Bernie Sanders (AP/Steve Helber)

This speech could reignite Bernie Sanders: Here's the argument he needs to make about capitalism

Sanders need to broaden his critique of the economy. If he makes this case, he'll re-inspire millions


Michael Lerner
March 4, 2016 10:54PM (UTC)

Despite the media's proclaiming the election over, Bernie Sanders still has another 35 states in which to compete--and he could still win, despite the media's attempt to discourage his supporters. But he needs to expand his message. Here's how.

Sanders has been the most articulate and effective elected official critic of capitalism’s negative impact on America’s poor and middle class since Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Those who are moved by that critique will rally to him. Sadly, that is not even a majority of voting Democrats, much less of the country as a whole, which explains why he hasn’t captured the hearts of a majority of Democratic Party presidential primary voters.

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Bernie uses every public opportunity to show how unjust the economic system is toward the most vulnerable. And he is right.

What he fails to do is help the rest of the American public understanding that some of their biggest heartaches are also tied to capitalism--not because it doesn’t give them enough economic returns or the ability to consume more, but because it promotes values that are destructive to human relationships and families , popularizes an ethos of “looking out for number one” and popularizes materialism and self-destructive self-blaming.

I learned about this as principle investigator of an NIMH-sponsored research project on stress at work and stress in family life. What my team heard from thousands of middle income working class people was that there was a huge spiritual crisis in American society generated by the experience most middle income non-professional people have in the world of work.

It’s hard for professionals and the upper middle class to believe this, but most people spend most of their awake hours each work day doing work that feels meaningless and unfulfilling. They quickly learn that their sole value in the marketplace is the degree to which they can contribute directly or indirectly to the old “bottom line” of money and power of those who own and manage the corporations, businesses and other institutions where they find employment. Moreover, they learn that those who are most successful are those who have learned best how to maximize their own advantage without regard to the well being of others in the work world outside their particular work unit, or the well being of those buying their goods or services.

What we learned was that most working-class people (not all, just most) come away from their work with a complex set of seemingly contradictory feelings. On the one hand, they hate the values of selfishness and materialism they see surrounding them at work and brought home by everyone they know. On the other hand, they believe that everyone is so completely enmeshed in those values that selfishness just is “the real world” and that they themselves have no choice but to seek to maximize their own advantage wherever they can. They find relief from this when they go to church, synagogue or mosque, identify with those spiritual or religious values, but are so depressed by their daily work-world experience that they feel those alternative values have no chance of working in the “real world.”

Moreover, from their earliest experiences in school they have been immersed in the capitalist indoctrination into the fantasy that they live in a meritocracy, and that “anyone can make it if they deserve to.” As a result, they blame themselves for the lack of fulfillment in their lives. And they blame themselves for not being better at “looking out for number one” and maximizing their own self-interest.

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The result is a society increasingly filled with people who see each other through the framework of capitalist values: other people are valuable primarily to the extent that they can satisfy our own needs and desires, rather than seeing them as intrinsically valuable just for who they are regardless of what they can deliver for us.

No wonder, then, that so many people feel lonely and scared. They see themselves as surrounded by people who have internalized the “look out for number one” ethos of the capitalist marketplace. Many notice these same attitudes in friends, even in one’s spouse. Some report that their children have picked up these same values and look at their parent with a “what have you done for me lately” attitude. So increasing numbers of people feel afraid not only because there is no effective societal mechanism to protect them should they be out of money or in need of too-expensive-to-afford health care and pharmaceuticals, but also because they fear that no one will really be there for them when they are most vulnerable and in need of caring from others, Of course these dynamics play out differently depending on one’s own circumstances, but they are prevalent enough to make many people feel bad about themselves and worried about the enduring quality of their most important relationships.

Bernie Sanders could help tens of millions of Americans reduce their self-blaming were he to help people see that his campaign against capitalism is not just about its unjust allocation of economic well-being, but also and most importantly about how to strengthen loving relationships, friendships and family life by repudiating the values of the marketplace, rejecting the meritocratic fantasies that lead to self-blame, and embracing a New Bottom Line. If his democratic socialism also included the insistence that work provide people with the opportunity to satisfy the deep human need to see their lives contributing to the best interests of the planet and the best interests of the human race, rather than solely to the interests of maximizing the income of the wealthiest, he would be embracing what I once called a “Politics of Meaning” and now call a spiritual politics defined by a New Bottom Line.

Instead of judging institutions, corporations, government policies, our economic system, our legal system and our educational system as efficient, rational and productive to the extent that they maximize money and power (the Old Bottom Line), the New Bottom Line would also include in this assessment how much these institutions and social practices enhance our human capacities for love and generosity, kindness and ethical behavior, environmental responsibility sustainability, our ability to transcend narrow utilitarian ways of seeing other human beings and the earth, so that we can see others as embodiments of the sacred and respond to the magnificence of this planet and the universe with awe, wonder and radical amazement rather than just seeing them as “resources” to be used for our own needs.

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It seems unlikely that Bernie would be capable of articulating this approach, given the narrow economic frame of his campaign so far. But if he did, he would not only have a far better chance of becoming our next president, but would also set the terms for a real political revolution based on fulfilling the psycho-spiritual needs of an American electorate so deeply frustrated by the society that it has been willing to embrace candidates on the right whose outrageous proposals mirror the inner rage people are feeling, which has too often been directed against themselves and which right-wing demagogues are now helping them reduce self-blaming by blaming feminists, African-Americans, Latinos, the undocumented, Mexicans, Muslims, refugees or foreign terrorists for the pain that has been simmering for so many years.

Talking this way would make him the candidate most to speak to those people who have turned to the right, not because the right has any solution to the problems, but because at least it understands in the way neither Hillary Clinton nor Barack Obama have been able to grasp, the deep anger, frustration and outrage that right-wing demagogues have been able to channel. If Bernie can’t move in this direction, the rest of us need a new political party whose central focus should be on building a world of love and justice by explicitly addressing the psycho-spiritual crisis that is capitalism’s enduring legacy. Just as the Tea Party operated both outside and inside the Republican Party, a Love and Justice party that addressed the pain in people's lives and linked it to the selfishness and materialism generated by the capitalist system could be the force that captured the Democratic Party for a new way of understanding and challenging the ethos of thecompetitive marketplace. So if Bernie can't or won't do it, we have to do it ourselves. And that could change everything.


Michael Lerner

Rabbi Michael Lerner is editor of Tikkun Magazine and author of "Embracing Israel/Palestine" and the forthcoming "Revolutionary Love: A Political Manifesto to Heal and Transform the World." (University of California Press, October 2019).

MORE FROM Michael Lerner

Related Topics ------------------------------------------

Bernie Sanders Capitalism Democratic Socialist Elections 2016 Hillary Clinton Socialism

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