Colorado

Governor or Big Oil spokesman?

A new ad paid for by the oil lobby features Colorado Gov. Hickenlooper shamelessly shilling for the industry

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Governor or Big Oil spokesman? (Credit: AP/Chris Schneider)

In the world of advertising, nothing is more quintessentially American than the corporate endorser. From Michael Jordan’s storied history at Nike to Sam Waterston’s ubiquitous television presence as the face of TD Ameritrade, Big Business regularly relies on the reflected credibility of a famous spokesman to sell products.

So, in our age of money-dominated politics, it was only a matter of time before a sitting elected officeholder opted to moonlight as a spokesperson for a set of corporations that do business with the government. And not just a de facto mouthpiece who happens to politically align with said companies — but an official spokesperson who appears in paid ads on behalf of those private interests.

Thanks to Colorado’s Democratic Gov. John Hickenlooper, we’ve now reached that moment.

In a new statewide radio ad financed by the Colorado Oil and Gas Association, Hickenlooper promotes oil and gas drilling as it moves closer to major population centers in his state. Not to be confused with the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission, which is a governmental agency, the ad sponsor COGA is the official trade association and lobbying arm of the state’s oil and gas companies — an organization that is dedicated to preventing Colorado from better regulating oil and gas drilling.

Hickenlooper has helped achieve that goal. First he appointed a campaign donor from the oil and gas industry to a key regulatory position. Then he used a speech to oil and gas executives to insist that hydrofracking, a controversial drilling process, is perfectly safe, despite Environmental Protection Agency, Duke University and even industry-acknowledged evidence to the contrary. Then he used his State of the State address to deride local regulation of oil and gas drilling, which had the practical effect of killing the legislative initiative to allow municipalities some control over drilling in their communities. Then, after another EPA report found evidence of fracking-related groundwater pollution in neighboring Wyoming, Hickenlooper publicly heralded news of a planned fracking operation just a few miles from downtown Denver.

Now come the ads, featuring Hickenlooper’s stunning statement about drilling safety. In the spots, he insists that after the state Legislature passed some minimal drilling disclosure laws in 2008, Colorado has “not had one instance of groundwater contamination associated with drilling and hydraulic fracturing.”

Notice how Hickenlooper broadens his assertion beyond just fracking — he’s talking about all drilling, which, of course, makes his statements even more patently false.

In a letter to Hickenlooper, a group of environmental organizations protesting the ads notes that his own COGCC’s reports issued in October and last month “make clear that contamination of groundwater remains an ongoing issue with oil and gas development.” Additionally, as the Denver Post reports, under Hickenlooper’s watch, Colorado has experienced a wave of spills associated with drilling, some of which have contaminated groundwater — and Hickenlooper’s administration has responded to those spills by waiving penalties against oil and gas companies (emphasis added):

Colorado’s wave of gas and oil drilling is resulting in spills at the rate of seven every five days — releasing more than 2 million gallons this year of diesel, oil, drilling wastewater and chemicals that contaminated land and water…But a Denver Post analysis finds state regulators rarely penalize companies responsible for spills…

Among the latest: Anadarko Petroleum subsidiary Kerr-McGee on Aug. 12, Aug. 22 and Aug. 24 spilled cancer-causing benzene at concentrations exceeding state standards by as much as 320 times, and other chemicals from corroded equipment near wetlands in Weld County. The spills contaminated groundwater and, in one case, the Boulder White Rock irrigation canal and South Boulder Creek.

Put Hickenlooper’s past statements, appointments, enforcement record and now new ads together, throw in his recent statements questioning whether climate change is even happening, and you see a politician who is loyally paying back a fossil-fuel industry that was one of his biggest financiers. As the Institute for Money in State Politics reports, Hickenlooper received a whopping $73,666 from the oil and gas industry in his 2010 campaign for governor. That industry is now getting a handsome return on its investment — and not just short term in Colorado, but potentially within the national Democratic Party.

With Hickenlooper considered one of his party’s rising stars, speculation is already simmering about his possible run for the White House in 2016. Should he get there, the oil and gas industry would get there with him, meaning one day yet another barrier might be broken: We might not have a mere governor serving as the official public spokesperson for the oil and gas industry in its ads — we may see our president assume that role.

David Sirota

David Sirota is a best-selling author of the new book "Back to Our Future: How the 1980s Explain the World We Live In Now." He hosts the morning show on AM760 in Colorado. E-mail him at ds@davidsirota.com, follow him on Twitter @davidsirota or visit his website at www.davidsirota.com.

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Is Colorado's rejection of same-sex civil unions a moral or political issue?

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Greed isn’t good for the government

Mitt Romney wants to run America like a business. That's a disastrous idea

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Greed isn't good for the government (Credit: Reuters/Brian Snyder)

Among the most insulting memes in the national debate about government are those about leadership — in particular, the three-pronged notion that assumes that 1) running a public institution requires no public-sector experience at all, 2) public sector experience is something inherently bad, and 3) a public institution will actually benefit from an infiltration of business executives, because those bare-knuckled suits will “run government like a business.”

Bizarre as it sounds in the post-financial-meltdown era — how can anyone want a Wall Street executive running anything? — the idea persists, and with few real challenges to its fundamental premises. Indeed, the leading candidate for the Republican nomination, Mitt Romney, is a guy with just four years of experience in government (far less than even President Barack Obama had when he ran for president) — a guy whose entire candidacy is predicated on the notion that only the ruthlessness and know-how of a private equity barbarian can get the government to start doing what needs to be done.

The unasked question, of course, is whether there is any truth to those assumptions. That question raises other uncomfortable ones, such as: What actually happens when corporate executives with zero relevant experience run public institutions? And what do those institutions do when said executives run them “like private businesses”?

While there’s no single answer for every case, three archetypal stories from my home state of Colorado underscore the typical — and predictable — results.

This is a state whose political culture so loathes the notion of public service and so deifies the Heroic Corporate Executive that a virtual unknown — Bush family member Walker Stapleton — was recently elected to the State Treasurer’s office on the basis of a television ad campaign that featured the candidate bragging: “I haven’t spent a day of my career inside of government and my opponent hasn’t spent a day of her career outside of government.” Not surprisingly, Stapleton has brought corporate greed-is-good narcissism and ethics-free mentality into state government, making early headlines with a precedent-setting plan to simultaneously run the Treasurer’s office — which oversees public investments — and keep his job as a private real estate investment executive. In other words, Stapleton has shown that bringing the cutthroat, profit-focused mission of business into government often means forcing the public to accept potentially huge conflicts of interests that could cost taxpayers dearly.

Likewise, the Denver Public School system will be struggling for years to clean up the financial disaster wrought by two corporate executives, Michael Bennet and Thomas Boasberg, who were granted school leadership positions despite having no experience running education institutions.

Bennet became superintendent in 2005, after previously serving as a Clinton administration lawyer, a corporate raider for right-wing billionaire Philip Anschutz and a political aide to Denver’s mayor. Boasberg, a telecom lawyer and Bennet’s lifelong friend from their days at St. Albans in Washington, was appointed deputy superintendent. Within a few years, the pair had brought Corporate America’s fast-and-loose accounting tricks into the schools, cutting a pension refinancing deal with major Wall Street banks — one that used complex interest-rate swaps to enrich those banks, while putting the school system’s long-term finances in serious jeopardy.

Then there is Colorado’s public university system, now run by oilman and former Republican Party Chairman Bruce Benson. Having no experience running a public higher education system, Benson’s tenure has been marked by callous “let them eat cake” declarations and financial scandals.

These last few months have been illustrative. With U.S. News and World Report noting the comparatively high cost of attending the University of Colorado, and with pressure building to make CU more affordable, Benson callously declared, “I’ve never heard a complaint from parents that tuition at CU is too high.” Then, like a CEO quietly juking an earnings report to hide big giveaways to executives, Benson tried to ram through a massive 15 percent tuition increase as quickly as possible, explicitly to avoid media attention — all after using the previous year’s tuition hike to finance huge bonuses to already-wealthy CU administrators.

Of course, recounting this trio of cautionary tales is not to argue that prior public-sector experience is always a prerequisite for effective stewardship of public institutions. But it is to suggest that the dominant “run government like a business” sloganeering obscures an important truth: namely, that public administration is a professional expertise unto itself — one whose nonprofit mission, obligation to taxpayers, and responsibilities to the common good are fundamentally different from the private sector’s objectives.

This is why putting public power in the hands of those who have no experience using it always brings a risk – and, as these events prove, those risks are much greater than the standard concerns that corporate human resources departments fret over when hiring an employee with no relevant experience. And yet, from electing governors with no public-sector experience to voting the Tea Party’s businessmen-turned-politicians into Congress, the zeal to corporatize the government is somehow intensifying. Even at the most local level, we see its pernicious effects. As Joanne Barkan previously reported in Dissent magazine, corporate-financed foundations are now working to replace experienced public servants with employees who have no relevant experience whatsoever:

The mission of both is to move professionals from their current careers in business, the military, law, government, and so on into jobs as superintendents and upper-level managers of urban public school districts. In their new jobs, they can implement the foundation’s agenda…

According to the Web site, “graduates of the program currently work as superintendents or school district executives in 53 cities across 28 states. In 2009, 43 percent of all large urban superintendent openings were filled by Broad Academy graduates.”

The second project, the Broad Residency, places professionals with master’s degrees and several years of work experience into full-time managerial jobs in school districts, charter school management organizations, and federal and state education departments…It’s another success story for Broad, which has placed more than two hundred residents in more than fifty education institutions.

After the collapse of Enron, the accounting industry scandals, the disastrous effects of Halliburton CEO Dick Cheney’s vice presidency, and the Wall Street implosion, you’d think we’d be moving in the other direction — you’d think we’d be more wary about putting businesspeople in government, and more focused on valuing those with public sector experience. But, instead, the era of polarized politics has created a bizarre psychology in which America now sees the public servant as a Public Enemy, and the corporate executive as the government savior.

Until we recognize the paradox in that thinking, we should expect the same horrifying results from the public sector that we’ve lately seen in the private sector.

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David Sirota

David Sirota is a best-selling author of the new book "Back to Our Future: How the 1980s Explain the World We Live In Now." He hosts the morning show on AM760 in Colorado. E-mail him at ds@davidsirota.com, follow him on Twitter @davidsirota or visit his website at www.davidsirota.com.