Espionage

The truth about the polygraph

It's junk science, but proponents say it can be a useful tool in interrogations, and even a deterrent.

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China knows something about an American miniaturized nuclear warhead called the W-88, developed at Los Alamos, N.M. We’re not sure exactly how much it knows, and it doesn’t seem to have built any, but naturally we’re curious about how China found out. People at the Department of Energy and the FBI have been brooding over this since 1988. In 1998 the DOE’s then-director of counterintelligence told a congressional committee that he thought China had gotten this information from the United States (rather than via Russia), and that he had a suspect in view.

The man he had in mind was Wen Ho Lee, a Los Alamos nuclear weapons scientist who had traveled to China in the mid-’80s. Also arousing suspicion, it seems, is the fact that he is of Chinese descent. It was then discovered that Lee had downloaded large amounts of classified material, for which he was fired. He is now in jail awaiting trial, charged with mishandling classified material. He’s never been charged with espionage.

Alarmed by the idea of Chinese spies gaining access to our weapons secrets, and wishing to be seen taking action, Congress ordered that security be increased at the nuclear laboratories at Los Alamos; Sandia, N.M.; and Livermore, Calif.

Measures to be taken by the Department of Energy under that mandate included regulating e-mail and data transfers, toughening background checks on visiting foreigners and a new policy requiring that employees report any sexual encounter with foreigners longer than a one-night stand. (Not all foreigners, just foreigners from certain countries. Other foreigners, go for it; we don’t wanna know.) But the measure that upset the lab employees was the one saying they had to take polygraph — lie detector — tests.

As many as 13,000 people might be tested, it was announced. The employees, many of them actual rocket scientists, hit the roof. They wrote letters of protest, thronged hearings to denounce polygraph testing, issued reviews of the scientific literature slamming polygraphs and created dissident Web sites. They called it a witch hunt, described the polygraph as the tool of a police state and asked what was next, the rack?

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The polygraph is an American phenomenon, with limited use in a few countries, such as Canada, Israel and Japan, as a result of American influence. In the 1980s, in the wake of one of those spy scandals that the British are so good at, U.S. intelligence agencies urged the U.K. to use polygraphs for “security vetting.” The House of Commons’ employment committee, “concerned at the Government’s apparent faith in the polygraph test procedures and its implications,” held an inquiry, at which the British Psychological Society, among others, roundly denounced polygraphs, and the scheme was dropped.

David Lykken, emeritus professor of psychology at the University of Minnesota, is a leading critic of polygraphs and author of an influential book, “A Tremor in the Blood” (1981). He can hardly believe he still has to tell people that the polygraph isn’t science.

“There’s something about us Americans that makes us believe in the myth of the lie detector. It’s as much of a myth as the Tooth Fairy,” he exclaims in frustration.

The first proponent of lie detection machines, in the early 1900s, was William Marston, a publicity-hungry psychologist who also created Wonder Woman. The polygraph was taken up and promoted by the Berkeley, Calif., police department in the 1930s. Dozens of polygraph schools sprang up around the country. The industry thrived, with three branches: pre-employment testing, criminal investigation and counterintelligence.

The first polygraphs measured blood pressure and respiration. Then galvanic skin resistance — sweatiness — was added. A modern polygraph, which costs around $8,000, measures changes in all three. (You can get one for less if you supply your own printer and PC, and for just $9.95 you can order a kit from RadioShack to make a bare-bones device that measures changes in galvanic skin resistance.)

These parameters are considered to be measures of tension or anxiety. The polygraph can’t read your mind, but it can detect bodily changes that are often the result of tension. The idea is that, with mind and body being connected, if you are lying you are apt to be nervous and this may show up on at least one of the parameters the polygraph records. It doesn’t necessarily show up on all three; apparently it’s not unusual for your pulse to say “No, no” when your sweat is saying “Yes, yes.” “The correlations among the different measures can politely be described as modest,” writes one British researcher.

Polygraph examiners take a training course that lasts from six to 10 weeks, but operating the machine itself is a cinch if you read the manual, according to a salesman I talked to at Axciton Systems. The need to take a lengthy training course should be your first clue that something other than a pure scientific test is going on, critics say. The enormously variable human element makes it, at best, an art, not science.

In 1988, after congressional hearings at which critics made some very unkind remarks about the polygraph, the Employment Polygraph Protection Act (EPPA) was passed, severely limiting polygraph testing. You cannot be fired for refusing to take a polygraph test. Pre-employment screening is forbidden in all except a few job categories — security guards, armored-car drivers, etc. “There was a huge business of doing pre-employment screening that went away,” says Skip Webb, a polygraph administrator who is the American Polygraph Association’s public relations chairman. Judicial decisions also prevent polygraph tests from being admitted in court in almost all cases.

It might sound as if polygraph testing were dead, but there are some significant loopholes. The EPPA’s provisions apply to private industry, not the government. Police departments regularly give polygraphs to suspects. And because so many people aren’t aware of the problems with polygraphs, innocent people may volunteer to be tested in an effort to clear themselves of suspicion.

Old hands call taking a polygraph test “going on the box.” But the box is the least of it. Webb says that if you beat the polygraph test, “you have beaten the examiner, not the instruments.”

Before you take a polygraph, the examiner interviews you extensively. The examiner says that first he’ll explain how the machine works. Then he’ll tell you the questions he’s going to ask so there will be no surprises, and the two of you will go over the questions to make sure you understand them before the actual test. The entire pretest phase generally runs about an hour, according to Webb.

This seems reassuring, since you may have been concerned that the examiner will suddenly ask who broke that slide projector in seventh grade, or whether you have sex fantasies about carp, or whether it was you who said that when they were passing out brains, your boss was standing in line to get seconds on anal-retentive.

This is also when you hear about “control” questions. These are questions about wrongdoing so sweeping that almost no one can honestly answer “No.” “Have you ever told a lie to get out of trouble?” “Have you ever broken a traffic law?” They are intended to evoke an emotional reaction that the polygraph can detect when you answer “No,” which can then be compared with your reaction when the tester asks you the questions he is really interested in.

At this time you might find yourself confiding to the examiner that, OK, maybe you have run a stop sign or two. (One American Polygraph Association official has testified that in pre-employment screening, three out of four applicants admitted to stealing something from a previous employer.) The examiner will appear very concerned, and ask for all the details. Your dossier has been opened, and you haven’t even gone on the box yet.

The examiner also runs an “acquaintance test,” usually a demonstration with a card or a number. He hooks you up to the polygraph and has you pick a card from a deck. The examiner then asks a series of questions to determine the card: “Is it a red card?” “Is it a black card?” Is it a face card?” Your job is to answer “No” every time. Then the examiner names the card, ostensibly because the charts spike when you’re lying.

This is intended to convince you of the polygraph’s infallibility, which makes the testing more effective, because the better you think it works, the more apt you are to be nervous about being caught in a lie. Of course, if the examiner already knew that the card was the queen of diamonds because you picked it from a stacked deck, your faith might be misplaced. In laboratory studies, without a stacked deck examiners can tell from the polygraph charts which card you picked between 30 percent and 73 percent of the time.

The examiner determines the exact form of the control questions, the non-control questions and all the follow-up questions. He may ask some questions repeatedly. As a result, every polygraph testing session is different.

Examiners don’t get much feedback other than the confessions they extract at the time of testing. As Webb says, “If I were to test someone who was in fact guilty of a crime, and I mistakenly test them as not guilty, they’re not likely to tell me about it. By the same token, if I test someone as guilty and they’re in fact innocent, like many people who are guilty, they’d say they’re innocent.”

On the other hand, Webb says, in law enforcement polygraphs, the examiner may get confirmation in the form of later confessions, new evidence or convictions. Since innocent people can be convicted, most scientists don’t like this last form of confirmation. In criminal cases the examiner also has information about the crime and the suspect; he needs this information to formulate the questions, but it means that he has a lot to rely on besides the machine’s readings in declaring that the person is “deceptive” or “not deceptive” or in extracting a confession — anything but a double-blind experiment.

Webb also points to studies of polygraph testing as proof of their validity. But there are a number of problems with the studies: They tend to look at either criminal investigations or staged crimes. In staged crimes volunteer subjects may be told to go into a room where half of them “steal” an object and then are tested to find out which are the “thieves.” It seems unlikely that people would feel the same kind of anxiety about staged misdeeds that they feel about real misdeeds.

The biggest problem with the studies, however, is the results. In studies, polygraph diagnoses are often wrong, with rates hovering around 80 percent correct — and sometimes much lower.

False positives — people whom the examiner says are “deceptive” but who are in fact telling the truth — are more common than false negatives — people whom the examiner says test “not deceptive” but who are in fact lying. Of one study situation Lykken says, “An accused person who is innocent who takes a polygraph test has almost a 50-50 chance of failing it.” Says Lykken, “Those odds are worse than Russian roulette!”

Moreover, two examiners looking at the same polygraph charts will not always agree on what they mean. In fact, one study found that 10 to 20 percent of the time the same examiner may read the same charts differently if he reads them after a six-month interval.

Thus polygraph testing gets poor marks for both reliability and validity. While the polygraph has always been wrapped in the trappings of science, scientists reject it. A 1997 poll of psychologists and psychophysiologists showed that most of them view it as junk science that should not be admissible in court.

Lykken compares it to astrology: You may think there’s some validity to astrology, but would you use it to find spies? You would? Well, Mrs. Reagan, you’re entitled to your opinion.

Manuel Garcia, a physicist at the Lawrence Livermore Nuclear Laboratory (LLNL) compares it to phrenology. Edward Teller, director emeritus of the LLNL, put it more tactfully in a letter to DOE Secretary Bill Richardson, calling it “a clumsy and imperfect tool” that produces “rather dubious evidence.”

Nuclear lab workers who fail polygraphs, but for whom there is no evidence of guilt, can’t be fired but may be transferred to less sensitive work — a transfer that would destroy the careers of most scientists.

The courts tend to agree with the scientists; polygraph results are not admissible in court in most situations. Sometimes they are allowed as evidence, if both sides agree beforehand, in cases in which people volunteer to take a test, hoping they will be vindicated. But since even innocent people can test as “deceptive,” most lawyers strongly advise their clients to shun the box.

Why does the Department of Energy want to do polygraph testing if it’s junk science? Is it so stupid it doesn’t know that?

It is not stupid, though some congresspeople may be.

When the scientists at the nuclear labs went public with their protest against being given polygraphs, retired Air Force Gen. Eugene Habiger, in charge of the DOE’s security, told the San Francisco Chronicle that the test is a powerful deterrent.

Polygraphs don’t have to work to be a deterrent. People just have to believe that they work and can reveal whether they have committed crimes. The DOE doesn’t have to believe they work, either.

More important, polygraphs are an immensely effective interrogation tool; they need not detect lies. Lykken tells an anecdote of two cops interrogating a suspect at a time when copy machines were not familiar objects. Lacking a lie detector, the cops put a piece of paper in the copier that said “He’s lying!” They made the suspect place his hand on the strange machine while they asked him questions. When they didn’t like his answers, they’d hit a button on the machine. It would groan, whir, stink and shoot out a piece of paper that read “He’s lying!” Realizing that denial was useless, he confessed.

“If I was in the police business I would use [the] polygraph,” says Lykken. “It’s a powerful inducer of confessions, and you don’t have to hit ‘em with any clubs. I can’t blame the police for using it; I only blame them for believing it.”

A 1983 report from the Office of Technology Assessment says, “It appears that the NSA [National Security Agency] (and possibly CIA) use the polygraph not to determine deception or truthfulness per se, but as a technique of interrogation to encourage admissions.”

The FBI, interrogating Wen Ho Lee in March 1999, told him that he had failed his polygraph tests. He had taken two. The first was given by the DOE in December 1998, and three examiners agreed he’d passed “with flying colors.” The DOE apologized.

A few weeks later the FBI said Lee had not passed after all. In February 1999, the FBI retested him. Unusually, they did not say at the time that he had failed, as they later charged. In March 1999, the FBI interrogated him, telling him that he’d flunked both tests. In a standard interrogation technique, they asked him to explain this. “If I don’t have something that I can tell Washington as to why you’re failing those polygraphs, I can’t do a thing,” said one agent, according to transcripts.

Lee said he didn’t understand. If he didn’t explain, said the agent, “I can’t do anything for you, Wen Ho.” The agent listed the things he couldn’t do for Lee unless he explained why he hadn’t passed the test: He couldn’t get him his job back, keep reporters from calling his family, keep his wife from being given a polygraph or keep “them” from going to Lee’s house and taking him away in handcuffs. Lee repeated that he was telling the truth.

The agents then pointed out that they also wouldn’t be able to keep Lee from dying in the electric chair like Julius and Ethel Rosenberg if he didn’t tell them why he had failed the polygraph test. “They electrocuted them, Wen Ho.”

If Lee is really a spy, he might know how to fool the polygraph test. Lykken is confident that a spy would have received the simple training required to beat the polygraph.

Spies Aldrich Ames and Harold J. Nicholson passed routine CIA polygraph exams. In fact, it’s not clear that any spies have ever been caught by polygraph testing. “It’s inconceivable that [a spy] won’t know how to beat the test,” Lykken says. “So the spy won’t be caught, and a few innocent people will have their careers ruined, and the secretary of energy will say that we did everything we could. I think it’s a scandal.”

Was Lee telling the truth? DOE polygraph examiners thought he was truthful in December 1998. Then the FBI said the same test results showed that he failed. When they interrogated Lee, agents told him he had failed both that test and the later FBI test. Did he really fail? Since polygraph examiners often disagree with one another (and even with their earlier diagnoses), the question is not very meaningful. Neither is the question of whether the agents genuinely thought that he’d failed, since even if they believed he’d passed, telling people they’ve failed is such a powerful interrogation technique.

Could polygraphs ever work? All they do is record certain poorly correlated physical reactions to mental stimuli. Since people don’t think and react identically, since even when we’re being offensively honest we don’t always agree about what is the truth and what is a lie, the attempt seems doomed by definition.

What if polygraphs worked perfectly, if they could somehow sort out the tension caused by telling lies from the tension caused by fear of being called a liar, and could do it every single time? What if they never made an innocent person look guilty, never let a guilty person get off and could always tell who was likely to steal from an employer or betray the employer’s trust? What if two examiners never reached different conclusions from the same charts and the same examiner never read the same chart two different ways? Would that change everything?

Those who administer polygraphs would be even more impelled to hook people up. But many people would be just as eager not to be hooked up, even if they weren’t guilty of crimes and didn’t plan to be guilty of crimes in the future. Do we want government minions or corporate flunkies reading our minds and feelings? The American Civil Liberties Union has called polygraph tests “strip searches of the mind.”

We would have people flying about demanding to be hooked up and answer just one question: “I did not break your Lego tower, I swear. I demand a lie detector test!” “I did not think you were stupid for acting that way at the party, honestly. How can I convince you? I’ll gladly go on the box!”

We would also have people carrying polygraphs around with them at all times: “You really believe people pick up their welfare checks in Cadillacs? Put these electrodes on and say that!”

Lee, on trial not for spying but for mishandling classified data, is in solitary confinement in a New Mexico jail. He is the only person to be prosecuted for such offenses. Some angry scientists have pointed out that former CIA Director John Deutch committed a similar offense in keeping classified material on unprotected home computers. He lost some of his security clearances, but not others, enabling him to do lucrative consulting.

Many of Lee’s colleagues view him as a hapless scapegoat who made serious errors. “What he is accused of is a very serious security violation,” says electronic engineer William O’Connell, a past president of the Society of Professional Scientists and Engineers (SPSE). “There may be some real spy problems,” he adds, saying that he favors improved computer security, “but there’s no evidence to connect Wen Ho Lee to those issues.”

The charges that Lee was singled out because of his ethnic background, charges supported by statements made by several DOE officials, are also creating great unhappiness in the labs.

At this writing, the DOE has redefined the category of those who must be given polygraphs to scientists in a few highly sensitive categories, reducing the number from 13,000 to 800. It has also said it will ask Congress to soften its mandate that the DOE do polygraph testing. These steps have muted the storm, but opposition remains. The SPSE continues to take the position that no one should be subjected to the voodoo vagaries of the polygraphs, and to fret that the DOE still has the power to order sweeping testing at any time.

In a recent criminal investigation of the murder of an LLNL worker, Livermore police, who apparently haven’t been following the news, were surprised by the unwillingness of many of the worker’s colleagues to undergo polygraph testing.

As for the future of the polygraph, although it has almost been banned from private business, it continues to find a home in various arms of law enforcement. Its popularity there may rest less on any misguided belief in its infallibility than on its real efficacy as a tool of interrogation.

Yet the tide may be slowly turning. The 1988 Employment Polygraph Protection Act dealt the industry of pre-employment screening a serious blow. The gradually increasing body of research has convinced scientists that the polygraph is a form of interrogation, not science. But as long as general public awareness of the subject is uncritical, spy scandals will be followed by politicians calling for testing so they can be seen taking action and by law enforcement calling for testing in hope of extracting confessions.

Susan McCarthy is a San Francisco freelance writer and the author, with Jeffrey Masson, of "When Elephants Weep: The Emotional Lives of Animals."

Did the CIA spy on Iraq war critic Juan Cole?

Former agency officer claims the Bush White House asked for personal information on antiwar blogger

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Did the CIA spy on Iraq war critic Juan Cole?

The New York Times is reporting a former CIA officer’s claim that the Bush White House and the CIA asked operatives to spy on university professor, blogger (and frequent Salon contributor) Juan Cole in 2005 and 2006.

From James Risen’s Thursday morning Times piece:

Glenn L. Carle, a former Central Intelligence Agency officer who was a top counterterrorism official during the administration of President George W. Bush, said the White House at least twice asked intelligence officials to gather sensitive information on [Professor Cole]. …

In an interview, Mr. Carle said his supervisor at the National Intelligence Council told him in 2005 that White House officials wanted “to get” Professor Cole, and made clear that he wanted Mr. Carle to collect information about him, an effort Mr. Carle rebuffed. Months later, Mr. Carle said, he confronted a C.I.A. official after learning of another attempt to collect information about Professor Cole. Mr. Carle said he contended at the time that such actions would have been unlawful.

If Carle’s claims are true, it would likely mean the CIA acted illegally; as former Agency lawyer Jeffrey H. Smith tells Risen: “The statute makes it very clear: you can’t spy on Americans.”

Cole has already responded to the news on his blog, calling for a full congressional investigation of Carle’s claims, which he says he believes are true:

It seems to me clear that the Bush White House was upset by my blogging of the Iraq War, in which I was using Arabic and other primary sources, and which contradicted the propaganda efforts of the administration attempting to make the enterprise look like a wild shining success.

Carle’s revelations come as a visceral shock. You had thought that with all the shennanigans of the CIA against anti-Vietnam war protesters and then Nixon’s use of the agency against critics like Daniel Ellsberg, that the Company and successive White Houses would have learned that the agency had no business spying on American citizens. …

I hope that the Senate and House Intelligence Committees will immediately launch an investigation of this clear violation of the law by the Bush White House and by the CIA officials concerned.

He concludes by telling readers “what alarms [him] most”: “I know I am a relatively small fish and it seems to me rather likely that I was not the only target of the baleful team at the White House.”

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Emma Mustich is a Salon contributor. Follow her on Twitter: @emustich.

“A Covert Affair”: Julia Child, spy girl

A new book tells the cloak-and-dagger story of the famous chef's early years in espionage

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Shrewd marketing and its online equivalent, SEO (search engine optimization), dictate that Julia Child’s name gets top billing in both the title of Jennet Conant’s new nonfiction spy saga and in the headline for my review of the same. Yes, the famous French chef of cookbook and public television fame did work for the OSS (Office of Strategic Services), a U.S. intelligence agency, during World War II, as did Paul Child, the man she would eventually marry. However, Julia Child’s war was not so exciting as Jane Foster’s, and if Conant’s “A Covert Affair: Julia Child and Paul Child in the OSS” is somewhat of a bait-and-switch, providing more of Foster’s story than Child fans will expect, it’s hard to complain: Foster is such a remarkable, engaging, ambiguous character.

Foster and Julia McWilliams (Child’s maiden name) were part of a cohort of women (invariably referred to as “girls” by their colleagues) who signed up to work for William “Wild Bill” Donovan’s OSS during the war. They wanted to serve their country, but most of them — Julia especially — were looking for adventure, too. Foster’s ability to speak Malayan (the legacy of a brief marriage to a Dutch diplomat in her early 20s) and Julia’s superior administrative skills made them desirable recruits. So did their backgrounds.

Both women were from wealthy, prominent, conservative California families and had gone to tony women’s colleges, as did Betty MacDonald, one of Conant’s primary sources. The word around the OSS offices was that Donovan’s idea of the ideal female hire was “a cross between a Smith graduate, a Powers model and a Katie Gibbs secretary.” He liked to recruit rich Ivy Leaguers of both genders, reasoning that they were more resistant to bribes. Julia — tall, a bit gawky and unworldly — was intent on livening up her own personality after a youth spent in the narrow-minded upper echelons of Pasadena society. Foster, on the other hand, devoted herself to livening up everyone else’s.

Foster seems to have adopted the “madcap heiress” of 1930s Hollywood comedies as a role model. In her first posting, Ceylon, Foster adopted a baby chipmunk, which she raised, named Christopher and took to carrying around in her pocket. The animal’s many escapes and Foster’s subsequent pursuits led to absurd scandals, such as the time Foster crawled under a table to look for the rodent and ran her hand up a general’s pant leg. Charged with Morale Operations (propaganda), Foster devised a notorious operation in which hundreds of condoms were stuffed with anti-Japanese tracts and malaria medication then released by passing submarines off the coasts of Malaysia and Indonesia. She ran local agents and helped devise bogus news reports that mimicked Japanese broadcasts but were subtly tweaked to offend the native population of enemy-occupied territory.

Foster’s duties resembled those of a CIA case officer, although the CIA did not yet exist; Julia, on the other hand, ran the OSS camp’s “nerve center,” compiling the research that came in from the field and dispatching it to Washington and the field operations that needed it. Arguably, Julia’s was the more important job (she had a higher security clearance), but Foster’s was the more thrilling. And while the levelheaded, famously discreet Julia spent her time in the CBI (China-Burma-India) theater pining over Paul Child, who would not realize how perfectly suited they were to each other until after the war, Foster had tragic affairs, got into countless comical scrapes and saw much more of the conflict firsthand.

Things began to go wrong for Foster after the war, when she was sent to Indonesia and Vietnam to help supervise the liberation of POWs and otherwise keep an eye on things. The U.S. was so focused on rebuilding Europe that it was willing to sacrifice many Asian allies who had expected to be granted independence as a reward for helping to defeat the Japanese. Instead, the old, hated, European colonial powers began to reestablish their hold, unimpeded by the Americans. This outraged Foster, who witnessed atrocities and other injustices committed by Dutch and French troops against Indonesian and Vietnamese civilians and believed the U.S was seriously undermining its own interests. She wrote a blistering white paper condemning American policy in Indonesia (it was ignored) and quit her government job to head back to the States.

Meanwhile, after weathering a rough-and-ready posting in Chungking (“It’s dirty beyond belief, utterly inconvenient, full of disease, misery, corruption and mystery,” Paul Child wrote to his twin brother, “but I love it.”), the Childs finally concluded their long courtship. He went to work for the United States Information Service in Paris and she decided to learn to cook. They would not reconnect with Foster until 1952, when they discovered that she, too, was living in Paris, working as a painter under the name Madame Zlatovski. (She had married — or rather, remarried, since it turned out she’d been secretly married to a Russian immigrant throughout the war.) They found her, in Paul’s words, “just as lazy, hazy, impractical and loveable as she was seven years ago.”

The happiness of that reunion was short-lived. Foster and her husband were soon embroiled in the Red Scare, and Paul Child himself was briefly and scarily caught up in the slipstream of her troubles. “A Covert Affair” is a skillfully told tale of espionage, combining just enough background information with the right amount of boisterous anecdote to make the reader feel simultaneously amused and informed. For the early parts of the book, Conant leans heavily on Foster’s own memoirs, as well as Paul Child’s marvelous letters home. But when she gets to Foster’s indictment by a federal grand jury on charges of espionage for the Soviet Union, she has to pick her way across far more uncertain ground. She does so with aplomb.

Was Foster a Soviet spy or a victim of overzealous anti-Communist crusaders who were far too willing to believe the testimony of a showboating informer who also happened to be a proven plagiarist and con man? Without relinquishing her fundamental sympathy with Foster, Conant faults her subject for “her denial and her self-delusion” as well as her refusal “to confront the truth about herself at the most fundamental level.”

The larkish first half of “A Covert Affair” gives way to a much darker but more intriguing consideration of how personality becomes destiny; the very qualities that make Foster so much fun to read about also led to her downfall. The Childs are relegated to the sidelines in this final act, but it hardly matters; by that point, Foster is the one you really care about. Her considerable talents went to waste after the war, mostly because she insisted on saying things about Southeast Asia that the officials back home just didn’t want to hear. No surprise, they all turned out to be true.

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Laura Miller

Laura Miller is a senior writer for Salon. She is the author of "The Magician's Book: A Skeptic's Adventures in Narnia" and has a Web site, magiciansbook.com.

Tiny spy planes mimic birds and insects

Researchers are working on nature-inspired drones to help rescue people during disasters and, yes, also to spy

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You’ll never look at hummingbirds the same again.

The Pentagon has poured millions of dollars into the development of tiny drones inspired by biology, each equipped with video and audio equipment that can record sights and sounds.

They could be used to spy, but also to locate people inside earthquake-crumpled buildings and detect hazardous chemical leaks.

The smaller, the better.

Besides the hummingbird, engineers in the growing unmanned aircraft industry are working on drones that look like insects and the helicopter-like maple leaf seed.

Researchers are even exploring ways to implant surveillance and other equipment into an insect as it is undergoing metamorphosis. They want to be able to control the creature.

The devices could end up being used by police officers and firefighters.

Their potential use outside of battle zones, however, is raising questions about privacy and the dangers of the winged creatures buzzing around in the same skies as aircraft.

For now, most of these devices are just inspiring awe.

With a 6.5-inch wing span, the remote-controlled bird weighs less than a AA battery and can fly at speeds of up to 11 mph, propelled only by the flapping of its two wings. A tiny video camera sits in its belly.

The bird can climb and descend vertically, fly sideways, forward and backward. It can rotate clockwise and counterclockwise.

Most of all it can hover and perch on a window ledge while it gathers intelligence, unbeknownst to the enemy.

“We were almost laughing out of being scared because we had signed up to do this,” said Matt Keennon, senior project engineer of California’s AeroVironment, which built the hummingbird.

The Pentagon asked them to develop a pocket-sized aircraft for surveillance and reconnaissance that mimicked biology. It could be anything, they said, from a dragonfly to a hummingbird.

Five years and $4 million later, the company has developed what it calls the world’s first hummingbird spy plane.

“It was very daunting up front and remained that way for quite some time into the project,” he said, after the drone blew by his head and landed on his hand during a media demonstration.

The toughest challenges were building a tiny vehicle that can fly for a prolonged period and be controlled or control itself.

AeroVironment has a history of developing such aircraft.

Over the decades, the Monrovia, Calif.-based company has developed everything from a flying mechanical reptile to a hydrogen-powered plane capable of flying in the stratosphere and surveying an area larger than Afghanistan at one glance.

It has become a leader in the hand-launched drone industry.

Troops fling a four-pound plane, called the Raven, into the air. They have come to rely on the real-time video it sends back, using it to locate roadside bombs or get a glimpse of what is happening over the next hill or around a corner.

The success of the hummingbird drone, however, “paves the way for a new generation of aircraft with the agility and appearance of small birds,” said Todd Hylton of the Pentagon’s research arm, Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency.

These drones are not just birds.

Lockheed Martin has developed a fake maple leaf seed, or so-called whirly bird, loaded with navigation equipment and imaging sensors. The spy plane weighs .07 ounces.

On the far end of the research spectrum, DARPA is also exploring the possibility of implanting live insects during metamorphosis with video cameras or sensors and controlling them by applying electrical stimulation to their wings.

The idea is for the military to be able to send in a swarm of bugs loaded with spy gear.

The military is also eyeing other uses.

The drones could be sent in to search buildings in urban combat zones. Police are interested in using them, among other things, to detect a hazardous chemical leak. Firefighters could fling them out over a disaster to get better data, quickly.

It is hard to tell what, if anything, will make it out of the lab, but their emergence presents challenges and not just with physics.

What are the legal implications, especially with interest among police in using tiny drones for surveillance, and their potential to invade people’s privacy, asks Peter W. Singer, author of the book, “Wired for War” about robotic warfare.

Singer said these questions will be increasingly discussed as robotics become a greater part of everyday life.

“It’s the equivalent to the advent of the printing press, the computer, gun powder,” he said. “It’s that scale of change.”

 

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White House denies WikiLeaks’ spying charges

Assertions that Secretary Clinton ordered her diplomats to engage in espionage is "ridiculous," says Robert Gibbs

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President Barack Obama’s spokesman is labeling as “ridiculous” an assertion by the founder of WikiLeaks that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton should resign if she was involved in asking U.S. diplomats to gather intelligence at the United Nations.

In an online interview with Time magazine from an undisclosed location, founder Julian Assange on Tuesday called on Clinton to resign “if it can be shown that she was responsible for ordering U.S. diplomatic figures to engage in espionage in the United Nations” in violation of international agreements.

White House press secretary Robert Gibbs said Wednesday that Assange’s statements “are both ridiculous and absurd.” Clinton, he said, has done nothing wrong, and U.S. diplomats do not engage in spying. He spoke in an interview on NBC’s “Today” show.

State Department officials said Tuesday that secret instructions to American diplomats to gather sensitive personal information about foreign leaders originated from the U.S. intelligence community but did not require diplomats to spy. Requests for DNA and biometric data on foreign officials were contained in leaked classified cables published by WikiLeaks.

“Secretary Clinton is doing a great job,” Gibbs said. “The president has great confidence in and admires the work that Secretary Clinton has done.”

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How to catch a Taliban impostor

If Afghan officials don't want to be fooled by another huckster, they should take a close look at these movies

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How to catch a Taliban impostorHamid Karzai (left) and the ladies of "Sex and the City 2"

Today the New York Times reports that a still-unidentified Afghan man was posing as a Taliban leader in secret peace talks with Afghanistan officials. It’s unclear whether this individual was a con man out to line his pockets, a Taliban agent out to sabotage the talks, or a plant from Pakistani intelligence. The writers, Dexter Filkins and Carlotta Gall, note that the incident “could have been lifted from a spy novel.” Regrettably, they may be right. The days when writers of espionage fiction conceived of impostor spies who called themselves Julian or Raoul seem to have passed in favor of writers who are less interested in the glamour of international intrigue than in impostors who don’t drink and call themselves Mullah Akhtar Muhammad Mansour.

Further reports on the story are sure to observe that the entire episode might have been plucked from the movies. This is incorrect. Plucked from films, yes. The story is half-ready for the art house. Strip the tale of glamour, remove any potential for excitement and you’ve not only got a greenlight, but guaranteed analysis in Cineaste, and a panel accompanying the New York opening consisting of Naomi Klein, a New York University expert on the Middle East, and any film critic dextrous enough to use “hegemony” in a sentence.

But the movies? Forget it. Hollywood is too besotted with sequels, reboots, animation to stick a toe into the real world. And the supposed change from this routine that the holiday season offers consists usually of adaptations of the kind of novels (usually Booker winners) that are purchased instead of read, or a Nancy Myers comedy in which a 50-ish divorcee (Meryl/Goldie/Diane) who has founded her own successful wrapping-paper company has to decide if her heart lies with her younger lesbian business partner (Debra Messing) or with a rakish older European diplomat (Bernard-Henri Levy).

Opportunities for film viewing in Kabul are understandably sparse. Salon’s sources in the city report that there are only two screens in operation at the city’s sixplex and they are currently offering “Speed Racer” and “Lambada: The Forbidden Dance.” Clearly, it’s time for America to intervene. Despite our massive expenditures in the country, our officials can surely afford a selection of DVDs designed to train Afghan officials on not falling for an impostor.

We suggest:

“Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner?” (1967) — We direct Afghan leaders to the suspicion shown by Spencer Tracy and Katharine Hepburn in the early part of the film toward the doctor their daughter brings home as her fiancé. The audience may consider their fears unreasonable because the doctor is, after all, Sidney Poitier and the young woman could as easily have brought home Eldridge Cleaver or Sonny Liston. But had the Afghans treated the impostor’s moderate proposals with even a smidge of the skepticism Spence and Kate show toward even such a paragon as Poitier, surely this embarrassing situation might have been avoided.

“Brokeback Mountain” (2005) — Was this individual really in close contact with the Taliban? If he had, he surely would have shown some inclination to the rugged, and all too often lonely, life that solitary figures like insurgents or closeted gay cowboys lead. Simply the mention of certain items — Ralph Lauren flannel shirts; beef jerky; a pet mule named Faiza — would have elicited a certain gleam in the eye of the real McCoy.

“Footloose” (1984) — Certainly only as dedicated a zealot as an actual Taliban leader could resist the combined lure of Kevin Bacon’s dancing and Kenny Loggins’ music. Slip the movie on during a break in negotations. Does this alleged mullah tap his feet, or nod his head sternly during John Lithgow’s fire-and-brimstone sermons? For the sake of the money you’ve just shelled out, pray it’s the latter.

“The Passion of the Christ” (2004) Four words: It’s the Jews’ fault. Sure to warm the heart of any true jihadist.

“Sex and the City 2″ (2010): Watch your man as he watches Carrie and the girls live it up in Abu Dhabi. Does he chuckle at their antics or make proclamations about profanations of the infidel harlots? (Note: The film can also be useful for other methods of recognition. See: “Brokeback Mountain.”)

Charles Taylor is a writer in New York.

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Charles Taylor is a columnist for the Newark Star-Ledger.

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