Hillary Rodham Clinton

On their minds

Political experts from both sides deconstruct President Clinton's 1999 State of the Union address.

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POLITICAL EXPERTS

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Arianna Huffington, author and political commentator:

A great speech has to be about something, not about everything. There
was no overriding vision or theme. He has a laundry list of proposals
targeted at certain voting blocks. This is such a focus-group-tested,
poll-driven approach to leadership.

Last night confirmed two things. We are really two nations, and the
only nation that is really part of the political conversation is the
nation that votes, benefits from the stock market and is the beneficiary of
the strong economy. The other nation is in the inner cities, the
dysfunctional public schools and the growing number of layoffs. The
real crisis in America is the 15 million children at risk, losing the
next generation. He had nothing to say about that. When he talked about
the “new dawn in America,” nobody applauded, not even the Democrats. He
sounded so preposterous. To talk about the prosperity of one America —
those benefiting from the stock market and identified with a new dawn
for the whole country — is such hubris. I can’t understand why everybody’s
going around saying this was a great performance just because he was
able to get through his speech without stumbling.

It’s also amazing to what extent he’s become the president of the worst of
corporate America. Because Clinton is a compassionate, caring, feeling-your-pain
Democrat, he has somehow legitimized the neglect. If it were Reagan who
gave that State of the Union address and ignored the problems of those
most in need, there would be riots.

The moment where he honored Hillary was incredibly embarrassing. If
we’re going to be asking, as people should, for a clear demarcation line
between the public and the private realms, politicians have to help.
It’s an inappropriate expression at this time — it brings up all that
happened and all the ways he has dishonored her. No wonder she looked so
stone-faced. I would have thrown something at him.

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Ben Cohen, president of Business Leaders for Sensible Priorities and
co-founder of Ben & Jerry’s Ice Cream:

The president’s speech was long on talk about education and pretty short on
money for it. It looks like 50 percent of the discretionary money he was
talking about is going to end up going to the Pentagon. I’d give him high
marks for what he’s trying to do for Medicaid and Social Security, but the
education stuff was a bunch of talk and didn’t have the money behind it.

Our country needs about $7 billion a year to provide Head Start for all the
kids who are eligible but can’t afford a spot in it. We need about $100
billion worth of repairs for our schools that are falling apart in a lot of
parts of the country. Meanwhile, he’s going to give the Pentagon more than
$100 billion over the next five years despite the fact that we’ve got far
and away the best military in the world. Now that the Soviet Union is no
longer a threat, between all of them combined — Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria,
North Korea and Cuba — they spend a total of about $15 billion a year.
There’s no reason why we should have to spend $280 billion a year to defend
ourselves against them. That’s the way it looks from Ben Cohen land.

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Deirdre English, former editor of Mother Jones magazine:

Clinton is like an Internet stock: He’s all puffed up and when he goes down a little and loses a little air, you think he would be in the pink, but when he comes back up, he balloons back up bigger than ever. That’s his style — he’s at his best when he’s in trouble, when he has to pull a rabbit out of a hat.

The Republicans were so stodgy and so obsessed with their hatred of him that they couldn’t even applaud for public schools. They looked pathetic, possessed with their witch hunt. I expected Clinton to take advantage of this opportunity to make the whole impeachment trial look like the Republicans were dragged down in the trial. And he did. Things like “Where he touched her for the purpose of arousing her?” are extremely unimportant against the large millennial picture that he painted.

I support his agenda, and I would support a more liberal one. But I don’t think he can win those things. I don’t think there’s any question that his presidency has been compromised by the Lewinsky scandal. I don’t think Clinton should be impeached — the crimes he’s accused of don’t rise to impeachable offenses. On the other hand, I do think his behavior in the whole Monica Lewinsky scandal has been unforgivable. I think feminists have been giving him too much of a pass on that. Clinton was prepared to ruin her life over this. How many women have had their lives destroyed because powerful men have denied their situation and left them to hang out to dry?

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Mike Collins, press secretary for the Republican National Committee:

Much of the speech was a rehash of proposals that were floated a year ago and never heard from again. I can’t say that I saw anything that was surprising. It was very similar to last year’s address, both in tone, length and content. I would hope the president meant what he said about reaching over the table and working with Republicans on things like saving Social Security, saving the public schools, lowering the tax burdens on working families and shoring up our national defenses. But everything else was already known — even the Justice Department’s lawsuit against the tobacco companies has been out there for at least a year.

I’m pleased that the president is talking about giving some of the surplus back to the people who earned it, but I think what we need is across-the-board tax relief, not gimmicks or narrow loopholes. A person deserves to keep more of the money he or she earns in the form of tax relief.

We agree with the president on fixing Social Security, but not an approach that gives government more control over our retirement income. We want to work with him on an approach that puts you more in control of your retirement income. We also believe that school decisions should be made by local administrators, teachers and parents because they care more about those kids, know what the local needs are and are in a better position to address them.

The empty seats were kicking up in the last half hour, and it’s typical that members will leave toward the end because they have been booked already to do television or radio feeds. That happens all the time — it wasn’t political. I think this time the cameras tended to look at them, but those seats were filled for much of the speech.

 
POLICY EXPERTS

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Social Security

Puts $2.8 trillion (62 percent) of projected budget surpluses of the next
15 years into Social Security coffers. Up to 25 percent would be invested
in the stock market and the Social Security system would be stabilized at
least through 2055.

Hans Riemer is director of the 2030 Center, a public policy organization for young adults that focuses on Social Security and modern workplace issues.

Clinton is putting forth very broad recommendations for strengthening Social Security that will be very good for young adults. Clinton has turned away from the idea of privatization, wherein you would replace the existing Social Security program with individual investment accounts. The new savings accounts he is proposing are an addition to Social Security, something we’ve been promoting for a while. As this money earns interest over time, people will retire with more money.

But the program adds 25 percent to the Social Security budget through the projected federal budget surplus, and my biggest concern is that we would be too dependent upon that surplus. We’re now going to credit $2.7 trillion of our surplus over the next 20 years into Social Security, but it could be fixed without any new money. The surplus might not materialize entirely, and if it doesn’t, this program would require a commitment of general revenue. There’s also a lack of any plan on increasing the FICA cap and applying the payroll tax a little bit more fairly to upper-income workers.

But I really think that once this gets into serious debate, the conservatives that oppose this idea are going to self-destruct.

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Health Care

Redirects $650 billion of the projected budget surplus over the next 15
years to preserve Medicare through 2020. Also allows Americans aged 55 to 65
to buy into Medicare if they can’t find other insurance; provides $1
billion over five years to help the nation’s 32 million uninsured; and
includes a $2 billion initiative to help disabled keep their health
benefits — which might otherwise be difficult to obtain — as they return to
the work force.

Larry Levitt is director of the Changing Healthcare Marketplace Project at the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation and former senior health policy for the Clinton administration.

Clinton’s coming back with his proposal from last year to allow people 55 to 64 to buy into Medicare. There would also be tax credits for small businesses to encourage them to offer insurance through purchasing cooperatives; $2 billion in tax credits to help the disabled go back to work; and $1 billion in grants for the uninsured.

A billion dollars sounds like a lot of money, but it doesn’t go very far in terms of buying people health insurance. There is the recognition that we are probably a long way from universal coverage and the administration is making itsy-bitsy steps toward it. The intent behind this proposal is to make the safety net work better so that when you don’t have health insurance, if you need to go to a hospital or community health center, those organizations have the infrastructure to deal with the rising number of uninsured. The vast majority of the uninsured are either working for themselves or are in a family where someone is working. They are not the poorest of the poor, because, by and large, we cover the poor through Medicaid and other programs. It’s really the lower middle class who get squeezed.

These proposals are place holders, sort of down payments, for much larger amounts that are required to really make a dent in the problem. The reality, for example, with the small business tax credits, is that even if you offer them, not very many people take them. It is a huge issue of affordability for small businesses. To buy health insurance for the family of a worker, it costs upwards of $6,000 a year now. Even if you offer a tax credit for half of that cost, it still means the small business has to pick up the other $3,000 dollars. Not many can afford even that much.

But a couple of the proposals are quite large. The continuation of health coverage for the disabled to go back to work is an extremely important and significant initiative. The tax breaks for people who provide long-term care to elderly relatives is also. For a person struggling, $1,000 is a lot of money. And while $1 billion is not going to solve the problems of the uninsured, it is important symbolically to say they are still out there and their numbers are growing in the best economy we have had in the postwar era. That problem still exists, and we need to take every possible step to deal with it.

What’s missing is any comprehensive proposal to cover the uninsured, to provide universal coverage. The health-care reform debate of the early ’90s gave universal coverage a bad name, and it’s going to take a while to get back to a larger discussion like that.
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Defense

Increases defense spending by $12 billion in 2000 and a total of $110
billion over the next six years for military modernization and readiness.

Steve Koziak is director of budget studies at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, a military think tank in Washington.

There is more on defense than there has been in the past, since it is a bigger issue. They want to add $12 billion to defense in 2000 and an additional $110 billion over the next six years for modernization and readiness. The money is in addition to what they were already planning to spend. But it’s not clear how much is actually a real increase in defense spending, since $4 billion would be increased purchasing power because of lower inflation estimates and another $4 billion would come from shifting money from low-priority projects, and other places they can save, into these areas.

Modernization funding is a catchword for new weapons and includes research, development and procurement and production of new weapon systems. Readiness spending covers the costs of training, keeping the systems functioning and providing health care for military personnel. Since the end of the Cold War, procurement has gone down about 70 percent from the height of the Reagan buildup. The spending was appropriately cut at the end of the Cold War.

But do we need to keep about 1.4 million troops in the military and have a modernization program that includes procurement? Too much of the emphasis here is on old military ideas — they should look at more areas where they can upgrade current-generation weapon systems rather than buy new ones, which are two to three times as expensive as those they are replacing.

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Elaine Donnelly is president of the Center for Military Readiness, an independent public policy organization specializing in military personnel issues.

I‘m afraid I took down my Christmas decorations too soon — everybody should have kept their Christmas tree up as a symbol of this State of the Union speech. It was just one bauble after another being displayed on the television screen.

I listened carefully to the statements that the president made on defense and I found that they really ring rather hollow. To say that we support the troops, that we will give them the resources that they need — when you look at the record of this administration, you see the contrary. All the major funding that he’s proposing for the next six years would come in well after he’s gone — and so the promise is not likely to be kept.

I think this president, with the example that he is setting for the troops under his command, is probably the worst commander in chief in history. The effect that this president and the precedent his behavior is setting for the military is going to be a disaster if the Senate does not intervene and remove him from office. The very essence of military discipline is being destroyed.

I think trying to turn this highly publicized media event into a tool to deflect the deliberation of the Senate in the middle of a historic trial is unseemly; it’s just one of many things this president has done that is not at all appropriate. But then again, what do you expect from a president like Bill Clinton? He doesn’t have that deep-seated respect for the office. He’s very different in that regard and that’s probably one of the reasons why he’s only the second president in history to be impeached.

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Child Care

Subsidizes child care by an additional $7.5 billion over the next five
years, provides an additional $3 billion for early learning programs and
gives a tax credit of up to $250 per child age 1 or younger to families,
including those with a stay-at-home parent.

Helen Blank is director of child-care programs at the Children’s
Defense Fund, a children’s advocacy group.

The entire child-care package would represent a significant step toward putting in place some of the support families and children need in order to go to school ready to succeed. The initiatives entail new help for low-income families to afford child care; new funds to strengthen the quality of care for very young children; a significant increase in funds for after-school programs so children can be safe; an increased tax credit for lower- and middle-income families with increased child-care costs, as well as parents who choose to stay home with children under age 1; a continuation of funds that were approved last year to improve the quality of child care; and a tax credit for businesses who are interested in contributing to child care. It’s a pretty well-rounded package.

There’s not enough money to provide every low-income family with child-care assistance; or to insure that all child-care providers get a decent wage; or to support the nearly 5 million children who are home alone after school. But it is a recognition of the job that mothers do, who choose to stay home.

If it does pass, we have to help the states implement it and see what gaps remain. We have gaping holes in child care. Only one in 10 children in eligible families who need child-care assistance get it. The average child-care worker makes $12,000 a year. We have training requirements that are absolutely tiny for people who work in child-care centers. You need 1,500 hours of training to manicure someone’s nails, but in 40 states you can work in a family child-care home with no child development training whatsoever. We have a very long way to go, especially if we want our education goals to succeed, because the early years are where children develop their pre-literacy skills and get ready to read. We have a pretty shameful situation in this country. But this would be a big step toward moving in the right direction.

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Education

Includes measures to bring more accountability to schools by ending social
promotion, requiring progress reports on school performance, providing
better competency testing and training for teachers and adopting more
stringent student disciplinary policies.


Kathy Christie is spokeswoman for the policy information clearinghouse at the Education Commission of the States in Denver.

The proposals concern reforming schools, class-size reduction and incentives to our schools to expand professional development and make sure teachers are better qualified. Nearly all the types of initiatives he’s talking about already exist — they may not be in all states, but they are all in some. Things like accountability — that schools report on their performance to the public — are in nearly every state. Over half the states already require teachers to be certified.

This proposal is different in that the typical role of the federal government in education has been focused on students with special needs and low-income students. They’ve been more about equity and providing services that have come out of federal mandates. The new proposals address things like teacher quality that haven’t been addressed by the federal government in the past. Most of the states are working independently on their own set of requirements — this funding will merely supplement what they are able to fund.

The federal amount that goes to the states is not terrifically consequential. The majority of all funding still comes from state and local governments.

The politicization of the Secret Service scandal

What was once one of the right's favorite government agencies becomes a symbol of waste and moral degradation

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The politicization of the Secret Service scandalPresident Obama, surrounded by members of the Secret Service, upon his arrival in San Diego, Sept. 26, 2011. (Credit: AP/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)

It’s hard to work up much outrage about the Secret Service prostitution scandal, in which 11 members of the president’s elite protective service and various military personnel were found to have picked up escorts in Colombia, where they were doing advance work for the president’s visit. I guess it is probably not a good idea for the people in charge of protecting the president to leave themselves vulnerable to sexual blackmail, but on the other hand we do not live in a John Le Carré novel or “24″ episode, and I don’t think the threat of a honey-trap assassination conspiracy plot is very credible. If members of the Secret Service want to get drunk and hire escorts after work, that is their business. (As Melissa Gira Grant says, the only actual scandal here — and the reason this became an international incident — is that all these guys tried to bilk one of the women out of the money she was owed.)

But the predictable Washington mixture of prurient interest and moral posturing has turned this incident into grist for the scandals-and-investigations mill. And now we have the attempts at somehow making this a winning partisan issue for Republicans. Chuck Grassley, the senator from Iowa who triumphed over adversity and became the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee despite being functionally illiterate, would like to know whether any White House staff also slept with escorts that evening. No one has made the claim, but Grassley’s asking just in case. (For a live peek at a future paranoid right-wing myth in its embryonic stage, read the comments on that Washington Times story: “I can just hear those paper shredders going a mile a minute in the white house, and the document forgers are being called in, you know the same ones that did the birth certificate.”) Grassley was on Fox last night to make sure viewers repeatedly heard baseless speculation as to the involvement of White House staff.

Rep. Pete King, Long Island Republican and stalwart publicity monger, has sent Secret Service Director Mark Sullivan a list of 50 questions about the scandal in order to make it appear that he is very seriously investigating this very serious incident.

For those outside Congress, for whom insinuating escort patronage by unnamed White House staff seems a bit of a reach, the game is to attempt to use the scandal to prove some point the fecklessness of Obama as a leader and his shameful failure to make everyone in Washington stop being so awful and wasteful all the time.

NRO’s Mark Steyn, after praising the fiscal discipline of the agent who attempted to bilk his escort (ugh), suggests that the moral of the story is that we pay too much for presidential security, and that all those agents and fancy bullet-proof Suburbans are wastes of taxpayer funds and evidence of broke post-Imperial America’s profligacy. Sarah Palin, who had every right to be personally aggrieved for once, after it was reported that the agent at the center of the scandal wrote gross sexist things about her on Facebook, was among the first to declare that the problem was with the “culture” Obama has created at the White House. (Karl Rove, smarter than most of these people, suggested that politicizing a Secret Service scandal was dumb and counterproductive. Secret Service Director Mark Sullivan, coincidentally, was elevated to his position under George W. Bush.)

The makeup of the Secret Service, obviously, has very little connection to the political party of the person occupying the White House. Like most American law enforcement agencies, it’s primarily white and overwhelmingly male, and, historically, the culture of the agency has had more than a whiff of machismo. These are not exactly the sort of public sector employees right-wingers get off on demonizing.

In fact, the right has had for years a sort of Clint Eastwood-inspired fantasy of the Secret Service agent as folk hero. Decent, hard-working men putting their lives on the line to protect a bunch of elitist ingrates. That ingratiating phony Bill Clinton and his frigid, hectoring monster of a wife weren’t deserving of such stolid, unflinching loyalty and service.

The fullest expression of this fantasy is in this classic chain email that made its way to every inbox in the nation during the second president Bush’s first term. According to this email, attributed to the unnamed author’s former neighbor, the president’s security detail was constantly disrespected by those awful Clintons and their terrible staff. Hillary Clinton was “arrogant and orally abusive.” “She forbade her daughter, Chelsea, from exchanging pleasantries with” agents. “Al Gore resented Bill Clinton and thought he was to centrist. He despised all republicans.” Agents prayed for Bush to win the election, and their reward was the joy they all felt in the presence of President Bush and his amazing, wonderful wife.

This nonsense has its roots in fake anti-Hillary attacks, attributed to imaginary Secret Service members, that Republican operatives spread to sympathetic media voices starting more or less the day Bill took office. Former Secret Service agents do plenty of gossiping and bitching, most frequently to Ronald Kessler, but their complaints don’t tend to track quite so directly to right-wing fantasy narratives.

But a popular trope is of the upstanding agents blanching at being asked to look the other way as libidinous Democratic presidents — Kennedy, Johnson, and Clinton — womanized. (Clinton was said to have threatened to fire agents who stymied his attempts to have trysts with Monica Lewinsky, though the agent who made the claim admitted to having invented it.) The pat moralism of the conservative Secret Service fantasy makes the agency’s lurid misadventure a bit funnier. It also explains why various people have to somehow convince themselves that the Obama administration somehow degraded the agency, through a lack of “management skills” or the widespread embrace of sexual deviance that is the logical end result of repealing the military’s ban on out gays and lesbians.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

The silly 2016 speculation game

It may be impossible to make any serious predictions about a far-off race, but that has never stopped a pundit

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The silly 2016 speculation game (Credit: AP/Shutterstock/Salon)

Being that it’s still March 2012 and we have no way of knowing who will actually be president by the end of January 2013 (besides “not Ron Paul,” obviously), it would seem to be a bit premature to speculate as to how the 2016 presidential race will shake out. And yet political reporters, finally bored perhaps with the inevitable Republican nomination of Mitt Romney, are already spewing forth predictions. Chris Cillizza at the Washington Post has even created a “Sweet 2016″ bracket. 

The most important lesson of terrible premature presidential-campaign speculation is that nearly everyone who engages in it will be terribly, hilariously wrong. It doesn’t matter if you’re a complete buffoon, like Dick Morris, author of the 2007 classic “Condi vs. Hillary: The Next Great Presidential Race,” or someone fairly serious and “savvy,” like New York Times politics reporter Matt Bai, who posited current nobody Mark Warner as the future of the party in a 2006 Times magazine cover story now best (if barely) remembered for its altered and unflattering photo of the subject.

There will be events no one could’ve predicted — like “obvious” future Republican presidential contender George Allen using an obscure racial slur on camera, or John Edwards being generally John Edwards — that destroy promising careers in an instant.

And there is also the plain fact that the sort of politicians that Washington-based reporters and pundits and political operatives like, and the sort of politicians they think “voters” would like, are often people who have no appeal for anyone outside of their districts or the Beltway. (Like Evan Bayh. Jon Huntsman. And Mitch Daniels, probably.)

Some people turn out to be awful at campaigning: Like Wesley Clark, the general who was going to sweep a troop-worshiping country off its feet and away from George W. Bush, until it turned out that he did not blink like a human. Or Rick Perry, who, it turned out, seems too dumb to dress himself when asked simple questions on television.

There are times when this sort of long-range forecasting is easy until you overthink it: John McCain was the logical 2008 front-runner the moment he addressed the 2004 Republican convention, until you started daydreaming about Fred Thompson’s seductive drawl. Al Gore was pretty obviously going to be the Democratic nominee in 2000, and boredom with his inevitability might’ve had a hand in how the political press helped destroy him that year.

A hell of a lot will obviously depend on whether or not Barack Obama wins reelection. If he loses, Democrats might suddenly find white candidates from the West or the South more attractive. If he wins, we might have to take Joe Biden semi-seriously for a few unlikely news cycles. If Obama ends a second term as popular as Clinton, someone associated with his administration is certainly more likely to be nominated than if Obama’s 2015 numbers look more like Bush’s in 2007.

So let’s get to the predictions, shall we? According to Cillizza, the “number one seed” for 2016 is New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo. (Mark Warner is still on the shortlist, by the way. His time will come!)

Cuomo is the reasonably popular governor of a very populous state. He’s thus far managed to balance liberal base-pleasing deeds (gay marriage!) with “moderate” newspaper editorial-board pleasing things (going after the pensions of public employees!). But we’re still talking about a Northeast liberal (or “liberal”) — from New York! — who’s living with but not currently married to a celebrity television cook who makes awful-looking garbage food out of prepackaged garbage food. The Democratic Party might not want to chance another blatantly culturally urban candidate. (I mean urban in the literal sense, and not as weird racial code.) Plus he’s in the honeymoon portion of his governorship, and that job has utterly destroyed its last two holders.

Plus, Cuomo looks like he’s on pace to use up much of the goodwill he built up with liberals after signing gay marriage into law. (So far there’s been his apparent lack of interest in transit, signing awful gerrymandered legislative and congressional district lines, and his property tax cap.)

Joe Biden has run for president twice and never come remotely close to winning a single primary. He’ll be 74 in 2016. As Steve Kornacki already pointed out, Republicans are much more likely than Democrats to nominate 70-somethings. He’s also a gaffe-prone goofball whose appeal is that he’s a ridiculous character. I would not put a lot of InTrade money on Joe Biden winning the Democratic nomination in 2016.

Hillary Clinton is a bit younger than Biden, and a lot more serious than Biden. But does she still want to be president? Who knows. (Anyone who says they know is lying.) And if she runs in 2016, does she hire the same asinine campaign team that lost her the nomination in 2008?

After those three, we’re already essentially in “who?” territory with the Democrats. Not to say that someone no one has heard of now won’t be the nominee — with Democrats, you may be more likely to get a relative unknown than with Republicans — but we can’t know which governors or senators will turn out to be Barack Obama (or even John Edwards) and which ones will turn out to be… well, Mark Warner.

And theoretically there would be more women vying for the nomination than just Hillary Clinton. Cillizza posits New York Sen. Kristen Gillibrand — a long shot, in my estimation — and senatorial hopeful Elizabeth Warren, who, if she loses her election, would surely be out of the running, and if she wins, would be … a liberal senator from Massachusetts. So, I dunno, Amy Klobuchar? Sadly, four of the current six female governors are Republicans. The two Democrats are North Carolina’s Bev Purdue, who is currently polling poorly enough that she’s announced that she won’t seek reelection, and Washington’s Christine Gregoire, who seems cool, so let’s just put her on the fantasy shortlist. (Oh, I guess the Times already did.)

But you see where we are, at this point: Randomly tossing out names. It’s like predicting the 2016 NFL Draft. Some of these kids are still in high school!

As for Republicans: If Mitt Romney wins the election, there’s the candidate, fun speculation time done. (Unless Newt and Ron Paul mount a primary challenge?!?) If he loses, the party likely learns the lesson it always learns and lurches to the right for a while, and your front-runner in that case (assuming he doesn’t blow up the party at the convention, I guess?) is Rick Santorum. I made this point already and Dave Weigel concurred. He’s a “true conservative” and he looks like he’ll “come in second” this year, which are both substantial advantages in the Republican race.

Maybe it’s Marco Rubio if Romney makes him the running mate, but the GOP does not often nominate losing running mates, because why would you?

Is Paul Ryan, who frantically introduces numbers-laden fake-serious budgets every year, the future of the party? I happen to think he’s basically a bland weenie who only excites people predisposed to thrill to rich-on-poor economic warefare, but a not insubstantial portion of the Republican Party “elite” seems to like that sort of thing. Mitch Daniels is somehow even less electrifying, but as a governor he has a better shot than Rep. Ryan. And Santorum still seems to have a massive advantage over them all.

(Oh, what about Chris Christie? Yes, well, he’d certainly be fun but he is pretty moderate for the national Republican Party, even if he masks it by being an obnoxious, belligerent bully. And he is woefully unprepared to protect us from CREEPING SHARIAH.)

One guy changes this calculus, obviously: Jeb Bush, because the Bush name exerts some sort of weird hypnotic power over the Republican Party, and they are often forced to do their bidding, even when, afterward, they all regret it. I like to imagine that the nation as a whole has decided that it’s done with Bushes forever, but that is pretty naive. I mean, Nixon got elected twice. Jeb Bush has not actually held office in a while — by 2016 he’ll have been a regular private citizen for nearly a decade — and it’s possible the family has decided to wait for George P. Bush to come of age before reasserting their claim over the White House (oh man, guys, he just turned 35).

The sick need to treat politics like it’s fantasy baseball ensures that there’s absolutely nothing anyone can do to make people not wildly speculate as to what will happen years after an election that is still months away, so I just encourage you to be sensible and responsible about it. (Like, it won’t be Rand Paul.)

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Bill Keller writes newest, dumbest Biden-Clinton 2012 swap piece

Former New York Times editor combines hackneyed analysis with shopworn topic, with predictable results

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Bill Keller writes newest, dumbest Biden-Clinton 2012 swap pieceJoe Biden and Hillary Clinton (Credit: AP/Jason Reed)

Bill Keller, a bad opinion columnist, has written a bad opinion column. It is about how Barack Obama will replace Vice President Joe Biden on the 2012 ticket with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, a thing that will not actually happen.

The former New York Times editor has lately been celebrating his return to writing by fearlessly tackling hacky column ideas already exhausted by everyone who was writing bad opinion columns during Keller’s tenure as a person with an actually important job. Having offered his own takes on classics like “The Huffington Post isn’t as good as a real newspaper” and “Twitter is dumb,” Keller today tries the old “running mate switcharoo” scenario.

John Heilemann made the case in August of 2010, but Bob Woodward really kicked it off by pretending a Biden-Clinton switch was “on the table” in October of 2010. That notion — supposedly — can be traced back to pollster grifter Mark Penn, which should have stopped anyone else from bringing it up ever again. But Jonathan Alter took another crack at it last October, and publishing speculation on the switch has become reliable Drudge-bait ever since.

Keller’s column frames the switch as something wished for, instead of predicting it based on the “chatter” of “insiders,” which helps make it merely stupid instead of inherently dishonest. But here are his arguments as to why it would be a good idea instead of a bizarre and desperate stunt:

One: it does more to guarantee Obama’s re-election than anything else the Democrats can do. Two: it improves the chances that, come next January, he will not be a lame duck with a gridlocked Congress but a rejuvenated president with a mandate and a Congress that may be a little less forbidding. Three: it makes Hillary the party’s heir apparent in 2016. If she sits out politics for the next four years, other Democrats (yes, Governor Cuomo, we see your hand up) will fill the void.

One: What? Prove it, maybe? Two: Haha what, again? Congress will get ungridlocked if the president switches vice presidents? To a Clinton? Three: OK, but what if Obama/Clinton loses? And if Obama wins again wouldn’t any Democrat be at a disadvantage in 2016 due to historical trends anyway, making it a “safer” bet to not be his running mate, assuming she actually wants to be president still, which is not at all a given?

But we’re not dealing with observable reality here, as the bit about Clinton’s magical power to un-gridlock Congress demonstrates. We’re in the world of vague assertions about “warmth” and “voltage.” How many electoral votes would running mate Hillary Clinton be worth? Keller never bothers to attempt to make a quantitative guess. This is the closest we get:

Moreover, even if Obama can win without Hillary, there’s a lot to be said for running up the score. If she can do in 2012 what Obama did in 2008 — animate that feeling of historic possibility — the pair can lift some House and Senate candidates along with them. One reason Republicans did so well in the 2010 Congressional elections is that they overcame the gender gap and carried women voters 51 to 49. Those voters will flock back to Hillary, the more so if the Republican ticket is locked into a culture-war agenda. So, by the way, will Hispanic voters, securing such endangered states as Florida, New Mexico, Nevada and Colorado.

Ooh, actual data! The Republicans won women in a midterm election. Hillary Clinton is a woman. So in a presidential general election, women will “flock back to Hillary.” Those women may be Republicans, voting in a Republican wave election, but they are women and so they will vote for Barack Obama if he is next to a woman on the ballot. (Though what about those Hispanics? Shouldn’t Obama replace Biden with a Hispanic woman, in this case? Or isn’t he in fact best off retaining Joe Biden, who is, after all, a white man? From Scranton? White men will “flock back” to Obama once they see that he is friends with a white person.)

The column isn’t just bad analysis — it’s also oddly condescending to Secretary Clinton! It complains that she owes “us” a vice-presidential run after she “raised our expectations” by running for president last time. It calls Clinton “the dutiful Methodist schoolgirl.”

Here’s the line that is secretly the worst:

But the idea that she should replace Joe Biden as Obama’s running mate in 2012 is something else. It has been kicking around on the blogs for more than a year without getting any traction, mainly because it has been authoritatively, emphatically dismissed by Hillary, Biden and Team Obama.

Did you see that? “Kicking around on the blogs.” That’s Keller-speak for “not worth anyone’s time until a real journalist like New York Times opinion columnist Bill Keller brought it up.” The “bloggers” kicking this idea around, as I mentioned earlier, are New York magazine political writer John Heilemann, Washington Post living legend Bob Woodward, and former Newsweek senior editor and best-selling author Jonathan Alter. Those bloggers and their crazy notions!

As a blogger, I know that my silly opinion is not as carefully considered and well-informed as that of former New York Times editor Bill Keller, who is not at all simply talking out of his ass. But even if there were any hint at all that the switch was a possibility, which there isn’t, it would be a stupid idea. Hillary Clinton is already part of the president’s Cabinet, and she and her husband will already campaign for the president’s reelection. Running mates barely nudge the numbers in presidential elections, unless they’re historically awful, which Joe Biden isn’t. The Clintons are among the most divisive figures in American politics — Hillary Clinton’s recent high approval rating has come because she’s not running for anything — and relitigating every Clinton scandal would consume the national political press for weeks if she ended up on the ticket.

The running mate switch hasn’t been successful since the Franklin Roosevelt administration, and the last time a president made a strategic switch to help win a tough reelection, it failed.

And I bet if Obama did make this stupid switch, Bill Keller would write some awful column about how desperate it made the president look. Unless he will have by then moved on to finally writing his “kids today sure are sexting each other a lot” piece.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Fake Democratic pollsters have stupid idea

The Wall Street Journal publishes nonsense from Doug Schoen and Pat Caddell, because they think you're an idiot

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Fake Democratic pollsters have stupid ideaHillary Clinton and President Obama (Credit: AP/Charles Dharapak)

I think it’s best to understand the Wall Street Journal editorial board’s decision to publish any given column by con artist pollsters Doug Schoen and Pat Caddell as basically an expression of contempt for people who read the Wall Street Journal editorial page.

Caddell and Schoen, two loser “Democratic” “pollsters,” regularly publish very lame link-bait columns about how if Democrats want to succeed electorally, they must immediately cease being Democrats, and become, instead, Republicans. This week’s variation on that theme: Barack Obama should step aside (already heard that one last year around this time) and allow himself to be replaced by Hillary Clinton, for the good of the party and the nation.

Even though Mrs. Clinton has expressed no interest in running, and we have no information to suggest that she is running any sort of stealth campaign, it is clear that she commands majority support throughout the country.

Because she’s not running for anything.

So Hillary Clinton should be president instead of Barack Obama, because Obama is too partisan and divisive. America needs a bipartisan plan to attack the deficit and also create jobs, and it is Obama’s fault that that is a vague, magical fairy tale. Hillary Clinton will make this fairy tale real, thanks to the fact that, as we all know, Republicans love cheerfully working with the Clintons for the good of the nation. When a Clinton’s in the White House, partisan politics are always put aside!

This is self-evidently dumb on about ten different levels — Clinton won’t run, President Clinton wouldn’t have any more success negotiating with Congressional Republicans than President Obama, Clinton’s popularity is a result of her not being a partisan candidate for office anymore, if there was such a thing as a “bipartisan” plan to reduce the deficit while also stimulating job growth (and protecting entitlements!) we’d presumably have already decided to act on this fantastical plan, everything resembling such a plan is explicitly supported by the White House and rejected by Republicans, Republicans would not endorse said plans if President Obama promised to go away because then they’d simply want to wait for a Republican to take over for him, and Pat Caddell and Doug Schoen are not, as they claim to be, Democrats — but the Journal published this regardless, as they always do with fresh tripe from Schoen and Caddell.

Schoen — who works for hypothetical future independent presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg, though that fact is never, ever disclosed — is a simple hack, precisely as dumb and unprincipled as you’d expect anyone who was once Mark Penn’s right-hand man to be. Caddell angrily left the Democratic party 20 years ago, which is seldom mentioned when he’s trotted out to trash the president on behalf of the right-wing media outlets that pay his rent. But the fact that they’re classic “Fox Democrats” matters much less than the fact that all of their editorials are predictable, wrong, and patently stupid.

As I said, printing their editorials is an implicit admission that you think your audience is credulous and moronic. The people in charge of the Wall Street Journal are savvy enough about politics to know that all of this is bilge and bullshit. They know both that this will never happen and that it’d be a stupid suggestion even if it were within the realm of possibility. They just don’t care. They don’t care that they’re printing garbage, because they figure garbage will get some traffic from those engaged in the same game.

If I were a conservative American I’d be less outraged at the specter of liberal elites hypothetically disrespecting me from their coastal enclaves and much more pissed off that the people on my side are constantly peddling this bullshit.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Does Hillary Clinton get too much credit?

She's a huge foreign policy asset to the president but this week's hosannas feel like overkill

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Does Hillary Clinton get too much credit? Hillary Clinton (Credit: Reuters)

I’m on record as a great admirer of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, going back to her days as New York senator and certainly through her 2008 presidential campaign. But this week’s set of stories depicting the U.S. Libya intervention as “Hillary’s War” (The Washington Post) and an example of Clinton’s “smart power” doctrine (Time Magazine’s cover) go a little bit too far for me. They feel like someone’s effort to upstage or diminish President Obama. For the record, I don’t think the effort is Clinton’s. It may just reflect the mainstream media’s inability to give Obama his due.

Clearly Clinton’s competence is an asset to the president, and her power and credibility reflects well on his ability to work with a former rival. And the Time piece, in particular, makes clear, while praising Clinton, that ultimately Obama makes most of his decisions with a small team of confidantes, and she is not among them. He’s the commander in chief.

And there’s fine reporting in the two pieces. Certainly Clinton deserves credit for using her role to leverage support and resources from other agencies, getting greater control of foreign aid funding and even Defense Department funds to bolster her agenda at State. Elevating the role of the State Department took particular work after George W. Bush ignored and degraded so many American alliances.

But neither piece apportions any share of blame for the downside of Clinton’s expansive diplomacy – her role in pushing a bigger continued U.S. presence in and around Iraq, for instance, flagged Monday by Glenn Greenwald. The continued Iraq presence will also use more of the sometimes lawless private contractors whose role she opposed during the presidential campaign. It also seems a little early to be declaring Libya a decisive victory for American interests, or the cause of human freedom, as the nature of the government that will emerge there remains unclear.

Still, at a time when Obama struggles to get the kind of credit he deserves on the foreign policy and domestic security front – for killing Osama bin Laden and other top al Qaida leaders, winding down the military role in Iraq and toppling Muammar Gaddhafi without losing a single American life – it strikes me as a little unseemly that when credit is given, so much of it goes to Clinton. For her part, at least publicly, Clinton works to turn the spotlight on her boss, telling David Gregory on Meet the Press 10 days ago that “President Obama has passed with flying colors every leadership challenge.” And while she insisted, not convincingly, “I’m out of politics, as you know, David, I don’t comment on it,” she quickly boosted her boss against his potential 2012 rivals.  “I think Americans are going to want to know that they have a steady, experienced, smart hand on the tiller of the ship of state, and there’s no doubt that that’s Barack Obama.”

It feels a little mean-spirited to be raising these questions about Clinton’s coverage on the day she lost her mother, Dorothy Rodham, at 92, but this is the week of the adoring press coverage. Again, I’m a strong Clinton admirer. But there’s something a little odd about the worshipful tone of these pieces. I still see a faint echo of Maureen Dowd’s analysis propping up Clinton and other female administration “hawks” in her continued effort to diminish Obama’s leadership and masculinity.   Dowd seems to be on vacation, or else we might see her to use these two profiles as another reason to pit Clinton against her boss.

I spoke with a close Clinton friend last week who insists the Secretary of State has no interest in either the role of vice president in 2012, or a presidential run in 2016, so I don’t think there’s any crusade for either job behind these admiring stories. Maybe her allies are just trying to make sure she gets credit for the great work she did, against all odds, for a man she was once accused of trying to destroy.

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Joan Walsh

Joan Walsh is Salon's editor at large.

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