Also last February, Salon reported that Bush’s mysterious decision in the spring of 1972 to stop flying and subsequently refuse to take a physical exam came at the same time the Air Force announced its Medical Service Drug Abuse Testing Program, which meant random drug testing for pilots, including Guardsmen.
Meanwhile, the White House has not been able to produce anything or anybody with any credibility to contradict the growing body of evidence that suggests Bush deliberately walked away from his duties and that Bush and his handlers continue to lie about his military service. Retired Lt. Col. John Calhoun was the one witness who was brought forward this year to back up Bush’s story that he actually showed up in Alabama. He recalled seeing Bush at training sessions between “eight to ten times from May to October 1972.” Yet not even Bush’s own payroll records suggest he did drills in Alabama at the time Calhoun allegedly spotted him. (Amazingly, ABC News on Wednesday used Calhoun as a credible witness to bolster Bush’s account, despite the fact that the dates Calhoun cites don’t even match up with Bush’s.)
There’s also no paper trail to support Bush’s claim that he completed any service after 1972. As Lukasiak notes, each substitute training Bush completed, and there were many, should have generated authorized AF Form 40a’s: “All told, Bush performed ‘substitute training’ on at least 20 days. Thus there should be, at the very least, 20 AF Form 40a’s with the name of the officer who authorized the training in advance, the name and signature of the officer who supervised the training, and Bush’s own signature.” But not one such form exists.
A similar absence of information surrounds Bush’s dubious explanation of his attempted transfer to Alabama. The move should have generated a small mountain of paperwork. Under normal circumstances, 10 steps are required to transfer:
1) The Guardsman announces that he will need to relocate.
2) His personnel officer explains the relocation policies and procedures to him.
3) The Guardsman signs an acknowledgment that he has received the relocation counseling.
4) The personnel officer gives the Guardsman a certification of satisfactory participation, which he will need to get approval for a transfer.
5) The Guardsman locates an appropriate Ready Reserve position with a new unit, and submits a “Transfer Request Form” (Form 1288) and a new “Ready Reserve Service Agreement (Form 1644), along with the certification of satisfactory participation, to the “receiving unit.”
6) The receiving unit “indorses” the request on the back of the Form 1288, and provides the Guardsman with certification that an appropriate position is available in that unit.
7) The Guardsman gives Form 1288, Form 1644, the certification of an appropriate position, and a letter of resignation to his current unit commander.
8) The unit commander indorses the request, and forwards it to the state adjutant general.
9) The adjutant general approves the request, and discharges the Guardsman from the Air National Guard to the Air Force Reserves.
10) The Air Force Reserves assigns the former Guardsman to his new unit.
In Bush’s case, according to Lukasiak’s research, “There is no statement of counseling, no certification of satisfactory performance, no certification of a suitable vacancy, no letter of resignation, no discharge papers, no discharge orders, and no reassignment orders.”
There are also indications that Bush — unwilling to fly, take a physical or report for duty — was trying to mislead Guard officials with his transfer application. When asked for his permanent address, Bush listed the P.O. box for the Alabama campaign headquarters he worked for temporarily. When asked to note his Air Force Specialty Code, Bush wrote down 1125B, the designation for F-89 or F-94 pilots. At the time of his transfer request, both of these planes had been retired from service in all components of the Air Force, including the Guard and Reserves. Bush’s accurate code was 1125D, designating an F-102 pilot. At the time, F-102 planes were still very much in use. It was an error Bush made more than once on the application. Lukasiak writes: “The odds of Bush being able to scam his way into a non-training unit [in Alabama] would be enhanced if his specific skill set was one which was no longer useful to the Air Force.”
In May 1972, Bush was informed that the unit in Alabama he requested was clearly unsuitable for a pilot of his stature, yet he pressed on, and his Texas superiors endorsed the transfer request and submitted it. But the Denver headquarters caught the scam and rejected it. The Texas chief of military personnel sent a curt warning to Bush’s unit about the clearly bogus request: “Attention is invited to basic communication.”
Lukasiak’s work has created a storm in the blogosphere. (He’s also a Salon Table Talk member, and an active thread is devoted to research on Bush’s National Guard service.) He makes no secret of his conviction that Bush used his family connections to evade the draft. The AWOL Project concludes: “Bush simply blew off his last two years of required service, and was able to get away with it because he came from a politically influential family. There is no other explanation for Bush’s records. None.”
Of course none of that stopped Bush from hyping his military service as he launched his political career. In 1978, during an unsuccessful run for Congress in west Texas, Bush produced campaign literature that claimed he had served “in the US Air Force and the Texas Air National Guard.” In 1999, when asked by an AP reporter why Bush had claimed to have served specifically with the U.S. Air Force when he’d only been in the National Guard, Bush spokeswoman Karen Hughes insisted the claim was accurate because when Bush attended flight school for the Air National Guard he was considered to be on active duty for the Air Force. That was plainly false, as the AP noted, citing Air Force policy, which stated Guardsmen are never considered to be members of the Air Force active duty.
Just four years after escaping his military obligations, Bush was already trying to rewrite his military record for political gain. Bush said he strongly supported the Vietnam War, obscuring how he spent several years, after securing a safe spot in the National Guard, evading his military obligation. Now President Bush orders Guardsmen and Reservists to shoulder an unprecedented load — physically, financially and emotionally — in the war in Iraq. As new information at last begins to emerge about what he really did, Bush and his aides are still at work covering up the record. His ultimate war is with the truth about his past.