“You may ask,” he replied, but went no further.

Explaining why his Cabinet contained no one from Italy’s fractious political parties, Monti said that his talks with party leaders led him to the conclusion “that the non-presence of politicians in the government would help it.”

German Chancellor Angel Merkel’s spokesman sounded a note of dutiful optimism over the change in command. Steffen Seibert expressed hope Monti’s government would carry out the reforms “so that Italy can win back the trust of markets.”

He said Merkel would “very likely” reach out to Monti once he is sworn in. “She thinks very highly of him. He is an expert who knows the relations in Europe very well,” the spokesman told reporters.

Monti’s ministers include Corrado Passera, CEO of Italy’s second-largest bank, Intesa Sanpaolo SpA, to head Economic Development and Infrastructure; Piero Gnudi, a longtime chairman of Enel utility company, as Tourism and Sport minister in a country heavily dependent on tourist revenues; and the current Italian ambassador to Washington, Giulio Terzi di Sant’Agata, to be foreign minister.

A historian of the Catholic church with close ties to the Vatican, Andrea Riccardi, was named minister of international and domestic cooperation, a choice that seemed to reward pro-Vatican lawmakers in Parliament.

Still, his choices raised some eyebrows.

“This government, ties to banks, to business, to the Vatican, to private universities — to the usual names — is the opposite of what this country needs,” said Paolo Ferrero, leader of Rifondazione Comunista, a tiny, far-left party.

Passera also sits on the board of directors of Milan’s Bocconi University, which forms Italy’s business elite. Monti is currently the head of the Bocconi.

But analysts gave Monti’s selections a top mark, insisting the Cabinet ministers were independent.

“I think the quality of the people is very high,” said Roberto D’Alimonte, a political science professor at Rome’s LUISS University. “All these people are very high-caliber, and highly respected, independent.”

Italy’s economy is hampered by high wage costs, low productivity, fat government payrolls, excessive taxes, choking bureaucracy and low numbers of college graduates. But Monti says Italy can beat the crisis if its largely polarized citizenry — often bitterly divided over Berlusconi’s long tenure — can pull together. He has also met with union leaders and business representatives.

“I hope that, governing well, we can make a contribution to the calming and the cohesion of the political forces,” Monti told reporters.

The head of Italy’s largest union confederation, Susanna Camusso, backed Monti but hoped he “won’t put his priority on pensions.”

Parliament on Saturday voted to raise the retirement age as part of an austerity package to 67 by 2026 and 70 by 2050, but critics say those reforms are meaningless because they are so far in the future. The new changes also call for the sale of state property and privatizing some services but contain no painful labor reforms. They also offer tax incentives to companies that hire young workers to fight Italy’s 25 percent unemployment rate for people ages 15 to 24.

The shift in power away from career politicians had caused bickering within Berlusconi’s conservative People of Freedom Party, which eventually endorsed Monti. But Berlusconi’s main coalition ally, the Northern League, has announced it will stay in the opposition during Monti’s government.

Centrist leader Francesco Rutelli, who heads a pro-Vatican grouping in Parliament, predicted on Sky TG24 TV that Monti’s government would win the confidence votes and last until the end of the legislature in spring 2013, to the dismay of many of Berlusconi’s allies, who want elections in a few months.

The centrists will give Monti “carte blanche,” Rutelli said. He claimed Italians were behind Monti, noting the popularity of an anagram of Mario Monti’s name — “rimontiamo,” which in Italian means “let’s make a comeback.”

But not everyone was enthusiastic about an unelected government.

“When governments of technocrats are needed, it means democracy and politics are considered useless, so it’s something negative that has to be for a limited period of time,” said skeptic Giuseppe Drago on the streets of Rome.

Right before he announced he had managed to assemble a Cabinet, Monti spent more than two hours huddling with the Italian president, Giorgio Napolitano, who only a few days earlier had named the economics professor as a senator-for-life, one of the nation’s highest honors.

The last-minute consultations was widely seen as reflecting the difficulties Monti had in securing the support of Berlusconi’s party.

Monti reportedly had wanted to put Berlusconi’s longtime right-hand man, Gianni Letta, in the Cabinet, along with former Socialist premier Giuliano Amato, to give both center-right and center-left coalitions a sense their weight was reflected in the new government. Monti had met through the night with Berlusconi’s hand-picked political party heir, Angelino Alfano, to smoother over tensions.

Tapped as defense minister is Adm. Giampaolo Di Paola, currently NATO’s top military officer. He was due to step down from the NATO post in 2012.

Three ministers are university professors, like Monti. And three are women, reflecting Monti’s insistence that women hold more high-profile posts in government.

The Association of Magistrates — which had an antagonistic relationship with the previous government of oft-prosecuted Berlusconi — welcomed the appointment of Paola Severino and pledged its support to improve the justice system.

Monti said he put one person, Passera, in charge of economic development and infrastructure — often split into two ministries — to make sure that there is good coordination on projects that can boost economic growth.

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Colleen Barry reported from Milan.