Dick Morris
You can call me Al
In her effort to line up political support, Hillary Clinton extends an olive branch, and a White House invite, to Rev. Al Sharpton.
The Rev. Al Sharpton and Hillary Rodham Clinton are an unlikely couple indeed. But as Clinton’s exploratory campaign for next year’s New York Senate race gets under way, the former boy preacher who carries heavy racial baggage — a pariah to some but a political prophet to others — could prove to be a pivotal force in the election.
Already the press and public are watching to see how Clinton masters the arcane details of New York politics. But how she deals with the controversial Sharpton could become an early defining moment in the campaign, far more important than whether she can find Elmira on a map, identify the mayor of Poughkeepsie or figure out a politically correct vacation spot.
There is little doubt Sharpton will have some role in the campaign. Howard Wolfson, the exploratory committee spokesman, told Salon News, “If [Clinton] runs she will not be in the business of excluding people. We welcome the support of all New Yorkers.” Asked if Sharpton had been given an actual role in the campaign, Wolfson said simply, “We will cross that bridge when we come to it.”
In reality, Clinton’s kowtowing began last month, when she invited the reverend to a White House reception for the World Series champion New York Yankees. “I don’t think Al has ever been to a Yankee game in his life, but he was invited,” confides Wall Street businessman Frank Mercado Valdes, a longtime friend and advisor to the reverend.
But behind the scenes, controversy swirled around Sharpton’s presence at the event, foreshadowing a delicate balancing act Clinton must perform to rally and unify key New York Democratic constituencies — African-Americans and Jews.
William Rapfogel, a lifelong Yankees fan and director of the New York Metropolitan Coordinating Council on Jewish Poverty, was also invited to the White House event. Rapfogel has been to the White House at least 10 times during the Clinton administration, he says, but this visit was going to be special because he wanted to get Yankees autographs for his son. Then he got a “heads up” call from a Washington friend that changed everything.
The friend told him to be careful about his White House visit, because efforts were being made to create the impression that Sharpton and the Jewish community were united. So Rapfogel elected not to attend. “I did not want to be used,” he said, though he stressed that he was not a spokesman for the Jewish community and said that he might yet vote for Clinton. But he admitted that he wondered why Sharpton was given a front-row seat at the event, while Rep. Charles Rangel, the Harlem congressman who had first broached the idea of a Hillary for Senate campaign, got stuck in the third row. “Is Sharpton more important than Rangel?” Rapfogel asked.
While making overtures to Sharpton, Clinton has also reached out for Jewish support in this early stage of the campaign. This week, she affirmed her support for a united Jerusalem, a move aimed at quelling earlier protests from segments of the Jewish community who bristled at her support for a Palestinian state.
But the presence of Sharpton in the first lady’s campaign operation could alienate some Jewish voters and bring potential political peril for the first lady. In his two decades in the public eye, Sharpton has made his reputation as a notoriously ambitious loose cannon who specializes in orchestrating high-profile and often racially polarizing media spectacles. But Sharpton has a loyal following. He drew 26 percent of the vote when he ran for Senate against Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan in 1994, and followed that up in 1997 by winning a surprising 32 percent of the vote in the contest for mayor, almost forcing a runoff between himself and Democratic sacrificial lamb Ruth Messinger.
Sharpton has been onstage, or on the fringes of the stage, virtually all his life. Mentored by soul singer James Brown and boxing promoter Don King, he combines elements of Nation Of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan and Martin Luther King Jr. He is part political leader, part street hustler and part entertainer. He learned politics watching Harlem Rep. Adam Clayton Powell battle with the white establishment, and he founded the National Youth Movement in 1980. But he gained national notoriety in 1987, with the Tawana Brawley case.
Brawley, an African-American teenager, claimed she had been abducted and raped by six white men. The story shocked New York and the nation, but a grand jury later determined that the entire story was contrived. Last year Sharpton lost a defamation suit in connection with the case and was dinged for a $65,000 judgment.
He has also been blamed for fanning racial tensions that led to a riot in the Crown Heights section of Brooklyn in 1991 after a black child was killed by a car driven by an Orthodox Jew. Soon after, a young rabbinical student was murdered, allegedly in retaliation, and the neighborhood erupted into riots pitting Jews against blacks.
Sharpton was also instrumental in focusing the media spotlight on two racially motivated incidents involving blacks in the 1980s that almost tore New York City apart. In 1986, Sharpton intervened in the case of three black men who were attacked by a mob of whites after their car broke down in Howard Beach, Queens. One of the men, Michael Griffith, was severely beaten. Three years later, in 1989, Sharpton was in the forefront of demonstrations in Bensonhurst after the racially motivated murder of Yusuf Hawkins. Hawkins had gone into the neighborhood to purchase a used car when he was beaten by a white mob. During a demonstration in Bensonhurst, Sharpton himself was stabbed, and he later said that a near-death experience led to a personal transformation.
Some Democrats believe that despite his reputation, Sharpton is a proven vote getter among blacks, and his support could help Clinton galvanize a massive voter turnout in Democrat-rich New York City. Although Democrats outnumber Republicans 2-to-1 there, turnout is often low, and a surge to the polls by the city’s blacks and Latinos could be critical in securing a Clinton victory. “Sharpton is probably someone who can help get out the vote,” says former Mayor Ed Koch, who feuded with Sharpton while he was mayor and at one point had him jailed. He now believes the Clinton campaign should find a role for Sharpton, but adds, “He won’t be in the inner circle because Hillary doesn’t even know him.”
Koch has said he thinks Sharpton is a changed man from the days when he used to regularly picket City Hall. He has called him “another Jesse Jackson” and has predicted that if Sharpton would apologize for his actions in the Tawana Brawley case — he represented Brawley — and for statements that have offended Jews, then he would be readily accepted by all groups. Thus far Sharpton has made no effort to apologize.
But other Sharpton critics are less forgiving and say Clinton should distance herself from Sharpton by any means necessary.
“Charlie Rangel and [former New York Mayor] Dave Dinkins can get out the black vote, why do you need a Sharpton?” says Dick Morris, the former advisor to President Clinton-turned-pundit and critic, who left the team after his dalliance with a prostitute was revealed during the 1996 campaign. “Sharpton ought to be kept 50 miles from the campaign and from the candidate.”
Sharpton himself seems to be enjoying his new role as political power broker, and intimated he would not be content with a symbolic role in the campaign. “You’re not gonna give me a bus, some money and say, ‘Go register some black voters,’” Sharpton told Salon News. “I want to be involved in the policy questions too — education, police brutality, welfare reform.” Sharpton is fond of recalling that five years ago, when he ran against Moynihan for the very same Senate seat, he developed a full policy agenda that distinguished him from the incumbent. “I don’t want a Moynihan in a skirt representing New York,” he says.
This year Sharpton managed to widely improve his public image, through his leadership of massive public protests against the police killing of Amadou Diallo, the West African street vendor who was shot and killed by four officers who thought he resembled a rape suspect. The case was tailor-made for Sharpton and he played it to the hilt. But this time, there was no divisive language, no violence. Just a steady stream of orderly demonstrations in front of police headquarters in lower Manhattan until 1,200 people were arrested, including former Mayor Dinkins, actors Ossie Davis and Susan Sarandon, liberals and conservatives, whites and Christians, Jews and Muslims. The protests seriously damaged Mayor Rudy Giuliani, and helped propel the “Hillary for Senate” juggernaut.
“And guess what?” said Sharpton. Clinton “can’t afford to ignore me and I think she knows it. The Diallo trial will be coming up in the middle of the campaign.”
Still, Sharpton said he had not heard from the first lady’s advisors since he was last at the White House. And he said he might not get involved if the campaign does not formally invite him to participate before Clinton announces her assumed candidacy. “It is unhealthy to try to catch a moving train,” he said. “I’d rather catch the train in the station when it stops and the doors open. Once the train starts rolling, don’t tell me to catch up.”
He knows that many people consider him a loose cannon. But he has tried to use his reputation for unpredictability as an incentive for Hillary to embrace him. “I think they would be better off having me inside the tent than outside. Can you imagine what it would be like for Ms. Clinton to go looking for black votes and they say to her, ‘Where is Rev. Sharpton?’”
Not surprisingly, Sharpton’s allies agree. “Far from being a liability, he would be a plus to the campaign,” says former Mayor Dinkins.
Sharpton dismissed attacks from his critics who insist his presence on the campaign train will do Hillary more harm than good.
“That’s what they always say,” responded Sharpton. “The people who are not going to vote for you are not going to vote for you no matter what. And Al Sharpton does not have anything to do with it.” He noted that he had helped elect U.S. Sen. Charles Schumer and State Attorney General Elliot Spitzer, both of whom are Jewish. “There was no voter backlash there,” Sharpton said.
Keith Moore is a New York writer. More Keith Moore.
Tuesday link dump: I can hear Chuck Grassley’s “no”
GOP splits over gay group, Dick Morris lies, and the shocking truth about bipartisan compromise and healthcare
- John Yoo wrote something stupid today.
- Some schmo at The Corner: “We dislike him, we ridicule him, and we tend to dismiss him, but here’s the sad truth: Paul Krugman’s influence is vast, and conservatives have no effective counterpoise.” Ha ha ha the entire rest of the economics/finance media is the anti-Krugman.
- Chuck Grassley basically told Obama that he wouldn’t be able to vote for healthcare reform because no other Republicans would’ve voted for it.
- GOProud, the gay GOP group, will participate in next year’s CPAC, so some other conservative group has backed out.
- Dick Morris is really good at taking money from stupid people, and lying.
Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene More Alex Pareene.
Fred Barnes not on a team? Why did GOP pay him?
The Weekly Standard editor claimed political purity in bashing Journolist, but he's on the Republican payroll
In the pages of the Wall Street Journal, Fred Barnes has lately lamented the betrayal of “traditional journalism” by the liberal denizens of Journolist — the defunct listserv that conservatives have used to revive the debate over “liberal media bias.” His widely quoted Journal Op-Ed noted that before Journolist, neither liberal nor conservative journalists were likely to be “part of a team,” and went on to add:
Continue Reading CloseJoe Conason blogs in Salon several times a week and writes a weekly column for the New York Observer. His latest book is "It Can Happen Here: Authoritarian Peril in the Age of Bush." More Joe Conason.
Why do Republicans (pretend to) hate the Upper West Side?
Growing up on Manhattan's West Side is un-American -- unless you happen to be named Kristol or Podhoretz
Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan testifies on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday,June 29, 2010, before the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on her nomination. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)(Credit: Susan Walsh) As they attempt to disparage Elena Kagan, the most aggressive Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee are proving that Supreme Court nomination hearings can produce something worse than vapidity: in this instance, gross hypocrisy and barely veiled appeals to bigotry. Whatever the merits or deficits of Kagan may be (and Salon readers know that there are skeptics on the left as well), the quality of the partisan assault so far seems very low, even by the usual standards of this process.
Consider the discussion of her personal background on the first day of the hearings, when Arizona Sen. Jon Kyl directed our attention to the New York City neighborhood where bright young Elena grew up. Quoting a profile from Politico that described her life experience as “distant from most Americans,” Kyl noted portentously that she was raised on “Manhattan’s Upper West Side” before attending Princeton and Harvard Law School, where she eventually served as dean.
Continue Reading CloseJoe Conason blogs in Salon several times a week and writes a weekly column for the New York Observer. His latest book is "It Can Happen Here: Authoritarian Peril in the Age of Bush." More Joe Conason.
Dick Morris: When he predicts doom, expect sunshine
The Fox News political guru warns that healthcare reform will "eradicate" Democrats -- which may mean there's hope
Dick Morris Of all the many media prophets of gloom and Democratic doom, nobody can quite match the fury of Dick Morris, Fox News star, Newsmax guru and chief political strategist for a shady outfit called the League of American Voters. Just today I received an “urgent message” from him, touting the dire consequences to ensue from passage of healthcare reform — including an electoral massacre of the Democrats come November.
According to him, voter revulsion “will be enough to eradicate an entire generation of House and Senate Democrats … This is the prospect the House and Senate Democrats who vote for Obamacare will face in the fall of 2010. This is the record they will have to defend. Or, they could save their political lives and vote no!”
Continue Reading CloseJoe Conason blogs in Salon several times a week and writes a weekly column for the New York Observer. His latest book is "It Can Happen Here: Authoritarian Peril in the Age of Bush." More Joe Conason.
Congratulations, President Romney!
A good sign for the Republican hopeful: Dick Morris is writing him off
We’ve got good news and bad news for former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney. Bad news first: Dick Morris says Romney’s got no shot to capture the Republican presidential nomination in 2012.
“Romney, I think, is virtually out of this race because he proposed healthcare reform in Massachusetts very similar to Obama’s. It passed, and it’s a disaster in Massachusetts now,” Morris said in a recent interview. (Hat-tip to GOP 12.)
Continue Reading CloseAlex Koppelman is a staff writer for Salon. More Alex Koppelman.
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