Native Americans

“The Blood Runs Like a River Through My Dreams” by Nasdijj

A not-quite-Native American's hard, strange life makes for a fiercely original memoir about the compulsion to write.

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“I became a writer to piss on all the many white teachers and white editors out there (everywhere) who said it could not be done. Not by the stupid mongrel likes of me,” writes Nasdijj in “The Blood Runs Like a River Through My Dreams.” This is a book unlike any to come around in a long time, and not just because of its author’s unconventional path to publication. Nasdijj writes as an exile in his own homeland. He’s the son of migrant workers, and he doesn’t fit into a racial or cultural category: “My cowboy dad was white. My mother’s people were with the Navajo.” He feels a spiritual kinship with the Navajos, though he has to contend with their suspicion of him for looking white. (Nasdijj is presumably a pseudonym, “Athabaskan for ‘to become again,’” according to the author’s bio.) His childhood was turbulent: “It was a life grinding its slow way through chaos.” His father regularly beat him with a belt and his mother was falling-down drunk most of the time, which explains the fetal alcohol syndrome he suffers from: “Reading is a real struggle. It’s extremely hard work. Things appear upside down. Writing is worse.”

“The Blood Runs” is several things at once: an episodic memoir of a hardscrabble life; a record of its author’s defiant, quixotic dedication to becoming a writer; and a memorial to his dead 6-year-old son, Tommy Nothing Fancy, who also had fetal alcohol syndrome. Its singular language blends Native American mythological rhythms and imagery, stirring Whitman-esque catalogs and unadorned observations about life on and around the reservation. Nasdijj’s terse, elemental sentences don’t so much follow one another as nestle each on top of the next, like a desert rock formation.

His anger at the “white people world” just about reaches off the page and shoves you, and yet there’s a disciplined quality to his fury. For all its descriptions of drunken violence and crushing poverty, the book has a gentleness at its core. Many of Nasdijj’s stories describe small acts of kindness that carry huge symbolic weight. He visits a hotshot cowboy dying alone of AIDS and takes him “into the desert wilderness so he can sit in his rented wheelchair and watch the horses … I can’t give him his life back, but I can give him this.” In a chapter about being homeless, he describes living in a public campground next to a desperate woman and her two daughters, named Molly and Ringwald. (“Now I know beyond the shadow of a doubt that white people have to have their heads examined,” he comments.) He takes the girls to the library and, when an unexpected check arrives, buys them new dolls to replace the dirty, balding ones they drag around. “There is no escape from being defined by what you lack,” he writes, as succinct an evocation of the plight of the homeless as any I’ve read.

Several of the most affecting chapters tell the story of Tommy Nothing Fancy’s life and death. In between descriptions of the effects of FAS on Tommy — mainly “epileptic seizures and out-of-control behavior” — Nasdijj broods over his efforts to be a father to an adopted son he seems to have loved above all else: “I was never a good father. I failed badly. I knew it. Tommy knew it.” Yet it’s hard to see him as anything other than generous and devoted: “Every man who has a son should give something of himself,” he says. “I didn’t have much. I had a dog, I had a truck, I had fishing rods.” When Tommy dies of a seizure on a fishing trip (since his odds of survival are practically nil, Nasdijj refuses to take the boy to a hospital when his condition worsens, which enrages his wife), he carries his son’s body to his truck, then returns to retrieve the well-organized tackle box Tommy had endlessly fussed over: “I could not leave this perfection behind.” In these sections, Nasdijj’s writing achieves something rare and powerful: a remarkably controlled picture of an uncontrollable grief.

All too often, authors of memoirs tell us that writing was a way for them to come to terms with past events, or to understand themselves. Well, that’s nice for you, I often think when I read one of these, but what’s in it for the rest of us? Too much first-person writing these days seems fueled by this annoying momentum of self-reassurance, its authors strangely oblivious to both the likelihood of self-deception and the not-all-right-ness of so much of life.

Reading Nasdijj is an unusual pleasure because he’s something else altogether: He burns to write, and while he obviously takes satisfaction in proving wrong the editors who refused to publish him, writing is not a way to make himself feel better. He clings proudly to his discontent. His chapters often end with an elegant resolution, but he’s careful not to imply that any understanding he has reached erases or makes up for the suffering that came before. “I no longer look at every loss like my arthritis screams in this cold rain,” he writes at the end of the chapter on being homeless, “but now know all my losses for illuminating events (hard as they might be) that light the brain with the horror of the sun and the knowledge that there is no such thing as consolation.” In the end, he writes because it’s what he has, and that has to be enough.

Maria Russo has been a writer and editor at The Los Angeles Times, The New York Observer and Salon, and is a regular contributor to the New York Times Book Review.

No Plan B for Native American women

Despite being at exceptionally high risk for sexual assault, many have little access to emergency contraception

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No Plan B for Native American women

Many women in America’s most vulnerable communities are already forced to live out Rick Santorum’s contraception-less nightmare. Heather Michon explains:

After weeks of debate over personhood, Planned Parenthood funding, transvaginal ultrasounds, fetal pain, Fluke-fest, aspirin-between-the-knees, and the little matter of 130,000 economically disadvantaged Texas women losing access to basic health care starting today, discussions about the accessibility of Plan B seem so… December 2011. Ancient history.

But for one group of women, access to emergency contraception is an urgent and tragically unmet need: the hundreds of thousands of Native American women who live on reservation lands. Their struggle for a better standard of care is the subject of a recent roundtable discussion by the Native American Women’s Health Education Resource Center (NAWHERC).

The statistics are stark. More than 1 in 3 Native American women will be sexually assaulted their lifetimes, a rate much higher than the general population. In one study, a stunning 92 percent of young women reported they had been forced to have sex against their will on a date.

Read more on her Open Salon blog.

Shocker: Obama to give America back to Indians

A secret U.N. plot revealed: First, they'll take Manhattan

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Shocker: Obama to give America back to IndiansPresidential Medal of Freedom recipient Joseph Medicine Crow shows a drum to President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama during a reception for recipients and their families in the Blue Room of the White House, August 12, 2009. (Official White House photo by Pete Souza) This official White House photograph is being made available only for publication by news organizations and/or for personal use printing by the subject(s) of the photograph. The photograph may not be manipulated in any way and may not be used in commercial or political materials, advertisements, emails, products, promotions that in any way suggests approval or endorsement of the President, the First Family, or the White House.(Credit: The White House)

Congratulations, 2010, for fitting in one more completely insane made-up right-wing scandal: Barack Obama is going to give Manhattan back to the Indians! Also the U.N. will help, because grrrr, the U.N.!

Earlier this month, Obama said the U.S. would support the U.N.’s “Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People,” a non-legally binding promise to finally treat indigenous peoples with some small amount of decency after hundreds of years of the government murdering them and expelling them from their homes and forcibly relocating them to barren desert ghettos and now just letting them live in conditions of appalling, abject poverty. Bush refused to sign on to this, because, I dunno, it was from the U.N., and it might lead to frivolous lawsuits, or something? It’s a non-binding Declaration that basically says “we will be nice to indigenous people,” there’s no good reason not to support it.

But because hysterical right-wingers are hysterical right-wingers, they are seizing on this document as yet more proof that Obama wants to forcibly redistribute all the wealth, from productive hard-working Real Americans to swarthy welfare leeches. Take it away, World Net Daily!

President Obama is voicing support for a U.N. resolution that could accomplish something as radical as relinquishing some U.S. sovereignty and opening a path for the return of ancient tribal lands to American Indians, including even parts of Manhattan.

The issue is causing alarm among legal experts.

Oh, I bet it is. WND-founder Joseph Farah has a little column where he repeats this insane story, but then he quotes some egg-head professor who says that all the tribes want is some “open lands/spaces for repurchase,” which doesn’t really sound like “giving back” Manhattan to the Native Americans.

I say if you’re gonna do it, do it right and actually give New York back to the Delaware Indians! I’d rather be ruled by them than by Bloomberg and Albany.

(Also why don’t Scalia-style Constitutional originalists ever insist that America honor its various broken treaties with all the Indians whose lands we stole as we systematically removed and massacred them? I know that would entail giving them back the entirety of Oklahoma, among lots of other amusing things, but the supremacy of treaties is in the damn Constitution! Although I guess Article Six, with its federal supremacy clause and its no religious test talk, has always been the article that right-wingers are not particularly enthusiastic about.)

Correction: This article originally stated that WND founder Joseph Farah repeated the phrase “Carter era” in his incredibly silly column. That is incorrect. It was the incredibly silly “news story” on his incredibly silly website that repeated that phrase, even though the story has nothing at all to do with Jimmy Carter. I apologize for the error.

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Alex Pareene

Alex Pareene writes about politics for Salon and is the author of "The Rude Guide to Mitt." Email him at apareene@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @pareene

Custer’s “Last Flag” sells for $2.2 million

A private collector takes home the only banner not captured or lost during the Battle of Little Big Horn

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The only U.S. flag not captured or lost during George Armstrong Custer’s Last Stand at the Battle of Little Bighorn in southeastern Montana sold at auction Friday for $2.2 million.

The buyer was identified by the auction house Sotheby’s in New York as an American private collector. Frayed, torn, and with possible bloodstains, the flag had been valued before its sale at up to $5 million.

Since 1895, the 7th U.S. Cavalry flag — known as a “guidon” for its swallow-tailed shape — had been the property of the Detroit Institute of Arts, which paid just $54 for it.

Custer and more than 200 troopers were massacred by Lakota Sioux and Northern Cheyenne warriors in the infamous 1876 battle. Of the five guidons carried by Custer’s battalion only one was immediately recovered, from beneath the body of a fallen trooper.

And while Custer’s reputation has risen and fallen over the years — once considered a hero, he’s regarded by some contemporary scholars as an inept leader and savage American Indian killer — the guidon has emerged as the stuff of legend.

“It’s more than just a museum object or textile. It’s a piece of Americana,” said John Doerner, Chief Historian at the Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument in southeastern Montana.

The other flags were believed captured by the victorious Indians.

The recovered flag later became known as the Culbertson Guidon, after the member of the burial party who recovered it, Sgt. Ferdinand Culbertson. Made of silk, it measures 33 inches by 27 inches, and features 34 gold stars.

For most of the last century the flag was hidden from public view, kept in storage first at the museum and later, after a period on display in Montana, in a National Park Service facility in Harper’s Ferry, Md., according to Detroit Institute of Arts director Graham Beal.

Dating to an era when the museum took in a variety of natural history and historical items, the guidon was sold because it did not fit with the museum’s focus on art, Beal said.

“The irony is you get all these people phoning the museum upset we’re selling the flag, and no one knew we owned it,” he said.

A second 7th Cavalry guidon was recovered in September 1876, at the Battle of Slim Buttes near present-day Reva, S.D.

Now in possession of the Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument, that flag was poorly cared for and is now in horrible condition — “almost dust,” according to the monument’s chief of interpretation, Ken Woody.

As for Culbertson’s Guidon — or Custer’s Last Flag, as Sotheby’s has billed it — Woody pointed out that without the Custer mystique, it would be just another piece of old cloth.

“Some people like memorabilia and Americana, and they all want to own a little piece of it,” Woody said.

Sealed in a custom-made plexiglass case by the Detroit museum since its return from the Park Service in 1982, the flag has several holes and the red of some its stripes has run into the white stripes. Its once-sharp swallow tail tips are now tattered and torn.

Culbertson’s Guidon also is missing a star and a section of striping about 9 inches wide and 6 inches high — apparently cut away as a souvenir before its acquisition by the museum. Yet on the auction block, even what’s missing is worth a story.

“I’m sure Culbertson let other men take small snippets for themselves,” Sotheby’s vice chairman David Redden said.

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Obama set to hold second Native American conference

The president will host leaders from the nation's 565 federally recognized tribes at the White House Dec. 16

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President Barack Obama will play host to Native American leaders at a White House conference on Dec. 16.

The president has invited the leaders of each of the 565 federally recognized tribes to the event, the White House announced Monday. It would be Obama’s second conference with American Indians. Obama first met with tribal leaders last November.

The president says he wants tribal leaders to be able to interact with him and with top administration officials.

Last year’s event drew leaders from 386 tribal nations and was the first meeting of its kind in 15 years.

U.S. offers $680 million to Indian farmers

After months of negotiation, the government settles with Native American ranchers who say they were denied loans

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The government is offering American Indian farmers who say they were denied farm loans a $680 million settlement.

The two sides agreed on the deal after more than 10 months of negotiations. The government and the Indian plaintiffs met in federal court Tuesday to present the settlement to U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan.

The agreement also includes $80 million in farm debt forgiveness for the Indian plaintiffs and a series of initiatives to try and alleviate racism against American Indians and other minorities in rural farm loan offices. Individuals who can prove discrimination could receive up to $250,000.

A hearing on preliminary approval of the deal is set for Oct. 29. Sullivan indicated he was pleased with the agreement, calling it historic and coming down off his bench to shake hands with lawyers from both sides.

Assistant Attorney General Tony West and Joseph Sellers, lead attorney for the plaintiffs, both said they were encouraged by the judge’s positive reaction.

“Based on the court’s comments, we’re optimistic,” West said after the hearing adjourned.

The lawsuit filed in 1999 contends Indian farmers and ranchers lost hundreds of millions of dollars over several decades because they were denied USDA loans that instead went to their white neighbors. The government settled a similar lawsuit filed by black farmers more than a decade ago.

Unlike a second round of the black farmers suit that is now pending in Congress, the American Indian money would not need legislative action to be awarded.

The Obama administration has said settling the American Indian case is a priority. Hispanics and women farmers also have pending cases.

“Today’s settlement can never undo wrongs that Native Americans may have experienced in past decades, but combined with the actions we at USDA are taking to address such wrongs, the settlement will provide some measure of relief to those who have been discriminated against,” Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack said in a statement.

Claryca Mandan of North Dakota’s Three Affiliated Tribes, a plaintiff in the case, stopped ranching after she and her husband were denied loans in the early 1980s. She said she was pleased with the settlement.

“This is a culmination of 30 years of struggle,” she said.

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