makes any sense.

The only question, then, is whether or not that makes any sense to the centrist Democrats like West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin or the two senators from Arizona, Kyrsten Sinema and Mark Kelly. Sadly, there is a fair chance that other than the hardcore Trumpers who will believe anything they’re told, these Democratic senators will be the only people in America to whom it does. They must be persuaded that now is the time, while the Republicans are ideologically spent and the economy is set to blast off, to do something real and meaningful for the American people.

These occasions don’t come very often. It would be a crime if the Democrats let this chance slip from their grasp. 

An unorthodox allergy clinic seeks to disrupt medicine

Carrie Martin had a two-part system to protect her food-allergic daughter from accidental exposures to peanuts or sesame. Martin scoured ingredient lists at the grocery store. Her husband re-checked them at home before cooking meals. “We thought our system was so foolproof,” said Martin, a teacher in Ormond Beach, Florida.

But once, in 2012, Martin unwittingly grabbed the wrong pizza crust at the grocery store. After her daughter coughed, threw up, turned red, and got treated in the emergency room, they pulled the wrapper out of the trash and realized why — the pizza had contained sesame. Years later, in 2018, the family experienced another scare. Some restaurant-baked bread sent their daughter into anaphylaxis, a life-threatening allergic reaction that required two epinephrine injections and a trip to the hospital.

“It’s like you’re back to ground zero again,” Martin said. A single reaction can plunge even the most vigilant food allergy families back into what-ifs and panic.

Six months after the restaurant emergency, Martin found herself perusing the website of a promising — yet decidedly unorthodox — allergy clinic located in Long Beach, California. Martin had never been one to seriously explore treatment options, but the Southern California Food Allergy Institute advertised something different. Not only did this institute offer hope beyond a life of EpiPens and strict avoidance — it claimed that patients who finish treatment can freely eat the foods they were allergic to.

Until last year, the Food and Drug Administration had not approved any treatments for food allergies, which afflict an estimated 32 million people in the United States. By the late 2000s, a handful of pioneering allergists were starting to use a procedure called oral immunotherapy (OIT), which tames a person’s allergies through daily ingestion of small amounts of store-bought foods. But the procedure is not a cure. For the most part, it can train the body to tolerate, say, two peanuts or a half glass of milk — just enough to keep accidental exposures from escalating into the serious reactions Martin’s daughter experienced.

Over the past decade, the OIT cottage industry has grown to about 200 practitioners, according to one allergist’s estimate, and their private clinics have treated more than 15,000 patients. Some allergists have started using standardized peanut-powder capsules that work on the same low-dose exposure principle after the FDA approved their use in January 2020. Still, most U.S. board-certified allergists do not offer food immunotherapy. The treatment remains controversial because it’s time-consuming, can trigger allergic reactions, and doesn’t work for everyone. In some studies, OIT treatment was unsuccessful in 15 to 30 percent of patients.

SoCal Food Allergy, as the institute is popularly known, grew out of a one-man operation that started in the basement of a nearby hospital in 2004. The institute offers individualized treatment using a method that some allergists say resembles OIT but which its founder argues is fundamentally different. Unlike OIT, which exposes patients to incrementally increasing amounts of their allergens alone, SoCal’s program leans on mathematics and machine learning to determine customized dosing schemes using a range of foods. The goal is to build patients’ tolerance to related foods and then introduce the allergen once their immune systems are less reactive.

According to figures provided by the institute, at least 11,000 such patients have been treated or are being treated with SoCal’s Tolerance Induction Program, and more than 5,000 have reached remission — meaning they can “eat whatever they want, whenever they want, in unlimited quantities, without fear of reaction.” SoCal Food Allergy reports a 99 percent success rate for its program, with a side effect rate considerably lower than those reported for private-practice oral immunotherapy.

Martin put her daughter on the SoCal waitlist in January 2019. Roughly 1,350 families were ahead of her, and Martin was told the wait would be about 13 months. “I was totally fine with that,” she said.

As Martin’s daughter moved up the waitlist, though, she began to panic about logistics and cost. The thought of committing her child to a treatment that required cross-country trips every few months weighed on Martin. SoCal Food Allergy has an annual program charge of $4,500. According to parents of program participants, this fee was originally considered a donation, briefly became a mandatory “tax-deductible contribution,” and now is a non-tax-deductible fee. And by 2019, the institute had switched to in-house lab testing that was not yet covered by all insurers, forcing families to pay thousands of dollars out of pocket for a set of required tests that used to be done by companies such as Quest Diagnostics and were usually at least partially covered by insurance.

Martin also had doubts about the institute’s self-reported results. “It seemed,” she said, “too good to be true.”

Inside the Southern California Food Allergy Institute, which reports a 99 percent success rate for its Tolerance Induction Program. The program aims for remission from food allergies, allowing patients to “eat whatever they want, whenever they want, in unlimited quantities, without fear of reaction.” 

Allergists have expressed similar skepticism about SoCal Food Allergy’s reported results. “Come on, there’s no way,” said Hugh Windom, whose Sarasota, Florida clinic has treated about 500 patients with oral immunotherapy since 2012. Philippe Bégin, an allergist and researcher at the University of Montreal in Canada, called the 99 percent success “just ridiculous.” And while Edwin Kim, an allergist and immunologist at the University of North Carolina, said he wanted to “give them the benefit of the doubt,” he added: “I’d be lying if I didn’t say I’m skeptical.” 

In interviews with roughly a dozen allergists, many took issue with the length and expense of SoCal Food Allergy’s program and its lack of peer review, which makes it hard to understand how the proprietary method works and how effective it really is.

SoCal Food Allergy’s founder, Inderpal Randhawa, acknowledges the skepticism. Describing his institute’s approach, he said, “It’s very unusual. I get it, most people don’t work like I do. They don’t have my mindset.” But as a multi-specialty physician-researcher, he sees a gap in the field that he believes he can address. Randhawa argues that his method eludes peer-reviewed publication because its machine-learning algorithms are groundbreaking and ahead of their time.

“I’m on a mission, point blank,” he said. “Right now, the system is antiquated,” he said, speaking about the field of medicine broadly.

* * *

Only in the last few decades have researchers started to treat food allergies with the same desensitization approach used for more than a century to treat environmental allergies such as pollen and dust mites. There are various reasons. While watery eyes and sniffles triggered by environmental exposures are considered an annoyance, allergic reactions to food are potentially deadly. And though food allergy deaths are rare, when such incidents occur during a treatment trial, they can stall research for years, said allergist Sakina Bajowala of Kaneland Allergy and Asthma Center in Illinois. In 1991, an error caused a study participant to suffer a fatal allergic reaction to peanut, sending shockwaves through a community whose practitioners are by nature very cautious. 

Only about one third of allergists surveyed in 2018 and 2019 said they administer, in any given month, more than five food challenges — a process that involves giving patients increasing amounts of a food and watching for potentially life-threatening allergic reactions. These procedures are the gold standard for diagnosing allergies, yet clinicians use them sparingly. And many shy away from offering oral immunotherapy.

This reluctance is also tied to the current regulatory framework. In order for a medication to receive FDA approval, its manufacturer must first prove that the drug is both safe and effective. This is a long, expensive process that includes testing the medication on human patients. Yet most OIT involves simple grocery store fare — milk, eggs, wheat — so it lacks the funding and standardization required for testing. And without FDA approval, insurance companies are less likely to cover the procedure.

This is the world Randhawa entered in 2004, when he started seeing food allergy patients in the basement of Miller Children’s and Women’s Hospital in Long Beach. Randhawa says he took careful histories and analyzed immune cells and proteins in blood samples he collected from patients to answer basic questions: What doses of which proteins cause allergic reactions? What doses can change levels of reaction-triggering immune proteins in a patient’s blood?

Undaunted by applied math and mounds of data, Randhawa says he analyzed “weighted effects of different proteins” and raised questions that hadn’t gotten much traction among allergists — for example, if you eat a walnut and happen to be allergic to peanuts, what does the walnut do to you? How might a person’s allergic responses be shaped by proteins with similar structures found in other foods or drugs or even in the environment?

The program Randhawa developed was a natural outgrowth of his curiosity and multidisciplinary training. After graduating magna cum laude with a bachelor’s degree in biochemistry at the University of Southern California, Randhawa enrolled at Northwestern University’s medical school in 1997. He trained in pediatrics and internal medicine, and then from 2005 to 2009, completed two fellowships, the first in allergy and clinical immunology, and the second in pulmonology, where he treated lung diseases. 

Inderpal Randhawa, founder of the Southern California Food Allergy Institute.

During his first fellowship, Randhawa helped with a large study testing whether Xolair, an asthma drug manufactured by the biotechnology company Genentech, could prevent reactions in peanut-allergic children. As had happened in the 1991 peanut allergy study incident, a fatality at one of the Xolair sites “basically shut down the entire nationwide trial,” he said. Doctors and scientists started thinking that trying to treat food allergies was just too risky, said Randhawa, who lists faculty appointments at the UCLA David Geffen School of Medicine and UC Irvine on his CV, among numerous other positions. Randhawa also serves as medical director of the Children’s Pulmonary Institute at Miller Children’s & Women’s and program director for its cystic fibrosis center. “People were saying, ‘well, this is too risky, just don’t do it. Don’t touch this field.'”

But after seeing children die of food anaphylaxis during his residency training, Randhawa says he couldn’t turn away. In the intensive care unit one night, two kids were recovering from anaphylactic reactions to similar amounts of peanut, he recalls. One was on oxygen and seemed to be stabilizing. The other lay brain dead, hooked to a ventilator. Yet when Randhawa looked up their charts, he was stunned to discover that the child on oxygen had markedly worse allergic numbers than the one who was brain dead.

Randhawa said the other physicians shrugged away the finding, but he was flabbergasted. It “just didn’t make sense to me,” he said. The stark disconnect between metrics and outcomes resonated with an earlier personal tragedy: the sudden death of his father in 2000 from a massive heart attack, despite four negative stress tests the previous year and no significant risk factors. “All of my time in medicine and science since has forced me to question and develop ideas well beyond my peers,” Randhawa wrote in an email. “This is why I am motivated and able to build faster and wider across multiple fields.”

As he began to question conventional protocols for diagnosing and treating life-threatening food allergies, Randhawa says he studied the physiology of anaphylaxis. He looked at immune cell populations and pathways to understand how different organs and their cells react to food. He combed through agricultural chemistry journals. He pored over plant protein databases, searching for patterns and structures, known as epitopes, in foods.

Drawn to surgery and the high-intensity ICU during his allergy and immunology training, Randhawa studied food allergies with a transplant mindset. To determine if someone can receive an organ transplant, doctors need to make sure the recipient’s immune system won’t reject the donor organ. Transplant surgeons compare signature molecules on the surface of cells of the donor and the recipient to be sure they match well enough.

In a similar vein, food allergies occur when specific molecules in foods prove to be a poor match for a person’s immune system. Randhawa believes that over time, the immune system can be conditioned to become a better match — to tolerate its allergens — through a progression of increasing exposures to related proteins in less-triggering foods. These principles, he says, form the basis of his treatment program.

“I will put whatever amount of energy and time and money,” he said, into seeing this through.

* * *

Randhawa’s program now occupies a four-story, 30,000-square-foot institute with clinic rooms, research space, and a full-fledged testing facility — and 100,000 square feet in five additional facilities within a six-mile radius. In the last few years, SoCal Food Allergy has expanded from about 40 to more than 200 employees. Operating in conjunction with the Translational Pulmonary and Immunology Research Center — a nonprofit center founded to develop individualized treatments for rare diseases including bronchiectasis and cystic fibrosis — the food allergy institute sees something like 100 to 150 new patients a month.

Inside, researchers in white coats transfer patient samples into test tubes, technicians prepare vials of peanut butter for food challenges, and patients are greeted by personalized messages adorning the crinkly paper draped over exam beds.

What’s less apparent to casual observers is that the staff treat patients with a proprietary protocol that remains shrouded in mystery. “I went on their website and still don’t understand what they do!” one physician wrote on a recent email thread among allergists offering food allergy immunotherapy. “It’s a bit of a black box,” another allergist replied.

To reach remission, patients must adhere to a customized plan that lasts months, often years. Treatment schemes are uniquely built for each patient using mathematical algorithms created by Randhawa and his team of data scientists and statisticians. The algorithms analyze hundreds of molecular markers — including antibodies that recognize specific parts of food and environmental allergens — in each patient’s blood sample. 

In the SoCal Food Allergy kitchen lab, a technician prepares a sample for a food challenge.

Patient blood samples are analyzed for hundreds of molecular markers, like antibodies.

In-house lab tests combined with machine learning informs patients’ often years-long treatment plan.

The number crunching generates for each patient a “snapshot” that classifies dozens of foods as anaphylactic, sensitized, or tolerant. “Anaphylactic” foods trigger allergic reactions if eaten in tiny amounts. On the other extreme, “tolerant” foods can be consumed freely without worry. Foods in the middle “sensitized” column sit in a gray area. According to the TIP Welcome Packet, moderate amounts of these foods produce “allergic pathways and proteins” in the blood yet may or may not cause an allergic reaction.

A person’s molecular data also factors into the treatment plan, down to the order of allergens treated and the milligrams of food protein for each dose. The goal is to move each food, one by one, into the “tolerant” column — with tolerance confirmed through in-office food challenges. 

For Martin’s daughter, that meant starting the program with challenges to coconut and pumpkin seeds, foods she has eaten with no problem. “I couldn’t understand wasting the time and money to challenge two things she eats on a regular basis,” said Martin. “It just didn’t sit well with me.”

This aspect of the approach also raised suspicion for Shannon Hill, a San Diego-area lawyer whose 3-year-old son is allergic to peanuts and wheat. “The program claims that treating ‘sensitized’ and related foods first makes it safer to treat the actual allergen,” she wrote in an email. “It also adds years to treatment plans.” SoCal Food Allergy offered Hill’s son a five-plus-year regimen that included dosing with several foods he already eats regularly with no problems. For the first year, she said testing, supplies, and the annual fee would have cost about $9,000. 

Still, Hill opened herself to the possibility that SoCal Food Allergy’s testing could resolve lingering questions about suspected allergies to foods her son had not yet eaten. To better understand his test results and plan, Hill searched for publications supporting the theory that pre-treating with “sensitized” foods makes it safer to treat a patient’s allergens. Finding none, she emailed and phoned SoCal Food Allergy’s doctors. 

Hill found their answers vague and unsatisfactory. “It seemed like, ‘here’s a protocol and you have to follow it, and there’s no deviation, even if it doesn’t really make sense,'” she said. “The cynic in me, and maybe the lawyer in me, is like, ‘I need to see evidence.'” Hill eventually withdraw her child from the program, as did Martin.

Others have balked at having to pay huge fees for tests other allergists don’t typically request. “At one point I wondered, is it for his data?” said Alvina Leung, a Kaiser physician living in Huntington Beach, California who kept her son under Randhawa’s care for six years. “I felt like I was at his mercy.” Her son cleared his milk, egg, and tree nut allergies but kept having “reactions out of the blue” while trying to complete the peanut allergy program, Leung said. Eventually, Leung said, her son was discharged from the program without having fully completed it. “It was a very rocky road.”

Some families appreciate the rigor and rationale of SoCal Food Allergy’s method, and the institute’s Facebook page includes a number of glowing reviews. Siddharth Mallick, a mechanical engineer in Houston, learned about the SoCal institute in 2015 after his son’s struggles with traditional OIT. On the first OIT attempt, his son Anurag — who is allergic to dairy, peanuts, tree nuts, and some legumes — threw up for three weeks and dropped 20 percent of his body weight. Several months later he gave it another try, but the vomiting returned, along with lip and ear swelling and gastrointestinal issues. That summer Anurag stopped OIT and attempted six months of herbal therapy in New York before having to quit that as well, due to frequent reactions.

Shortly after stopping OIT, in August 2015, Mallick posted about his son’s setbacks in food allergy Facebook groups, and another parent suggested SoCal Food Allergy. That family had an allergen list “way longer than ours” and more complications and similar GI issues, Mallick said. He and his son decided to give it a try: “What’s the worst that can happen?”

In February 2018, two and half years after joining the SoCal Food Allergy waitlist, Mallick and his son flew to Long Beach and started the program. To treat his dairy allergy, Anurag started by dosing with boiled mare milk. Its proteins are similar to those found in human breast milk — something he could tolerate. From there, he moved on to raw mare milk, sheep yogurt, goat milk, and raw camel milk. “We call it the ‘petting zoo,'” Mallick joked.

These tailored progressions are key to the program’s success and safety, Randhawa says. Each patient’s dosing sequence for a given allergen is computed from measurements of how their immune system binds to various classes of proteins in that food. Pre-treating with related proteins from foods they already tolerate helps condition the body for dosing the actual allergen. “They’re already 50 percent, 75 percent less anaphylactic to it before we even start,” Randhawa explained in a live Q&A event that was posted online.

Different milks contain different proteins that a patient may tolerate better, allowing for tailored progressions that Randhawa says are key to the program’s success and safety.

A chocolate and cashew mix prepared at SoCal Food Allergy. Each patient’s program is determined by how their immune system binds to different classes of proteins found in food. 

Randhawa and his team use machine learning algorithms to analyze samples of patients’ blood, generating a “snapshot” of their allergic reactions. The goal of the treatment plan is to move each food into the “tolerant” column.

Tricia Morphew, a biostatistician who has worked with Randhawa on research projects spanning more than a decade, wrote in an email that she believes “his approach to mathematical models to be sensible and sound.” Ajaz Hussain, a former deputy director of the Office of Pharmaceutical Science at the FDA’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, watched a video describing SoCal’s precision medicine approach and found it “very attractive.” Its use of demographic and individual measurements to characterize the immune response to food allergens and derive a sequential protocol to alleviate the problem, is likely “the methodology for the future,” Hussain said.

Likewise, many families, even without understanding the algorithms and analytics behind the elaborate treatment schemes, believe Randhawa is onto something — and willingly shell out thousands of dollars to find out. “I know it’s costing us, for sure. But it’s got to be worth it, because it’s your kid,” said Craig Folven, president of a flooring distribution company in Eagan, Minnesota, whose son started TIP last May.

For Greg Neuman, as well, SoCal Food Allergy offered hope for his 4-year-old son. Still, after flying the family out from New Jersey for the intake appointment in October 2019, they decided not to continue. “Something rubbed me the wrong way,” Neuman said of SoCal’s secrecy. “It flies in the face of most of the things that I believe about science. You know, if someone was sitting on a cure for cancer or Alzheimer’s and wasn’t sharing it, I’d be very suspicious.”

* * *

Indeed, in interviews with Undark, numerous allergists expressed concern about the SoCal clinic’s approach, yet many hesitated to go on record criticizing a method that has not been published in a reputable, peer-reviewed journal. Some details about Tolerance Induction Program methods are described in Randhawa’s 2019 paper in the Journal of Allergy and Therapy, whose content is freely available. However, some such open-access journals have a dubious perception among researchers as pay-to-publish scams.

For Matt Bell, an allergist in Fayetteville, Arkansas, that was the first red flag. “I’ve never heard of that journal before,” he said. “If your data is that great, why did you go that route?”

Another head-scratcher: Unlike typical food immunotherapy studies, TIP patients in this study did not have to undergo a food challenge to confirm their allergies at the start of treatment. “It’s easy to overdiagnose,” said Brian Schroer, director of allergy and immunology at Akron Children’s Hospital in Ohio. Without mandatory challenges, he said it’s possible for some patients to finish the program “‘free eating’ simply because they never were allergic.”

The published study’s retrospective design and enigmatic entry criteria left more room for suspicion. The abstract summarizes “a descriptive study in 51 peanut-allergic children” whose molecular markers were assessed in skin and blood tests conducted before undergoing TIP and one year later. As the paper acknowledged, there was no placebo group. “They picked 51 people, and they’ve treated thousands,” Bell said. “To me, it seemed a little bit cherry-picked,” Bell added.

“Is that representative of the whole group?” he asked.

According to Randhawa, the patients were not cherry-picked. The institute’s algorithms group patients into five endotypes, or subtypes, according to levels of antibody responses to various plant proteins, as determined by analyzing blood samples. The paper analyzed those 51 patients because they fell into the same endotype, meaning they shared a “reproducible set of signals” from the program’s data analytics and received treatment over a specified 30-month timeframe, Randhawa wrote in an email. Yet “the journals would not allow a definition of endotype since it is based on mathematical criteria of biomarkers.”

As for food challenges, study patients were offered them, but none wanted to proceed “given their severe history,” Randhawa wrote. He noted that many OIT clinics also do not routinely food-challenge patients. SoCal Food Allergy does “an objective intake history” and only treats patients whose intake history and molecular markers are consistent with anaphylactic risk, he said.

Randhawa said he has received “way more than” a half dozen rejections from more well-regarded allergy journals when trying to publish this paper and others. 

Amanda Lee, a homeschooling mom in Concord, California whose 12-year-old son went through TIP treatment for a peanut allergy, said that when he started in 2013, she was told the method “didn’t have enough patients at the time to make the statistics work for publishing.” Randhawa’s goal was to reach a thousand patients, Lee said. “He and I talked about publications a couple of times about two or three years into the program, and he was all super excited and I totally expected them to come out within a year.”

The fact that the method was unpublished when her son did the program “doesn’t bother me,” Lee said. “I’ve seen lots of people have tremendous success with it.” Still, Lee withdrew her son in 2018 due to uncontrolled allergic reactions during the maintenance phase, when patients consume their allergens on a less frequent basis to sustain tolerance. In the last four years, some 100 patients have dropped out for various reasons, including financial and personal, according to an email from Mega Jewell, who was the head of public affairs at the Southern California Food Allergy Institute at the time of the email. Without publishing studies in a peer-reviewed journal, “not only can you not prove [the method] works, you can’t disprove it,” said Schroer.

Randhawa (left) and Peter Ngo, Translational Pulmonary and Immunology Research Center lab manager, working in the SoCal Food Allergy lab. The clinic’s work has not been published in a reputable peer-reviewed journal, making numerous allergists who spoke to Undark hesitant to criticize the method itself.

The foundation of science is peer review, Hussain said. If the institute continues to use a non-validated method, “they are potentially going to damage an evolving methodology.” Because SoCal Food Allergy’s methods are mathematical, Hussain said, they should be peer-reviewed by experts in artificial intelligence. Once suitable experts have vetted the technical aspects, he said, then physician peer reviewers could assess whether the method works as a food allergy treatment.

Randhawa has presented or co-authored in more than 100 academic conferences, peer-reviewed publications, and educational lectures since 2005, according to his CV. And he published more than 20 papers between 2009 and 2020 — mostly on asthma, cystic fibrosis, and other diseases besides food allergy, including those studied at the research center Randhawa established in 2015.

Randhawa has had a harder time publishing food allergy research. When plant protein databases and statistical “mixed-model” analytics come into play, as they do in SoCal Food Allergy’s treatment approach, “the system does not quite know how to handle it,” he said.

“The reviewers will say the same thing. They’ll say, ‘Well, we don’t understand this concept. We don’t understand the analytics,'” Randhawa said. Editors have suggested submitting the work to a mathematics or statistics journal. They’ve said “there are no reviewers in the field of allergy who are on our editorial board who feel comfortable reviewing this,” according to Randhawa.

Gailen Marshall, Jr., editor-in-chief of the Annals of Allergy, Asthma and Immunology, confirmed that Randhawa submitted two papers to the journal in 2018, both of which were rejected. Marshall did not respond to questions about the grounds for rejection, noting that he was “enforcing an expectation of privacy that all authors who submit to our journal have.”

Once, Randhawa sent the manuscript to editors of a food chemistry journal. But they, too, said “‘this sounds too mathematical, and too allergic. We don’t know what to do with it,'” Randhawa said.

“I have a choice, right? I can either continue to play the typical academic game,” Randhawa said, “or I can actually try to treat the patients in an organized, regulated, methodical fashion that follows molecular markers.” 

* * *

The tension between Randhawa and traditional allergists is nowhere near settled. Several years ago SoCal Food Allergy put out various social media posts and videos with charts comparing TIP’s success and side effect rates with those that had been reported for food immunotherapy trials conducted by the Consortium for Food Allergy Research (CoFAR), a government-funded program established in 2005 by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases to support clinical research on food allergies. SoCal Food Allergy’s claims met with skepticism.

“They were touting to be better than anything that CoFAR ever did,” said allergist and immunologist Kari Nadeau, director of the Sean N. Parker Center for Allergy and Asthma Research at Stanford University, one of CoFAR’s seven research sites, and co-author of “The End of Food Allergy.” “We’re like, what? Let’s learn about this. Let’s figure this out. Let’s share it, right? What’s your magic because we want to test it.”

Scott Sicherer, director of one of the CoFAR sites, the Jaffe Food Allergy Institute at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York, had a phone conversation with Randhawa in January 2019. Sicherer said he offered to be “an honest broker to test his approach” in about nine Mount Sinai patients per month — perhaps a hundred over the course of a year. The patients would be treated at Mount Sinai according to a personalized TIP plan based on data from skin and blood tests. According to Sicherer, Randhawa said he would present the proposal to SoCal Food Allergy’s board of directors and respond in a few weeks, but that never happened.

In an email message to Undark, Randhawa said that Sicherer was supposed to go back to his own board to obtain funding information. “He never followed up on his end,” Randhawa said. Ultimately, the standoff was moot. Randhawa, who said he recalls Sicherer offering to treat a smaller number of patients in a year, said he had no interest in trying to figure out how to select participants for Mount Sinai’s proposed study given that SoCal Food Allergy’s patient volume is typically much higher.

The two have not communicated since.

Nadeau said she has contacted the Long Beach clinic several times to ask about patients who came to her because they were struggling at SoCal Food Allergy. “I’ve tried to email him just to say, ‘What are you guys doing? Can you please help me help your patients?’ And nothing. Then I tried to call their office. Nothing,” she said. “We need help in taking care of their patients. We don’t know what doses they run. Neither do the patients.”

In a field that requires collaboration to move forward, Illinois allergist Bajowala said it’s hard to understand why “there’s such a veil of secrecy.”

Owing to his other responsibilities, Randhawa says he attends allergy and immunology conferences infrequently. He stays off OIT email lists and has steered clear of collaborations among allergists who collect and publish outcomes and best practices from food allergy immunotherapy in clinical practice. Securing interviews with Randhawa for this story required two months of discussion with the institute’s media contact.

Still, Randhawa estimates that he has spoken to more than a hundred allergists about TIP in one way or another, including through conference presentations and medical school lectures he has given over the past decade. Several physicians from Southern California institutions came to the facility around a decade ago wanting to learn how things are done, he said. And once or twice a month Randhawa receives emails from curious allergists whose patients have come to SoCal. “In the early years, they would just say, ‘Oh he’s just doing OIT,'” Randhawa said. “More recently, they just don’t even know what it is. And they just say, ‘it’s different.'” 

These days he’s pushing on another front: getting the institute’s tests and treatment covered by insurance and cleared by the FDA. The number of molecular markers analyzed in patient blood samples has risen from 70 to 80 a decade ago to more than 400 today, exceeding the capability of Quest Diagnostics. That forced SoCal Food Allergy to build its own testing facility.

Foundation Labs, the company Randhawa founded to do SoCal Food Allergy’s testing, got certified by the accreditation organization COLA in 2019 — after massive delays and higher scrutiny stemming from fraudulent blood testing claims that had shut down the Silicon Valley startup Theranos the year before. As of fall 2019, “Foundation Labs is still $3.5 million in debt,” said Randhawa, who says he has purchased millions of dollars of equipment with his own money.

Randhawa said he will continue trying to publish SoCal Food Allergy’s research. But the current system of peer review requires “old forms of analysis,” he said. “I’m not trying to adapt to that. I’m here trying to do something innovative.”

“What you’re really kind of boiling it down to is one word: disruption,” he said. “Am I trying to disrupt the system? Yes.”

* * *

Esther Landhuis (@elandhuis) is a California-based science journalist who writes about biomedicine and STEM diversity. Her stories have appeared in Scientific American, NPR, Nature, and Quanta, among other publications.

All visuals by Monica Almeida.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

With U.S. hospitals overtaxed by COVID-19, huge numbers died from lack of healthcare access

In calculating its human toll, a pandemic is similar to a war. The most precise way public health researchers can get a handle on the impact of something like COVID-19 is to compare the number of total deaths recorded in a specific place during the pandemic with death tallies from prior years.

That analysis will yield a figure known as “excess deaths” — which simply means deaths above and beyond what would normally be expected.

That figure captures not just COVID-19 deaths, but the number of people who were unable to access health care at a moment in their lives when a chronic condition was becoming life-threatening. It also includes individuals whose primary cause of death may have been something else, but who were also infected with COVID-19.

And now that the dust has settled and the data are being tabulated, America’s excess death numbers over the past year are staggering.

The importance of tabulating such a dark statistic is twofold: its record-breaking nature is due to both to our largely for-profit healthcare system, as well as government incompetence. Indeed, for decades our government ignored the warnings from public health experts that the U.S. was not properly prepared for the pandemic we are living through now.

Hindsight is 2020

It’s not like no one could saw the pandemic coming. In his book “The Great Influenza”, first published in 2004, John M. Barry presaged the COVID-19 crisis, describing how “hospitals, like every other industry, have gotten more efficient by cutting costs, which means virtually no excess capacity — on a per capita basis the United States has far fewer hospital beds than a few decades ago.”

He continued. “Indeed, during a routine influenza season, usage of respirators rises to nearly 100 percent; in a pandemic, most people who needed a mechanical respirator would not get one.”

As we have learned first-hand over the last several months, because the healthcare system was overwhelmed, getting accurate cause of death data was itself a work in progress. No doubt huge numbers of cases of COVID-19 may have been missed. In other instances, individuals may have died at home or succumbed to a chronic illness that was written off as COVID when it was not.

The one constant comparative data point is death itself from any and all causes. Like births, deaths are something we track with some precision.

Hence, one way that medical researchers can get a sense of the scale of the impact of something like COVID is to compare the total number of deaths from all causes during the pandemic and compare it with the same data point over several prior years.

Where it broke the worst

Such an “excess death” analysis will capture the collateral impact of overwhelmed healthcare systems that were under-resourced long before the pandemic. It will include the people that died as a consequence of opting not to go to the hospital for an unrelated condition for fear of catching COVID-19. While that might not count as a COVID-19 death per se, it tells us something about what happens when we permit healthcare to operate without any margin or redundancy — what is effectively a form of rationing healthcare.

According to a recently published study in the Journal of the American Medical Association, which looked at the rate of excess deaths from March 1, 2020, to Jan. 2, 2021, there were 522,368 “excess deaths,” as gauged against averages over the same period from 2014 to 2019. 

At the start of this year, COVID-19 deaths were reported at just over 350,186. By comparing the “excess rate” of death with the COVID-19 reported data, linked to its location, we can get some sense of where the public health system had the hardest time holding up under the once-in-a-century strain of a mass death event.

The study, produced by researchers with the Virginia Commonwealth University School of Medicine in Richmond and the Yale School of Public Health, calculated that COVID-19 accounted for 72.4 percent of the excess mortality. The balance may have been “either immediate or delayed mortality from undocumented COVID-19 infection, or non-COVID-19 deaths secondary to the pandemic, such as from delayed care or behavioral health crises.”  

While nationally there was a 23 percent increase in excess mortality during the pandemic, New York State, which lost close to 50,000 to COVID, saw the nation’s highest spike, with a 38 percent jump in excess deaths — though Mississippi and New Jersey actually exceeded New York State on a per capita basis, according to the researchers.


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In an editorial that was published with the study, Dr. Alan M. Garber wrote of the importance of grasping the bigger picture, beyond the daily COVID dashboard. “There is no more visible or alarming manifestation of the toll of the COVID-19 pandemic than the deaths it has caused,” he noted.

“The missteps in responding to an outbreak that not only could be, but largely was, predicted should not give governments confidence that they are prepared for threats that are more speculative and possibly further in the future,” Garber continued. “Failure to anticipate the scale of the potential damage from such future catastrophes will only exacerbate the tendency to downplay their importance, making it less likely that governments will prepare adequately. That is why understanding the toll of a pandemic is an important step in the right direction.”

Elmhurst, Queens

In New York City, where COVID killed more than 32,000 city residents, fighting the virus inspired life-saving innovations. It also exposed long-standing healthcare disparities that left some neighborhoods more at the mercy of the highly contagious and deadly virus, according to Dr. Mitch Katz, the CEO of New York City Health + Hospitals.

NYC H+H, the nation’s largest municipal hospital system, includes 11 hospitals and saw some of the highest patient death counts early on. Over the course of the pandemic, thousands of H+H workers from a myriad of job titles were sidelined by the deadly virus, which took the lives of 53 employees.

It was in the throes of this nearly unprecedented public health emergency that H+H found ways to improve patient care while at the same time reducing the exposure of staff to the deadly virus which helped to slow the spread of the virus.

“We have done a lot of work from the first wave about putting glass doors in, or glass in the walls to create a window for cameras in the patient rooms — microphones so that patients can be monitored safely without going into the room . . .  and that is a positive development whether there’s COVID or some other infectious disease,” Dr. Katz said during a phone interview. “So, I think we learned how to make our hospitals safer for the care of patients with infectious diseases.”

For Dr. Katz, one of the most sobering discoveries was how pre-existing disparities in the city’s private and public hospital infrastructure left some communities so much more vulnerable during the pandemic.

“I think the fact that we had so many fewer hospital beds in Queens compared to Manhattan was one of the stark lessons,” he said. “That’s part of why it was so much more challenging to deal with the pandemic in Queens and Elmhurst Hospitals was because there were so few beds compared to the size of the population in Queens compared to Manhattan and other parts of New York State. The discrepancy in the number of beds I’d say was an issue.”

Dr. Katz established a national reputation leading the public hospital systems in San Francisco and Los Angeles before returning home to New York. After years of experience on the frontlines of urban healthcare on both coasts, he believes that the nation’s vulnerability to COVID-19 can be traced back to a steady disinvestment in public health that started during the Reagan era.

“Yes, the pandemic shows how we have to build up our public health infrastructure so that we are better prepared for what people need,” he said.

As the city, state and federal governments all attempt to regroup after the death of more than a half-million and the infection of well over 30 million, Dr. Katz believes policy makers would be well advised to consult the data not just on COVID deaths per se, but on excess mortality rates referenced by neighborhoods.

“Absolutely, and I think we have some sense already of the excess mortality that occurred both among people who had COVID and didn’t come forward for testing,” he said. “Some of those people were undocumented immigrants or people who were very low income and feared coming forward to a hospital.

“Some of that excess mortality we know where people who were having heart attacks or other serious health conditions and didn’t come forward for care because they were so frightened of catching COVID from the hospital. So, I think the excess mortality is very helpful frankly it doesn’t have to be exact. We can all acknowledge there were a number of people who died and didn’t have a COVID test. It’s the general population trend that matters.”

If America is to get well, which is the first step to escaping the undertow of this pandemic and preparing for staving off the next, we have to uplift these places where regular access to quality healthcare was a socio-economic preexisting condition that helped drive the local body count.

Our own individual health is linked to the health of our neighbor. That’s not scripture. That’s biology.

Neutron stars are very, very weird — and we just learned a fascinating new detail about them

Imagine that a massive star, one far bigger than our own sun, has died. First there is a spectacular explosion, followed by whatever remains. Sometimes it is a black hole, which can be fascinating in its own right, and on other occasions we are left with a super-dense collapsed core of the formerly magnificent star. Those objects are known as neutron stars — and scientists believe they may have just figured out a way to learn more about these extremely weird, distant bodies.

To do that, though, they examined something very, very small: The nucleus of atoms, or the smallest unit of ordinary matter that can form a chemical element. Like the solar system itself, atoms contain a massive center with smaller objects rotating around it. In the case of our solar system, the center is the sun and the smaller objects are various planets and other celestial bodies. In the case of an atom, the center is a nucleus composed of parts known as protons and neutrons, which are in turn surrounded by rotating electrons.

“If you go back to when we first started looking at [atomic] nuclei, we used electrons to map out the size of the nucleus,” Dr. Kent Paschke, a professor of experimental nuclear and particle physics at the University of Virginia and co-author of the new study, told Salon. “We sort of made a new picture of the nucleus to explain not just where the protons are, but where all the matter in the nucleus is. What we’ve learned is the average density inside the lead nucleus. What that tells us is a detail about nuclear structure that we never had before, which is how hard it is to create dense, neutron rich matter.”

How does this relate to neutron stars? Simply put, this new information could help us learn more about their size and physical properties.

“Fundamentally the physics is the same,” Paschke explained. “The kinds of interactions are the same. We think we can translate from the situation inside the tiny nucleus to the situation inside the star. And that’s something physicists like to do; they like to have a general rule that applies to a lot of different systems.”

He added that what they have learned, specifically, is “the thickness of the neutron skin of the lead nucleus. And so it’s a different system than a neutron star. And we’re talking about where the neutrons are in the lead nucleus, and then the implications for the total size of the neutron star.”

It is important to note that neutron stars are unlike anything we can imagine here on Earth. According to Dr. Jorge Piekarewicz, a physicist at Florida State University who co-authored a companion study to the neutron star research, they originate from stars very different from our sun. Stars like our sun create energy through thermonuclear reactions and, when they die, become “white dwarf” stars. A neutron star, by contrast, is created when a star much, much larger than the sun dies out.

“As the name indicates, neutron stars are made mostly of neutrons, unlike our sun which is largely made of primordial hydrogen created during the Big Bang,” Piekarewicz told Salon by email. “Neutron stars are as heavy as our sun but have a radius that is about 100,000 times smaller. 
As such, they are the densest objects in the universe. A sugar cube of neutron star material weighs as much as the entire population of the world.”

Piekarewicz added that neutron stars are unusual — to those of us on Earth, that is — because they contain materials which cannot be made on our planet, have magnetic fields that are exponentially stronger than our planet’s magnetic field and are also exponentially denser than water.

“The study is remarkable because it connects objects as small as the atomic nucleus (with sizes of a few femtometers) with astronomical objects as large as a neutron star (with dimensions of about 10 kilometers),” Piekarewicz explained. “The study suggests that neutron stars are larger than anticipated, a fact that is fully consistent with recent observations by the NICER mission onboard the International Space Station. Thus, the study establishes a compelling link between terrestrial experiments and astronomical observations — a partnership that will become even stronger in the new era of gravitational-wave astronomy.”

Do we even want the truth? The Capitol riot is fading into the memory hole

America’s collective memory hole is becoming a bottomless abyss.

On Jan. 6, Donald Trump’s followers launched an attack on the U.S. Capitol as part of a larger effort to nullify the results of the 2020 presidential election — and, in effect, overthrow American democracy.

Hundreds of Trump’s foot soldiers who participated in the attack on the Capitol have been arrested. Many of them, however, will not be charged with serious crimes because the Justice Department is focusing its attention on those offenders deemed to pose the greatest threat to public safety and national security. Trump and the other Republican co-conspirators in the coup attempt will likely escape any criminal charges for their role in those events.

This evasion of responsibility and accountability is part of a larger pattern of organized forgetting and willful national amnesia. To this point it appears nearly certain there will be no truth and reconciliation commission to address the crimes of the Trump regime and the harm done to American society and democracy in its name. Large-scale criminal investigations of the Trump family and inner circle also appear unlikely.

Elected Republicans, by and large, were co-conspirators in the coup attempt. It is in their obvious self-interest to stop any and all investigations into their role in the Jan. 6 attack. The Republican propaganda machine continues to amplify the “Big Lie” that the 2020 presidential election was “stolen” from Donald Trump. As part of that lie, the right-wing propaganda machine has also crafted a narrative in which Trump’s followers who attacked the Capitol are “victims” and “patriots,” innocent of any malicious intent or serious wrongdoing. Such lies will only encourage more right-wing terrorism and other political violence.

Taking a cue from President Biden, the Democratic Party’s leaders want to focus on their policy successes instead of doing the hard and necessary work of forcing a proper public accounting for the crimes and other acts of malfeasance committed by the Trump regime and its allies.

The American people are understandably traumatized and exhausted after the last four or five years, which has led too many of them to convince themselves that a return to “normal” will solve the country’s problems and somehow erase the nightmare of the Age of Trump.

The hope peddlers and professional stenographers in the mainstream American news media have also largely moved on from the events of Jan. 6 and its immediate aftermath. There are, however, some public voices who continue to demand accountability.

At the New York Times, Jesse Wegman explains how Republican fictions about the events of Jan. 6 make a commission urgently necessary:

Now that lie has metastasized to include an upside-down history of what happened on Jan. 6, regurgitated by many top Republicans — hence the right-wing agitprop fantasy in which shadowy leftist militants were the true villains.

It’s no surprise that roughly half of Republican voters now say they believe that the riot was a largely peaceful protest or that the only violence was committed by “left-wing activists” or others “trying to make Trump look bad,” according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll. An overwhelming majority of Republicans continue to believe that Joe Biden did not legitimately win the presidency.

This mass delusion is one of the main reasons an independent commission is essential. …

It is critical to the future of the Republic that the truth of Jan. 6 be told, and that the bigger picture be understood. The worst possible outcome would be widespread public amnesia, which would guarantee that history would repeat — and next time, American democracy might not survive it.

Writing at the New Yorker, Susan Glasser issues a similar warning, recalling an earlier and more harmonious era:

In the Washington of Walter Mondale, a President attacking the legitimacy of an American election was unthinkable. Three months after it actually happened, what is unthinkable is that Republicans would even consider repudiating the President who did it. Washington’s old normal is that video of Mondale; its new normal is half of Washington being totally fine with a violent mob trying to kill the other half of Washington. Or pretending that it never took place. For those who can’t explain away the events of January 6th, ignoring the insurrection in favor of culture wars and partisan posturing has already become a perfectly acceptable alternative.

There remains a glimmer of hope that an independent commission tasked with investigating the events of that January day may eventually be convened. Last week, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters that she is continuing to work with Republicans on such an effort. Pelosi has even acquiesced to Republican demands for equal representation on the commission and a share of control over subpoenas. The challenges to be resolved now involve the breadth of the commission’s investigations: For all too obvious reasons, Republicans want to focus on political violence in America more generally, rather than on the events of Jan. 6.

Michael McGough addresses that notion in a recent piece for the Los Angeles Times:

But the idea that a Jan. 6 commission would look at “political violence across the country and in this city” is bizarre.

Why not throw in Benghazi, Whitewater and the John F. Kennedy assassination while we’re at it? …

It’s obscene to suggest a symmetry between the Jan. 6 riots, which sought to overturn the results of a presidential election, and other acts of violence, however deplorable. Pelosi should continue to insist that a commission focus on the insurrection, and she should challenge Republicans to support that effort.

Any potential Jan. 6 commission faces other, more fundamental challenges as well.

Republicans are more interested in political theater than in the truth. Because today’s Republican Party is neofascist and authoritarian, its goal is to annihilate the truth across all areas of American society.

Anti-democratic and extremist organizations are eager to use established political institutions in order to legitimate and expand their power. The Republican Party is doing this across the country.

Today’s Republican Party is not interested in consensus politics or good governance. Explicitly or otherwise, Republicans have become neofascist authoritarians, emboldened by Trumpism to destroy the rule of law and other norms of American democracy. Their ultimate goal is permanent victory and hegemony over Democrats, liberals, progressives, nonwhite people whoever else they deem to be “the enemy.”

Today’s Republican Party and larger right-wing movement are a type of political religion. In that context, dogma, lies, conspiracy theories and an embrace of magical thinking supersedes empirical reality and the truth.

Republicans do not act in good faith. They are not intellectually honest, and are no longer interested in normal politics in the form of compromise, bipartisanship or reasonable disagreement, followed by negotiation in service to the common good.

This means that any commission or other hearings into the Capitol attack and Donald Trump’s coup attempt risks devolving into an opportunity for the Republicans and their agents to circulate more lies and distortions.

There is another trap which must be avoided as well. Truth and empirical reality do not exist in some imaginary median space between the claims of the Republicans on one side and the Democrats on the other. This is the type of “both-sides-ism” that encouraged the rise of American neofascism in the form of Trump and his political cult.

When truth is something triangulated as something that notionally exists between two opposing points of view, the ability to clearly distinguish truth from lies, good from evil and right from wrong is obscured.

In such a philosophical framework, fascism and other anti-human and anti-democracy ideologies will triumph — because on a fundamental level they are not committed to truth or reason. Achieving power is all that matters. Those who believe in “liberal democracy” are left to impotently scream about “truth” and “principles” while being rolled over and crushed by fascists and other authoritarians.   

Truth, facts and reality exist independent of partisanship. It is a trap to believe otherwise — and not merely a rhetorical trap. David Brooks threw himself into that very trap in a recent column for the New York Times.

Brooks begins with an accurate diagnosis of how dangerous today’s Republican Party has become: 

Those of us who had hoped America would calm down when we no longer had Donald Trump spewing poison from the Oval Office have been sadly disabused. There are increasing signs that the Trumpian base is radicalizing. My Republican friends report vicious divisions in their churches and families. Republican politicians who don’t toe the Trump line are speaking of death threats and menacing verbal attacks.

It’s as if the Trump base felt some security when their man was at the top, and that’s now gone. Maybe Trump was the restraining force.

What’s happening can only be called a venomous panic attack. Since the election, large swaths of the Trumpian right have decided America is facing a crisis like never before and they are the small army of warriors fighting with Alamo-level desperation to ensure the survival of the country as they conceive it.

Then Brooks veers off the tracks and into a sewage drain:

With their deep pessimism, the hyperpopulist wing of the G.O.P. seems to be crashing through the floor of philosophic liberalism into an abyss of authoritarian impulsiveness. Many of these folks are no longer even operating in the political realm. The G.O.P. response to the Biden agenda has been anemic because the base doesn’t care about mere legislation, just their own cultural standing.

Over the last decade or so, as illiberalism, cancel culture and all the rest have arisen within the universities and elite institutions on the left, dozens of publications and organizations have sprung up. They have drawn a sharp line between progressives who believe in liberal free speech norms, and those who don’t. …

This is exactly the line-drawing that now confronts the right, which faces a more radical threat. Republicans and conservatives who believe in the liberal project need to organize and draw a bright line between themselves and the illiberals on their own side. 

Brooks is suggesting a false equivalency between some imaginary bogeyman “left” and its “universities and elite institutions” with the anti-democratic forces of the Jim Crow Republican Party and neofascist Trump movement. He even deploys intentionally vague and undefined right-wing talking points about “cancel culture”.

There is no substantive similarity in terms of power, resources, principles or overall ideology and vision between the bogeyman left Brooks summons up and the existential threat to American democracy and society represented by the Republican Party and the white supremacist movement. To suggest such an equivalence is to downplay the unique threat to American democracy and society we face at this historical momnt.

As a counterpoint to David Brooks, former Democratic National Committee chair Howard Dean recently offered a clear description of today’s Republican Party. In an interview last Friday on the Daily Beast’s podcast “The New Abnormal,” Dean said this:

They believe in autocracy, not democracy, they are racist. It’s just shocking what’s happened to the Republican Party. … There are some House Republicans who are basically a sentient YouTube comment section. … They have nothing to contribute, frankly, to American politics, except for incendiary and sometimes delusional public statements.

You have a Republican Party, which emotionally, essentially are neofascist. They fundamentally do not believe that another legitimate point of view exists other than theirs.

At present, the American right wing is well ahead of its opponents in terms of the weaponization of language, emotion and storytelling. To close that gap, Democrats and other good Americans must speak plainly and directly about the Republican Party as the nation and the world’s most dangerous political organization. Denial and false equivalence will not save the United States from the forces unleashed and empowered by the Age of Trump. Those ingrained habits are instead more likely to guarantee the downfall of democracy.

Matt Gaetz associate Joel Greenberg claims in letter that Gaetz paid for sex with minor

Embattled pro-Trump firebrand Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla., paid to have sex with a 17-year-old minor, according to a letter  reportedly written by Joel Greenberg, one of Gaetz’s longtime friends, that was published by The Daily Beast late on Thursday night. 

“On more than one occasion, this individual was involved in sexual activities with several of the other girls, the congressman from Florida’s 1st Congressional District and myself,” Greenberg penned in the freshly discovered letter. According to the Beast, Greenberg was referring to a 17-year-old in the letter. “From time to time, gas money or gifts, rent or partial tuition payments were made to several of these girls, including the individual who was not yet 18,” Greenberg added. “I did see the acts occur firsthand, and Venmo transactions, Cash App, or other payments were made to these girls on behalf of the Congressman.”

Greenberg, a longtime associate of Gaetz and the former tax collector in Seminole County, Florida, has been the focus of various investigations and has been indicted on 33 felony counts, which include charges stemming from the alleged sex trafficking of minors. The New York Times first reported at the end of March that the Department of Justice launched a probe into whether Gaetz violated federal sex trafficking laws by paying a minor in exchange for sex. Additional reports in April have suggested that Gaetz showed revealing pictures of women with whom he claimed to have had sex to colleagues on the House floor. 

Within the letter obtained by The Daily Beast, Greenberg attempted to enlist the help of longtime GOP operative Roger Stone in seeking a pardon from former President Donald Trump. 

The Beast reports that Greenberg offered Stone $250,000 in Bitcoin, but Stone cautioned, “I cannot push too hard because of the nonsense surrounding pardons.” A week before Trump left office, Stone allegedly contacted Greenberg through the encrypted messaging app Signal to tell the Gaetz associate he was “feeling confident” and that Greenberg should therefore prepare the Bitcoin payment. From the Beast story: 

In late 2020, Greenberg was out of jail and in communication with Stone. A series of private messages between the two — also recently obtained by The Daily Beast — shows a number of exchanges between Greenberg and Stone conducted over the encrypted messaging app Signal, with communications set to disappear. However, Greenberg appears to have taken screenshots of a number of their conversations.

“If I get you $250k in Bitcoin would that help or is this not a financial matter,” Greenberg wrote to Stone.

“I understand all of this and have taken it into consideration,” Stone replied. “I will know more in the next 24 hours I cannot push too hard because of the nonsense surrounding pardons.”

“I hope you are prepared to wire me $250,000 because I am feeling confident,” Stone wrote to Greenberg on Jan. 13.

In classic Stone fashion, the veteran right-wing operative confirmed to The Daily Beast that Greenberg wanted to pay him, but claimed to have no role in seeking a pardon.  

“I made no formal or informal effort in regard to a pardon for Mr. Greenberg,” Stone told The Daily Beast. “I never requested or received a penny from Mr. Greenberg. I recall him offering to retain me, and I declined. To be clear, I did advocate pardons for a number of people who I had [sic] been unfairly treated by the justice system and was compensated by no one for doing so.”

Stone did not respond to Salon’s request for comment on Thursday night. 

The longtime “dirty trickster,” who sports a tattoo of Richard Nixon’s face on his back, has a complicated relationship to the ever-evolving scandal around Gaetz. During the early days of reporting on the congressman’s troubles, Stone appeared on Infowars and advised Gaetz to go on “offense.” 

“He needs to go on offense; this is right upfront in Stone’s Rules,” Stone told host Alex Jones. “The left-wing, non-journalist, fake-news media are the most vicious, malicious, dishonest people that I have ever come across. All of these stories that are maligning Matt Gaetz today are based on leaks. Where is the beef? Where are the facts? I don’t think there are any facts. I think this is a good old-fashioned smear.”

Gaetz has consistently maintained his innocence. On Thursday night, he continued to post tweets about unrelated matters before and after the bombshell report from The Daily Beast. 

Inside the fight to overturn a ban on yoga in Alabama’s public schools

In early 2019, a high school student asked Alabama state Rep. Jeremy Gray about his daily routine during a talk he was giving at a public high school in his district. The 35-year-old former Division I football player and CFL star said it often includes yoga — at least twice a week.

“As football players and athletes, we do yoga as a way to recover,” Gray told Salon.

But his admission also unveiled a surprising truth about the state of Alabama: yoga is banned in public schools. The high schoolers he stood in front of were legally prohibited from having the activity be part of their public school curriculum. The ban, which has been in effect since 1993 and was voted on by the Alabama Board of Education, states: “School personnel shall be prohibited from using any techniques that involve the induction of hypnotic states, guided imagery, meditation or yoga.”

When Gray, a Democrat from Opelika, learned about the seemingly antiquated ban, he set out to overturn it — introducing Alabama House Bill 246 (HB 246) in the hopes that it would make a positive contribution to his community.

“Yoga is literally everywhere,” Gray said. “It’s in churches, universities, it’s at football practice, basketball practice, the local YMCA, so I didn’t really think it was a big deal until I introduced the bill and it was heavily opposed by conservative groups.”

For the past two years, the bill has been bitterly contested by outfits like the Eagle Forum — which was founded by Phyllis Schlafly, best known for organizing the right-wing movement that stopped the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and warning of the “psychological” dangers of feminism. She was also supported publicly by former President Donald Trump before her death.

Today, the bill is in a critical stage as it sits in front of powerful Rules Committee, where it waits for approval to be sent along for debate in the full state Senate. Though the bill has already passed through the state House, if the bill is voted down by the Rules Committee, it dies.

“That happened to me my first year, in 2019, where [the committee] didn’t want to vote on the bill,” Gray said. This time around, there are just three opportunities to get it on the calendar before the legislative session ends.

What’s the big deal about yoga, anyway?

The 2016 Yoga in America Study found that at least 36 million Americans do yoga. In 2012, a survey estimated that at least 1.7 million children were doing yoga. Considering its increasing popularity, those numbers could be higher now. While many American public schools now incorporate yoga into their physical education curricula, there does appear to be a movement pushing back against it — in 2016, parents at a Georgia elementary school led a movement to ban the word “namaste” from yoga lessons at the school.

In Gray’s current iteration of the bill, the use of the word “namaste” — which simply means “hello” and is used as a greeting to show respect in yoga class — is prohibited, which Gray agreed on as a compromise to gain bipartisan support.

Indeed, a large part of resistance to overturn the ban comes from conservative Christian groups who are concerned that exposing children to yoga will promote Hinduism. 

“Yoga is a very big part of the Hindu religion,” said Becky Gerritson, director of Eagle Forum of Alabama. “If this bill passes, then instructors will be able to come into classrooms as young as kindergarten and bring these children through guided imagery, which is a spiritual exercise, and it’s outside their parents’ view. And we just believe that this is not appropriate.”

The fear echoes anti-Hinduism rhetoric that gained prevalence in the late 19th century in America, and some experts are concerned that such discriminatory sentiments are resurfacing as yoga continues to rise in popularity across the country.

“The legislation kind of reeks of Hindu-phobia, it’s like a rewind to the late 19th century, early 20th century, where Hindus were looked upon as this cult that’s out to brainwash people and [this belief] that yoga can make you do crazy things,” said Nikunj Trivedi, president of the Coalition of Hindus of North America. “We live in a multicultural world, there should be cultural appreciation, rather than appropriating it and saying we’re only going to use this, and don’t say ‘namaste.'”

From literature to immigration laws to labor abuse, the late 1800s and early 1900s saw a rise in anti-Asian sentiments that ran parallel to the rise of Hinduism’s popularity in America. Trivedi added that it appears as if Alabama is “reverting back in this situation.”

“There are other issues,” Trivedi said. “We’re seeing a widespread of anti-Asian hatred, which includes a lot of Hindu-Americans being either subjected to online bullying or targets and stuff like that.”

Trivedi said he’s been subjected to personal attacks and harassment since speaking out about the ban, adding that any fears about exposing children to Hinduism are “unfounded.” Trivedi emphasized that the Coalition of Hindus of North America is in support of the effort to overturn the ban, and continues to be frustrated by the resistance. At the same time, he said he understands that those fears might come from a lack of understanding.

“Sometimes people don’t understand what the practice really means, and they have this fear that by doing that, people will automatically become Hindu,” Trivedi said.

Still, he fears it’s going to be a “tough battle” to get the bill passed through the Republican-controlled Alabama state Senate.

“There are people on the ground who are resisting it,” Trivedi said.

Gray told Salon that his opponents are a small group of people who hold a lot of power, and that the controversy around this bill highlights the bigger challenges the state of Alabama faces: its inability to progress.

“This bill just shines a light on what goes on in Alabama, and why it’s so hard for us to progress as a state,” Gray said. “To me, the bigger story is where we are in Alabama, and were we need to be, and just the work that we need to do to actually catch up and be more of a progressive state, so we can attract younger people, and innovative people, and I think it starts with having an understanding of a great legislation that’s good, especially for K through 12 public schools.”