Rose Wilder Lane's life story is arguably way more interesting than that of her mother, Laura Ingalls Wilder

The Ingalls homestead shanty in DeSmet, S.D.
For those of us who grew up watching “Little House on the Prairie” on TV (yet did not become the sort of devotees driven to seek out more information about the Ingalls clan), it’s hard to imagine Laura Ingalls Wilder as anything but a preteen Melissa Gilbert — or her daughter, Rose Wilder Lane, as anything but a rarely seen baby who arrived toward the end of the series. Which is to say, it’s hard to imagine them being very interesting. When author Wendy McClure told me she’d begun working on a book about their family, “The Wilder Life,” for which she would be traveling to many of the least appealing parts of the Midwest, learning to churn butter, and twittering as “HalfPintIngalls” (sample tweet: “Today was a pretty good day until the ox fell through the sod roof of the dugout”), I did consider the possibility that the Wilder ladies were more fascinating than I’d ever given them credit for. But I also considered the possibility that Wendy was out of her mind.
It turns out the former is true (not that it rules out the latter, necessarily). In the Aug. 10 issue of the New Yorker, Judith Thurman, drawing on several biographies of the Wilder women, writes of Lane, “She had lived among bohemians in Paris and Greenwich Village, Soviet peasants and revolutionaries, intellectuals in Weimar Berlin, survivors of the massacres in Armenia, Albanian rebels, and camel-drivers on the road to Baghdad.” OK, you’ve got my attention! By the 1920s, Lane was a childless divorcee and successful writer who “acquired several languages, enjoyed smoking and fornication, and dined at La Rotonde when she wasn’t motoring around Europe in her Model T.” Also: She preferred making up good stories to bothering herself with facts, was nearly sued by both Charlie Chaplin and Jack London’s widow, and kind of hated her much-beloved mother. Oh yes, and she might have ghost-written the books that made the world fall in love with Laura Ingalls Wilder. There’s that. All of which made me think, “Rose Wilder Lane, please come back from the dead and be my BFF.”
So how did our culture end up perennially obsessed with the pigtailed pioneer girl and barely aware of her ass-kicking daughter (who, I just learned from McClure’s Flickr stream, also became America’s oldest war correspondent in Vietnam in 1965, aged 78)? Says McClure in an e-mail, “The popular conception of Laura is that she was a naturally talented late bloomer with pure intentions to simply write down her memories — the kind of writer a lot of people think they want to be (or even think women should be). Rose, though, is the ‘other’ kind of writer — ambitious, constantly concerned with money and career stuff, often ghostwriting or cranking out stuff that she wasn’t proud of, so there’s a pervasive belief that she was just too hard-edged to have had anything to do with the Little House books. But she did.”
Ah, yes, women with ambition are indeed a hard sell in the kind of conservative culture that still fetishizes Wilder’s depiction of her clan, which Thurman describes as “a poster family for Republican ‘value voters’: a devoted couple of Christian patriots and their unspoiled children; the father a heroic provider and benign disciplinarian, the mother a pious homemaker and an example of feminine self-sacrifice.” But politics are another reason Lane might have fallen off the map: By middle age, she was a hardcore libertarian who wished FDR dead, protested Social Security, and, in a reversal of her earlier financial ambition, considered minimizing her income severely enough to avoid paying taxes on it. As much as her mother’s family remains an inspiration to today’s mainstream conservatives, Rose is one of the kind who want a government small enough to drown in a thimble — forget about the bathtub. As her life and career wound down, her writing under her own name focused on fringe politics too extreme for many Americans. “To the degree that she is still remembered for her own achievements,” writes Thurman, “it is mainly by a few libertarian ultras for whom her tract of 1943, ‘The Discovery of Freedom: Man’s Struggle Against Authority,’ is a foundational work of political theory.”
Knowing this woman had some hand in writing the “Little House” books — certainly heavy editing, if not ghost-writing — casts a new light on the books’ proud depiction of hardcore self-reliance (even though, as Thurman points out, the whole family benefited greatly from credit, loans and the government kicking Native Americans off the land they homesteaded). And given the series’ enduring success, that combination of homey, churchy, apple-pie values and a deep distrust of government intervention might have had more of an impact than we realize. Thurman quotes historian Anita Clair Fellman, who argues that Wilder and Lane’s work has had a noticeable influence on today’s political culture. “The popularity of the Little House books … helped create a constituency for politicians like Reagan who sought to unsettle the so-called liberal consensus established by New Deal politics.” (Indeed “Little House on the Prairie” was reportedly Ronald Reagan’s favorite TV show.) Yikes, what a thought!
Yet, despite her writing a libertarian-themed novel one publisher rejected as “artless propaganda” around the same time, Rose didn’t play up any political messages the Little House series contained or her own role in writing them, choosing instead to promote the popular, romanticized version of Laura and her work. For all her personal ambition, says McClure, “For some reason Rose went out of her way to promote the idea of her mother as the sweet little lady pouring out her life in notebooks. She did it at her expense, and maybe ours, too, because I really wish that as a kid I’d gotten to hear more about Rose’s writing life. For God’s sake, the woman spent a whole winter in an unheated Greenwich Village flat typing and sleeping under newspapers, and somehow that’s not as cool as twisting hay?” No kidding! Where the hell was “Little Model T on the European Continent” in my elementary school library?
Even if she is partially to blame for a political landscape that’s made me despair for most of my adult life, there’s no denying that Rose Wilder’s life story is compelling stuff — arguably far more compelling than her mother’s nostalgic stories (and especially the Michael Landonized version of them). Given the mainstream American tastes that keep the Little House books perennially in print, perhaps it’s not surprising that someone who simultaneously lived feminist ideals and righter-than-right politics has gone largely unnoticed, but it’s a shame nonetheless. As McClure put it, the main thing Thurman’s article makes clear is that “someone really needs to write a lively general-interest biography of Rose, one that isn’t academic and doesn’t have an axe to grind.”
What happened to Broadsheet?
Wednesday, Dec 22, 2010 12:20 AM UTCDid the recession prevent teen motherhood?
Some thank the economy for a decline in teenagers giving birth, but contraception is the likelier savior
Teen births hit a record low last year, according to a CDC report released Tuesday, and the narrative quickly taking hold in the media is that we have the recession to thank. It’s a surprising idea, that teenagers are keeping it in their pants because a baby isn’t a prudent choice in the current economic environment. Foresight isn’t what we expect from those creatures of impulse — and, indeed, when is a baby a practical economic choice for a teen? It also struck me that the teen birth rate isn’t the same as the teen pregnancy rate, if you catch my drift (my drift being … abortion). I took my questions to a couple of experts in hopes of some clarity.
“The recession is everyone’s favorite causal explanation for things happening right now,” said Rachel Jones of the Guttmacher Institute. “Other than people conjecturing, there is no evidence that the recession has had a direct impact on teen sexual behaviors.” What we do know, however, is that contraceptive use increased among teens between 2007 and 2009. “We don’t know the reason for that increase,” she explains, and, in fact, it could be the recession — but, again, the truth is we just don’t know. Her no-nonsense take: “It seems if we want to look for reasons for patterns in teen birth rates, [birth control use] is the one indicator that offers us practical insights.”
Bill Albert of the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy shared my initial skepticism about the economic explanation: “I just simply do not know many 16-year-olds who are thinking about bank statements when they hop in the sack.” But he pointed out that while roughly eight out of 10 teen pregnancies are unplanned, “there is a mushy middle ground [of teens who] say, ‘Well, yeah, I wouldn’t want to get pregnant, but it wouldn’t be the worst thing that happened.’” Call it the “mush” factor: Perhaps those ambivalent teens were swayed by firsthand experience of the economic meltdown: “Their parents might be struggling to make house payments,” he said. “They might know neighbors who have lost jobs and can’t find jobs.”
As for the question of whether a decrease in teen births might be linked to an increase in teen abortions, there is a bummer of a data lag: Guttmacher isn’t releasing 2008 stats on pregnancy terminations until early next year. However, says Albert, “if the past is prologue, the answer is probably no. What we have seen over the past two decades is that teen birth rates have gone down because the underlying pregnancy rate has gone down. Put another way, all three — pregnancy, abortion, birth — all tended to be going down at the same time.” Jones agrees: “Teen births and abortions seem to follow the same trajectory,” she said. “We haven’t seen any indicators that abortions have gone a different direction than births.”
You might recall that there was a troubling and unexplained rise in the teen birth rate in 2006 and 2007. Albert says the 2009 finding — which followed a 2008 decrease — suggests the uptick was “an abnormal blip” and that we’re now “resuming a nearly two decade trend toward fewer teen pregnancies and fewer births.” Inexplicably, some abstinence advocates think this report has “exonerated their approach,” reports the Washington Post. Valerie Huber of the National Abstinence Education Association told the paper, “This latest evidence shows that teen behaviors increasingly mirror the skills they are taught in a successful abstinence education program.” Except that … it doesn’t. Says Guttmacher’s Rachel Jones, “The levels of teen sexual activity haven’t changed, which would suggest that there isn’t more abstinence out there — but there was a change in contraceptive use.”
Olbermann still doesn’t get it
The MSNBC host is back on Twitter with a response to his critics -- but he ignores their key complaint
Update: Olbermann has responded on Twitter by blocking me and tweeting, “Your article embarrasses you and your site.”
Back from his self-imposed Twitter timeout, Keith Olbermann is lashing out at his feminist critics. As Sady Doyle explained last week in Salon, the online protest was started in response to Michael Moore’s mischaracterization of the allegations against Julian Assange. Olbermann became a target after retweeting a link from Bianca Jagger that incorrectly claimed “the term ‘rape’ in Sweden includes consensual sex without a condom,” and that named Assange’s accuser (which is generally a journalistic no-no). Overwhelmed by the Twitter campaign, which was waged with the hashtag “mooreandme,” Olbermann quit the microblogging site in a huff. This afternoon, after a few days of calm reflection, he tweeted a link to his thoughts on the matter:
I endorse, sympathize with, and empathize with, the rape consciousness goals of #mooreandme, and have already apologized accordingly. But I cannot defend and will not accept their tactics which mirror so many of the attitudes and threats they fight. I do not know of what Julian Assange is guilty, if anything, and neither does anybody else. But given the extraordinary efforts by Sweden to extradite him, to say he is benefiting from some form of rape apologism is not fact-based. It is also unfair to condemn as anti-feminist those who merely address the juxtaposition of this prosecution to the fact that Assange threatens the secret and nefarious activities of dozens of governments.
But, of course, his antagonists are not condemning him for “merely address[ing] the juxtaposition” (a point Kate Harding made clear in her Salon piece about “the rush to smear Assange’s accuser”). They allege that he spread misinformation about the accusations against Assange. As Doyle wrote, “People trust journalists: If a journalist says something, like ‘the term “rape” in Sweden includes consensual sex without a condom’ (Olbermann’s own, demonstrably false, as-yet-unredacted words), most people will believe that what he has said is true, and act as if it is true, without doing further research.” The protest has consisted of frequent calls for Olbermann to issue a simple correction, to set the record straight for his many followers.
Instead of doing that, though, Olbermann continues: “And I will not engage those who suggest that those who do not prioritize one issue to the exclusion of all others should succumb to forced financial contributions, or should ‘kill themselves.’” He followed up by retweeting one of the messages in question, which read in part, “Seriously, kill yourself.” Then he retweeted a call for him to donate $20,000 to the anti-rape organization RAINN as atonement. His antagonists have been quick to point out that he cherry-picked the “kill yourself” tweet, which is an exception in the thread, and that the call for “financial contributions” is simply in the interest of rape victims. One user wrote, “we WILL NOT be satisfied UNTIL you retract the false information you publicized re: Assange allegations.” Olbermann responded, “you’ll have to accept a block instead.”
It seems Olbermann’s Twitter vacation didn’t help him to raise the level of discourse or realize that, as Doyle put it, his “style of old-media authority doesn’t hold up” online.
Save the children from Hooters?
NOW calls on the breast-obsessed chain to stop serving kids
The National Organization for Women is protesting Hooters. I know: Yawn. Next I’ll be interrupting major sporting events with breaking news that Gloria Steinem isn’t a fan of the “Girls Gone Wild” franchise. But, seriously, the argument at play here is more interesting than it at first seems. It isn’t the breast-obsessed chain’s existence that is being challenged, but rather the fact that Hooters serves children. Clearly, there is abundant evidence that Hooters is guilty of poor taste (see: restaurant name) — but should the chain be forced to card customers at the door and turn away anyone younger than 18? Several California chapters of NOW have filed official complaints alleging just that.
Hooters is described in official business filings as a provider of “vicarious sexual entertainment.” NOW points out that the chain has “used this designation as a way to avoid compliance with regulations against sexual discrimination in the workplace.” The official employment manual warns that a waitress is, as NOW paraphrases, “employed as a sexual entertainer and as part of her employment can expect to be subjected to various sexual jokes by customers and such potential contacts as buttocks slaps.” At the same time, however, Hooters is marketed as a family-friendly restaurant. It offers a kid’s menu, high chairs, booster seats and all sorts of merchandise for little tykes — like a “Life begins at Hooters” T-shirt, an “I’m a boob man” onesie and a “Your crib or mine?” bib.
We could argue over whether Hooters has a healthy impact on a kid’s developing view of women and sex, but I tend to think entertainment and dining decisions should be left up to individual parents. More important, that isn’t the issue at hand. In this case, NOW (which hasn’t always been a model of moderate thinking) has taken the exceedingly reasonable position that Hooters shouldn’t be allowed to have the best of both worlds: Either it functions exclusively as an adult venue, and continues to protect itself (somewhat) from sexual discrimination claims, or it’s held to the same standards as any ol’ family restaurant and gets to keep on serving the kiddies tater tots and creepy onesies.
Why do serial killers target sex workers?
The question is raised after four female bodies are found on a Long Island beach
Authorities search in the brush by the side of the road at Cedar Beach, near Babylon, N.Y., Tuesday, Dec. 14, 2010. Police looking for a missing prostitute on Long Island's Fire Island have discovered three bodies and a set of skeletal remains near Oak Beach since Saturday. Investigators are considering the possibility that a serial killer may have dumped four bodies along the same quarter-mile stretch of beachside road, a police chief said Tuesday. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig) (Credit: AP)
As New York confronts the possibility that there’s a serial killer on the loose, many have taken note that this case looks a lot like what we see in the movies: The victims are all women, and at least one is suspected to be a sex worker. When it comes to serial murder, it turns out fiction really does reflect reality. A report was released last month finding that 70 percent of known victims of serial killers are women (consider that only 22 percent of homicide victims in general are female); and it turns out sex workers are 18 times more likely than “normal” women to be murdered. Why might this be? Well, in the words of the Green River Killer, who targeted prostitutes:
I picked prostitutes as victims because they were easy to pick up without being noticed. I knew they would not be reported missing right away and might never be reported missing. I picked prostitutes because I thought I could kill as many of them as I wanted without getting caught.
Since they’re doing illegal work, sex workers have to be secretive and discreet. They often work in isolated and industrial areas. They get in cars with strangers. There are rarely detailed records of transactions. Many are drug addicts and estranged from their families, so they are less likely to be reported missing. Anyone who knows anything about a girl’s whereabouts is likely involved in the trade themselves, so they aren’t super eager to speak with police. What’s more, as we saw with the Robert Pickton case in Vancouver, police sometimes discount tips from working girls (all the more reason to not risk talking to them in the first place).
It just so happens that Friday is International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers, which was created in memory of the victims of Gary Ridgeway, a.k.a the Green River Killer. Similar to the Pickton case, local sex workers knew Ridgeway’s identity, but, as prostitute-turned-performance artist Annie Sprinkle puts it, they “were afraid to come forward for fear of getting arrested, or the police didn’t believe those that did come forward, or the police didn’t seem to care.”
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